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CLASS   OF    1876 

Cornell  University  Library 
DS  409.C97 

The  ancient  geqgraphv.of  India 

3   1924  023  029  485 

f  mm 





Cornell  University 

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A   ■".'i.inMngVwLn-j   inl^ 









"  Venun  et  terrena  demoDstratio  intelligatar, 
Alezandri  Magni  vestigiiB  insistamns." — PHnii  Hist.  Nat.  vi.  17. 




[All  Sights  reserved.'] 






ETC.    ETC., 
WHO    HAS    HIMSELF     DONE    SO     MUCH 
■^  TO    THROW    LIGHT    ON 




BY      HIS     FRIEND, 



The  Geography  of  India  may  be  conveniently  divided 
into  a  few  distinct  sections,  each  broadly  named  after 
the  prevailing  religious  and  political  character  of  the 
period  which  it  embraces,  as  the  Brahnanical,  the 
Buddhist^  and  the  Muhammadan. 

The  Brahmanical  period  would  trace  the  gradual 
extension  of  the  Aryan  race  over  Northern  India,  from 
their  first  occupation  of  the  Panjab  to  the  rise  of 
Buddhism,  and  would  comprise  the  whole  of  the  Pre- 
historic, or  earliest  section  of  their  history,  duiing 
which  time  the  religion  of  the  Vedas  was  the  pre- 
vailing belief  of  the  country. 

The  Buddhist  period,  or  Ancient  Geography  of  India, 
would  embrace  the  rise,  extension,  and  decline  of  the 
Buddhist  faith,  from  the  era  of  Buddha,  to  the 
conquests  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  during  the  greater 
part  of  which  time  Buddhism  was  the  dominant  reli- 
gion of  the  country. 

The  Muhammadan  period,  or  Modern  Geography 
of  India,  would  embrace  the  rise  and  extension  of 
the  Muhammadan  power,  from  the  time  of  Mahmud  of 
Ghazni  to  the  battle  of  Plassey,  or  about  750  years, 
during  which  time  the  Musalm§,ns  were  the  paramount 
sovereigns  of  India. 


The  illustration  of  the  Yedic  period  has  already 
been  made  the  subject  of  a  separate  work  by  M.  Vivien 
de  Saint-Martin,  whose  valuable  essay*  on  this  early 
section  of  Indian  Geography  shows  how  much  interest- 
ing information  may  be  elicited  from  the  Hymns  of 
the  Yedas,  by  an  able  and  careful  investigator. 

The  second,  or  Ancient  period,  has  been  partially 
illustrated  by  H.  H.  Wilson,  in  his  '  Ariana  Antiqua,' 
and  by  Professor  Lassen,  in  his  '  Pentapotamia  Indica.' 
These  works,  however,  refer  only  to  North-west  India ; 
but  the  Geography  of  the  whole  country  has  been 
ably  discussed  by  Professor  Lassen,  in  his  large  work 
on  Ancient  India, f  and  still  more  fully  by  M.  de  Saint- 
Martin,  in  two  special  essays, — the  one  on  the  Geo- 
graphy of  India,  as  derived  from  Greek  and  Latin 
sources,  and  the  other  in  an  Appendix  to  M.  Julien's 
translation  of  the  Life  and  Travels  of  the  Chinese 
pilgrim  Hwen  Thsang.J  His  researches  have  been 
conducted  with  so  much  care  and  success  that  few 
places  have  escaped  identification.  But  so  keen  is 
his  critical  sagacity,  that  in  some  cases  where  the 
imperfection  of  our  maps  rendered  actual  identi- 
fication quite  impossible,  he  has  indicated  the  true 
positions  within  a  few  miles. 

For  the  illustration  of  the  third,  or  Modern  period, 
ample  materials  exist  in  the  numerous  histories  of  the 
Muhammadan  States  of  India.  No  attempt,  so  far  as  I 
am  aware,  has  yet  been  made  to  mark  the  limits  of  the 
several  independent  kingdoms  that  were  established 

*  '  Etude  sur  la  Geograpbie  et  Ics  populations  primitives  du  Nord- 
Ouest  de  I'lude,  d'apres  les  Hymnes  Vediques.'     Paris,  1859. 

t  'Indische  Altertluimskiinde."   4  vols.     Bonn. 

X  Etude  sur  la  Geographie  Grecque  et  Latine  de  I'lnde,'  1858.  M. 
Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  vol.  iii.  p.  251  ;  "Mcmoire  Analytique,"  etc. 


in  the  fifteenth  century,  during  the  troubles  which 
followed  the  invasion  of  Timur.  The  history  of  this 
period  is  very  confused,  owing  to  the  want  of  a  special 
map,  showing  the  boundaries  of  the  different  Muham- 
madan  kingdoms  of  Delhi,  Jonpur,  Bengal,  Malwa, 
Gujarat,  Sindh,  Multan,  and  Kulbarga,  as  well  as  the 
different  Hindu  States,  such  as  Gwalior  and  others, 
which  became  independent  about  the  same  time. 

I  have  selected  the  Buddhist  period,  or  Ancient 
Geography  of  India,  as  the  subject  of  the  present 
inquiry,  as  I  believe  that  the  peculiarly  favourable 
opportunities  of  local  investigation  which  I  enjoyed 
during  a  long  career  in  India,  will  enable  me  to  de- 
termine with  absolute  certainty  the  sites  of  many  of 
the  most  important  places  in  India. 

My  chief  guides  for  the  period  which  I  have  under- 
taken to  illustrate,  are  the  campaigns  of  Alexander 
in  the  fourth  century  before  Christ,  and  the  travels 
of  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  Ilwen  Thsang,  in  the  seventh 
century  after  Christ.  The  pilgrimage  of  tnis  Chinese 
priest  forms  an  epoch  of  as  much  interest  and  import- 
ance for  the  Ancient  History  and  Geography  of  India, 
as  the  expedition  of  Alexander  the  Great.  The  actual 
campaigns  of  the  Macedonian  conqueror  were  confined 
to  the  valley  of  the  Indus  and  its  tributaries ;  but  the 
information  collected  by  himself  and  his  companions, 
and  by  the  subsequent  embassies  and  expeditions  of 
the  Seleukide  kings  of  Syria,  embraced  the  whole 
valley  of  the  Ganges  on  the  north,  the  eastern  and 
western  coasts  of  the  peninsula,  and  some  scattered 
notices  of  the  interior  of  the  country.  This  infor- 
mation was  considerably  extended  by  the  systematic 
inquiries  of  Ptolemy,  whose  account  is  the  more  valu- 


able,  as  it  belongs  to  a  period  just  midway*  between 
tbe  date  of  Alexander  and  that  of  Hwen  Thsang,  at 
which  time  the  greater  part  of  North-west  India  had 
been  subjected  by  the  Indo-Scythians. 

With  Ptolemy,  we  lose  the  last  of  our  great  classi- 
cal authorities  ;  and,  until  lately,  we  were  left  almost 
entirely  to  our  own  judgment  in  connecting  and 
arranging  the  various  geographical  fragments  that  lie 
buried  in  ancient  inscriptions,  or  half  hidden  in  the 
vague  obscurity  of  the  Puranas.  But  the  fortunate 
discovery  of  the  travels  of  several  Chinese  pilgrims 
in  the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  centuries  of  the  Chris- 
tian era,  has  thrown  such  a  flood  of  light  upon  this 
hitherto  dark  period,  that  we  are  now  able  to  see  our 
way  clearly  to  the  general  arrangement  of  most  of 
the  scattered  fragments  of  the  Ancient  Geography  of 

The  Chinese  pilgrim  Fa-Hian  was  a  Buddhist 
priest,  who  travelled  through  India  from  the  banks  of 
the  Upper  Indus  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges,  between 
the  years  399  and  413  a.d.  Unfortunately  his  journal 
is  very  concise,  and  is  chiefly  taken  up  with  the  de- 
scription of  the  sacred  spots  and  objects  of  his  reli- 
gion, but  as  he  usually  gives  the  bearings  and  dis- 
tances of  the  chief  places  in  his  route,  his  short  notices 
are  very  valuable.  The  travels  of  the  second  Chinese 
pilgrim,  Sung-Tun,  belong  to  the  year  502  a.d.,  but  as 
they  were  confined  to  the  Kabul  valley  and  North- 
west Panjab,  they  are  of  much  less  importance,  more 

*  Campaign  of  Alexander,  b.c.3.30,  and  Ptolemy's  '  Geography,'  a.d. 
150,  or  480  years  laler.  Beginning  of  Hwen  Thsang's  travels  in  India, 
A.D.  03O,  or  just  480  years  after  Ptolemy. 


especially   as  his  journal  is  particularly  meagre  in 
geographical  notices.* 

The  third  Chinese  pilgrim,  Hwen  Thsang,  was  also 
a  Buddhist  priest,  who  spent  nearly  fifteen  years  of 
his  life  in  India  in  studying  the  famous  Vooks  of  his 
religion,  and  in  visiting  all  the  holy  places  of  Buddhism. 
For  the  translation  of  his  travels  we  are  wholly  in- 
debted to  M.  Stanislas  Julien,  who  with  unwearied 
resolution  devoted  his  great  abilities  for  no  less  than 
twenty  years  to  the  acquirement  of  the  Sanskrit  and 
Chinese  languages  for  this  special  purpose,  f  The  period 
of  Hwen  Thsang's  travels  extended  from  a.d.  629  to 
645.  During  that  time  he  visited  most  of  the  great 
cities  throughout  the  country,  from  Kabul  and  Kashmir 
to  the  mouths  of  the  Ganges  and  Indus,  and  from 
NepM  to  Kanchipura  near  Madras.  The  pilgrim 
entered  Kabul  from  the  north-west,  via  Bamian,  about 
the  end  of  May,  a.d.  630,  and  after  many  wanderings 
and  several  long  halts,  crossed  the  Indus  at  Ohind  in 
April  of  the  following  year.  He  spent  several  months 
in  Taxila  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  the  holy  places  of 
Buddhism,  and  then  proceeded  to  Kashmir,  where  he 
stayed  for  two  whole  years  to  study  some  of  the  more 
learned  works  of  his  religion.  On  his  journey  east- 
ward he  visited  the  ruins  of  Sarigala^  so  famous  in  the 
history  of  Alexander,  and  after  a  stay  of  fourteen 
months  in  Chinapati^  and  of  four  months  in  Jdland/tara, 
for  the  further  study  of  his  religion  he  crossed  the 
Satlej  in  the  autumn  of  a.d.  635.  From  thence  his 
onward  course  was  more  devious,  as  several  times  he 

*  The  travels  of  both  of  these  pilgrims  have  been  most  carefully 
and  ably  translated  by  the  Eev.  S.  Beal. 
t  Max  Miiller's  '  Buddhism  and  Buddhist  Pilgrims,'  p.  30. 


retraced  his  steps  to  visit  places  which  had  heen  left 
behind  in  his  direct  easterly  route.  Thus,  after  having 
reached  Mathura  he  returned  to  the  north-west,  a  dis- 
tance of  200  miles  to  Thdnesar,  from  whence  he  re- 
sumed his  easterly  route  via  Srughna  on  the  Jumna, 
and   Gangadwdra  on  the  Ganges  to  AhicJthatra,   the 
capital  of  Northern  Panchdla,   or    Eohilkhand.      He 
next  recrossed  the  Ganges  to  visit  the  celebrated  cities 
of  SanMsa,  Kanoj,  and  Kosdmbi  in  the  Do^b,  and  then 
turning  northward  into  Oudh  he  paid  his  devotions  at 
the  holy  places  of  Ayodhya  and  Srdvasti.    From  thence 
he  resumed  his  easterly  route  to  visit  the  scenes  of 
Buddha's  birth  and  death  at  Kapilavasfu  and  Kasina- 
gara ;  and  then  once  more  returned  to  the  westward 
to  the  holy  city  of  Bandras^  where  Buddha  first  began 
to  teach  his  religion.   Again  resuming  his  easterly  route 
he  visited  the  famous  city  of  Vaisdli  in  Tirhdt,  from 
whence  he  made  an  excursion  to  Nei>al,  and  then  re- 
tracing his  steps  to  Vaisali  he  crossed  the  Ganges  to 
the  ancient  city  of  PdtaVqmira,  or  Palibothra.     From 
thence  he  proceeded  to  pay  his  devotions  at  the  mi- 
merous  holy  places  around  Gaya,  from  the  sacred  fig- 
tree  at  Bodh  Gaga,  under  which  Buddha  sat  for  five 
years   in   mental  abstraction,    to    the  craggy  hill   of 
Girigek,  where  Buddha  explained  his  religious  views 
to  the  god  Indra.     He  next  visited  the  ancient  cities 
of  Kusdgarapura  and   liajagriha,  the  early  capitals  of 
Magadha,  and  the  great   monastery  of   Ndlanda,   the 
most  famous   seat  of   Buddhist  learning   throughout 
India,  where  he  halted  for  fifteen  months  to  study  the 
Sanskrit  language.     Towards  the  end  of  a.d.  638  he 
resumed  his  easterly  route,  following  the  course  of  the 
Ganges  to  Modagivi  and  Cham2)a,  and  then  crossing  the 


river  to  the  north  he  visited  Paundra  Varddhana,  or 
Pubna,  and  Kdmarupa,  or  Assam. 

Having  now  reached  the  most  easterly  district  of 
India  he  turned  towards  the  south,  and  passing  through 
Samatafa^  or  Jessore,  and  TdmralipH,  or  Tamluk,  he 
reached  Odra,  or  Orissa,  early  in  a.d.  639.  Continuing 
his  southerly  route  he  visited  Ganjam  and  Kalinga^  and 
then  turning  to  the  north-west  he  reached  Ko^ala^  or 
Berar,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  peninsula.  Then  re- 
suming his  southerly  course  he  passed  through 
Andhra^  or  Teling^na  to  Bhanakakata,  or  Amaravati 
on  the  Kistna  river,  where  he  spent  many  months  in 
the  study  of  Buddhist  literature.  Leaving  this  place 
early  in  a.d.  640  he  pursued  his  southerly  course  to 
KdncJiipura,  or  Conjeveram,  the  capital  of  Dravida, 
where  his  further  progress  in  that  direction  was 
stopped  by  the  intelligence  that  Ceylon  was  then  in  a 
very  troubled  state  consequent  on  the  recent  death  of 
the  king.  This  statement  is  specially  valuable  for  the 
purpose  of  verifying  the  dates  of  the  pilgrim's  arrival 
at  different  places,  which  I  have  calculated  according 
to  the  actual  distances  travelled  and  the  stated  duration 
of  his  halts.*  Now  the  troubled  state  of  Ceylon  fol- 
lowed immediately  after  the  death  of  Eaja  Buna-Mu- 
galdn,  who  was  defeated  and  killed  in  a.d.  639 ;  and  it 
is  only  reasonable  to  infer  that  the  Ceylonese  monks, 
whom  the  pilgrim  met  at  K^nchipura,  must  have  left 
their  country  at  once,  and  have  reached  that  place 
early  in  a.d.  640,  which  accords  exactly  with  my 
calculation  of  the  traveller's  movements. 

From  Dravida  Hwen  Thsang  turned  his  steps  to 
the  north,    and  passing  through  Konkana   and    Ma- 

*  See  Appendix  A  for  the  Chronology  of  Hwen  Thsang's  Travels. 


lidrdshtra  arrived  at  B/idroch  on  the  Narbada,  from 
whence,  after  visiting  Ujain  and  Balabhi  and  several 
smaller  states,  he  reached  Sindh  and  Multan  towards 
the  end  of  a.d.  641.  He  then  suddenly  returned  to 
Maffadha,  to  the  great  monasteries  of  Ndlanda  and 
Tiladhaka^  where  he  remained  for  two  months  for  the 
solution  of  some  religious  doubts  by  a  famous  Bud- 
dhist teacher  named  Prajnabhadra.  He  next  paid  a 
second  visit  to  Kdmrup,  or  Assam,  where  he  halted 
for  a  month.  Early  in  a.d.  643  he  was  once  more  at 
Pdtalipufra,  where  he  joined  the  camp  of  the  great 
king  Harsha  Varddhana,  or  Siladitya,  the  paramount 
sovereign  of  northern  India,  who  was  then  attended 
by  eighteen  tributary  princes,  for  the  purpose  of  add- 
ing dignity  to  the  solemn  performance  of  the  rites  of 
the  Quinquennial  Assembly.  The  pilgrim  marched  in 
the  train  of  this  great  king  from  Pdtaliputra  through 
Praydya  and  Kosuinbi  to  Kanoj.  He  gives  a  minute 
description  of  the  religious  festivals  that  were  held  at 
these  places,  which  is  specially  interesting  for  the 
light  which  it  throws  on  the  public  performance  of 
the  Buddhist  religion  at  that  particular  period.  At 
Kanoj  he  took  leave  of  Harsha  Varddhana,  and  re- 
sumed his  route  to  the  north-west  in  company  with 
Eaja  Udhita  of  Jalandhara,  at  whose  capital  he  halted 
for  one  month.  In  this  part  of  his  journey  his  pro- 
gress was  necessarily  slow,  as  he  had  collected  many 
statues  and  a  large  number  of  religious  books,  which 
he  carried  with  him  on  baggage  elephants.*  Fifty 
of  his  manuscripts  were  lost  on  crossing  over  the 
Indus  at  Utaldianda,  or  Ohind.  The  pilgrim  himself 
forded  the  river  on  an  elephant,  a  feat  which  can  only 

*  M.  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Tlisang,'  i.  262,  263. 


be  performed  during  the  months '  of  December,  Janu- 
ary and  February,  before  the  stream  begins  to  rise 
from  the  melted  snows.     According  to  my  calcula- 
tions, he  crossed  the  Indus  towards  the  end  of  A..D. 
643.     At  Utakhanda  he  halted  for  fifty  days  to  obtain 
fresh  copies  of  the  manuscripts  which  had  been  lost 
in  the  Indus,  and  then  proceeded  to  Lamghan  in  com- 
pany with  the  King  of  Kapisa.     As  one  month  was 
occupied  in  this  journey,  he  could  not  have  reached 
Lamghflm  until  the  middle  of  March,   a.d.   644,  or 
about  three  months  before  the  usual  period,  when  the 
passes  of  the  Hindu  Kush  become  practicable.     This 
fact  is  sufficient  to  account  for  his  sudden  journey  of 
fifteen  days  to  the  south  to  the  district  of  Falana^  or 
Banu,  from  whence  he  reached  Kapisa  via  Kabul  and 
Ghazni  about  the  beginning  of  July.     Here  he  again 
halted  to  take  part  in  a  religious  assembly,  so  that  he 
could  not  have  left  Kapisa  until  about  the  middle  of 
July  A.D.  644,  or  just  fourteen  years  after  his  first 
entry  into   India   from  Bamian.      From   Kapisa   he 
passed  up  the  Panjshir  valley  and  over  the  Khawak 
Pass  to  Anderab,  where  he  must  have  arrived  about 
the  end  of  July.     It  was  still  early  for  the  easy  cross- 
ing of  this  snowy  pass,  and  the  pilgrim  accordingly 
notices  the  frozen  streams  and  beds  of  ice  which  he 
encountered  on  his  passage  over  the  mountain.     To- 
wards the  end  of  the  year  he  passed  through  Kash- 
gar,  Yarkand,  and  Kotan,  and  at  last,  in  the  spring 
of  A.D.  645,  he  arrived  in  safety  in  the  western  capital 
of  China. 

This  rapid  survey  of  Hwen  Thsang's  route  is  suffi- 
cient to  show  the  great  extent  and  completeness  of 
his  Indian  travels,  which,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  have 


never  been  surpassed.  Buchanan  Hamilton's  survey 
of  the  country  was  much  more  minute,  but  it  was 
limited  to  the  lower  provinces  of  the  Ganges  in 
northern  India  and  to  the  district  of  Mysore  in 
southern  India.  Jacquemont's  travels  were  much 
less  restricted ;  but  as  that  sagacious  Frenchman's 
observations  were  chiefly  confined  to  geology  and 
botany  and  other  scientific  subjects,  his  journeyings 
in  India  have  added  but  little  to  our  knowledge  of  its 
geography.  My  own  travels  also  have  been  very  ex- 
tensive throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  northern 
India,  from  Peshawar  and  Multan  near  the  Indus,  to 
Eangoon  and  Prome  on  the  Irawadi,  and  from  Kash- 
mir and  Ladak  to  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  and  the 
banks  of  the  Narbada.  Of  southern  India  I  have 
seen  nothing,  and  of  western  India  I  have  seen  only 
Bombay,  with  the  celebrated  caves  of  Elephanta  and 
Kanhari.  But  during  a  long  service  of  more  than 
thirty  years  in  India,  its  early  history  and  geography 
have  formed  the  chief  study  of  my  leisure  hours; 
while  for  the  last  four  years  of  my  residence  these 
subjects  were  my  sole  occupation,  as  I  was  then  em- 
ployed by  the  Government  of  India  as  Archaeological 
Surveyor,  to  examine  and  report  upon  the  antiquities 
of  the  country.  The  favourable  opportunity  which  I 
thus  enjoyed  for  studying  its  geography  was  used  to 
the  best  of  my  ability ;  and  although  much  still  re- 
mains to  be  discovered  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  say 
that  my  researches  were  signally  successful  in  fixing 
the  sites  of  many  of  the  most  famous  cities  of  ancient 
India.  As  all  of  these  will  be  described  in  the  fol- 
lowing account,  I  will  notice  here  only  a  few  of  the 
more  prominent  of  my  discoveries,  for  the  purpose  of 


showing  that  I  have  not  undertaken  the  present  work 
without  much  previous  preparation. 

1.  Aornos^  the  famous  rock  fort  captured  by  Alex- 
ander the  Great. 

2.  Taxila,  the  capital  of  the  north-western  Panjab. 

3.  Sangala^  the  hill  fortress  in  the  central  Panjab, 
captured  by  Alexander. 

4.  Sruglma^  a  famous  city  on  the  Jumna. 

5.  Ahiclihatra,  the  capital  of  northern  Panchala. 

6.  Bairdtj  the  capital  of  Matsya,  to  the  south  of 

7.  Sankisa,    near   Kanoj,    famous   as   the  place  of 
Buddha's  descent  from  heaven. 

8.  Srdoasti,    on   the   Eapti,    famous   for   Buddha's 

9.  Kosdmbi^  on  the  Jumna,  near  Allahabad. 

10.  Padmavati,  of  the  poet  Bhavabhuti. 

11.  Vaisdli,  to  the  north  of  Patna. 

12.  Ndlanda,  the  most  famous  Buddhist  monastery 
in  all  India. 



General  Description 1 


I.  Kaofu,  or  Afghanistan 17 

1.  Kapisene,  or  Opian 18 

Karsana,  or  Tetragonis,  or  Begram    ....  26 

Other  cities  of  Kapisene      .                 ....  31 

2.  Kophene,  or  Kabul 32 

3.  Arachosia,  or  Ghazni 39 

4.  Lamghan 42 

5.  Nagarahara,  or  Jalalabad     .         .                 ...  43 

6.  Gandhara,  or  Parasbavrar 47 

Ptishkaldvati,  or  Peukelaotis    .....  49 

Varwsha,  or  Paladheri      ......  51 

Utakhanda,  or  JSmbolim  {Ohind')      ....  52 

Sdldtura,  or  Lalior  .......  57 

Aornos^  or  Sdnigat  .......  58 

Parashdwara,  or  Peshawar      .....  78 

7.  TJdyana,  or  Swat 81 

8.  Bolor,  or  Balti 83 

9.  Palana,  or  Banu 84 

10.  Opokien,  or  Afghanistan  (Loi,  or  Eob)         ...  87 

II.  Kashmir 89 

1.  Kashmir  (province) 90 

2.  Urasa 103 

3.  Tasila,  or  Takehasila .  104 

Mdnilcy&la 121 

4.  Singhapura,  or  Ketas 124 

5.  Punacba,  or  Punach 128 

6.  Eajapuri,  or  Eajaori 129 

Hill-states  of  the  Panjdh  ......  130 

Jdlandhara        ........  136 

Cham/pa,  or  Chamha          ......  141 

Kullu 142 

Mandi  and  SuJchet    .......  143 

Nwrpwr.,  or  Pathdniya      ....                  .  143 

Satadru 144 

III.  Taki,  oe  Panjab 148 

1.  Taki,  or  Kortbern  Panjab 154 

Jobndthnagar,  or  Bhira    ......  155 

Bukephala,  or  Jaldlpur 159 

Nikcea,  or  Mong 177 

Qujar&t 179 

Sdkala,  or  Sangala 179 





Taki,  or  Asarur         ...... 


San-si,  or  Nara-Sinha      ...... 


Ambalcapi,  or  Amakatis    ..... 


Loh&toar,  or  Lahor    ...... 


Kusdwar,  or  Kasur 


Chinapati,  or  Fati    ...... 


2.  Sliorkot,  or  Middle  Panjab    . 


Shorkot      ........ 


Kot  Kam&lia    ....... 


Sarapa     .                             ■                   ... 


Akbar        .                   .         .                   ... 


Satgarha  ........ 




Ajudhan,  or  Pakpatan     .                   ... 


3.  Multan,  or  Southern  Panjiib  . 


Tttlamba    ...                                     .         . 


Atari          ...                   .                    .          . 


lilultan      .         .                                             .         . 


jLa/tror       .... 


Uchh          ...                           ... 


WESTERN  INDIA       .        .                .                .        . 


I.    SiNDH          .                        .... 


1.  Upper   Sindi. 

MassancB  and  SodrcB,  or  Sogdi 


Musikani.     A  lor        ...         . 


Prasti,  Portikanus ,  or  Oxykanus 


2.  Middle  Sindh. 

Sindomana,  or  Sehwdn       ..... 


Brahmana,  or  Prahmanahad    . 


.8.  Lower  Sindh,  or  Lar 


Patala,  or  Nirankot          .                  ... 


Jarak         ...                  .         . 


Minnagar,  Manh&bari,  or  Tliatha     . 


Barbarike  Emporium 


Debal  Sindh,  or  Debal 


4.  Xachh 


Bisiricts  to  the  west  of  the  Indus 


Arabii,  or  Arabitce     .                  ... 


Oritce,  or  Korita:                           .... 


TI.   GUIIJJAKA             .           . 


III.  Valabhadea,  or  Balabhi 


1.  Balabhi 


2.  Surashtra 


3.  Bharoch,  or  Barygaza    . 




1.  Sthaneswara    ...... 


Pehoa,  or  Pnthudaha 


Amin  ... 


2.  Bairat      ... 


3.  Srughna  .                 .                 ... 


4.  Madawar                    .... 


Mdi/dpura,  or  Earidwar 


5.  Brahmapura    .                          ... 




Govisana,  or  Kasliipur    . 






Sankisa  . 







Hayamukha    . 



Prayaga . 






Visakha,  Saketa,  or 

Aj  udhy a 


Sravasti  . 


Eapila     . 

Mdmagrama    . 

River  Anoma 



Kusinagara     . 

Khukhundo,  Kahaon 

PAwA,  or  Padraona   . 


Varanasi,  or  Banaras 




Vaisali    . 


Vriji        . 


Nepala    . 



BauddJia  Oaya 
NAlanda     . 

Indra-sila  Guha 







Panndra  Varddhan 

1,  or  Pubn 








TJjain      .         .     • 
Malwa     . 




Kheda     . 


Anandapura    . 


.  Vadari,  or  Eder 






Samatata  . 






Odra,  or  Orissa 


GanrSm     . 



Ealinga     . 




2.  Kosala 519 

3.  Andhra 527 

4.  Donakakotta 530 

5.  Choliya,  or  Jorya      ......•■  545 

6.  Dravida 548 

7.  Malakuta,  or  Madura 549 

8.  Konkana 552 

9.  Maharashtra     .         .  553 



A.  Approximate  Chronology  of  Hwen  Thsang's  Travels  .        .  563 

B.  Measures  of  Distance,  Yojana,  Li,  Krosa  ....  571 

C.  Correction  of  Error  in  Ptolemy's  Eastern  Longitudes  .  577 



I.  Map  of  India,  showing  the  Political  Divisions  in  a.d. 

629-642 To  face  Title. 

II.  Ancient  Maps  of  India,  according  to  the  Greeks  and 

Indians 1 

III.  Map  of  ELapisene   and  Kophene,   or  Upper  Kabul 

Valley 17 

IV.  Map   of  Gandhaka,   or  Lower   Kabul  Valley — Map 

showing  the  position  of  Taxila    .....  47 

V.  Campaign  of  Alexander  in  the  Panjab,  B.C.  327-326       .  104 

VI.  Travels  of  Hwen  Thsang  in  the  Panjab,  a.d.  631-633    ,  104 
VII.  Alexander's  Passage  of  the  Hydaspes,  and  Battle  with 

Porus,  B.C.  327            ....*...  159 

VIII.  Hill  of  Sangala  between  the  Bivers  Chenab  and  Ravi  .  179 

IX.  Campaign  of  Alexander  in  Sindh 248 

X.  Travels  of  Hwen  Thsang  in  N.W.  India,  b.c.  635-637  .  327 

XI.  Travels  of  Hwen  Thsang  in  the  Gangetic  Provinces      .  388 
XII.  Map   of  Gaya  and  Bihar,   a.d.   650,  showing   Hwen 

Thsang's  route 452 

XIII.  Map  of  the  Eastern  Coast  between  the  Eivers  Godavari 

and  Krishna 527 





"B.C  .     326. 



\       OANOJj      /-- 




A    D     6&0 

.  D  -1 



From  the  accounts  of  the  Greeks  it  would  appear  that 
the  ancient  Indians  had  a  very  accurate  knowledge  of 
the  true  shape  and  size  of  their  country.  According  to 
Strabo,*  Alexander  "  caused  the  whole  country  to  be 
described  by  men  well  acquainted  with  it ;"  and  this 
account  was  afterwards  lent  to  Patrokles  by  Xenokles, 
the  treasurer  of  the  Syrian  kings.  Patrokles  himself 
held  the  government  of  the  north-east  satrapies  of  the 
Syrian  empire  under  Seleukus  Nikator  and  Antiochus 
Soter,  and  the  information  which  he  collected  regard- 
ing India  and  the  Eastern  provinces,  has  received  the 
approbation  of  Eratosthenes  and  Strabo  for  its  ac- 
curacy. Another  account  of  India  was  derived  from 
the  register  of  the  8tatlimi,'\  or  "Marches"  from 
place  to  place,  which  was  prepared  by  the  Macedonian 

*  Geographia,  ii.  1,  6. 

t  Strabo,  x.  1,  11.  The  name  of  the  author  of  the  '  Stathmi '  is 
preserved  by  Athenseus,  i.  103.  The  original  measurements  were  most 
probably  made  by  Diognetus  and  Baiton,  whose  duty  it  was  to  ascer- 
tain the  distances  and  lengths  of  Alexander's  expeditions.  See  Plin. 
Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  21. 


Amyntas,  and  which  was  confirmed  by  the  testimony 
of  Megasthenes,  who  had  actually  visited  Palibotlira 
as  the  ambassador  of  Seleukus  Nikator.  On  the 
authority  of  these  documents,  Eratosthenes  and  other 
writers  have  described  India  as  a  rhomhoid,  or  unequal 
quadrilateral,  in  shape,  with  the  Indus  on  the  west, 
the  mountains  on  the  north,  and  the  sea  on  the  east 
and  south.*  The  shortest  side  was  on  the  west,  which 
Patroldcs  estimated  at  12,000  stadia,  and  Eratosthenes 
at  13,000  stadia. I  All  the  accounts  agree  that  the 
course  of  the  Indus  from  Alexander's  Bridge  to  the 
sea  was  10,000  stadia,  or  1149  British  miles  ;  and  they 
differ  only  as  to  the  estimated  distance  of  the  snowy 
mountains  of  Caucasus  or  Paropamisus  above  the 
bridge.  The  length  of  the  country  was  reckoned  from 
west  to  east,  of  which  the  part  extending  from  the 
Indus  to  Palibothra  had  been  measured  by  schoeni 
along  the  royal  road,  and  was  10,000  stadia,  or  1149 
British  miles  in  length.  From  Palibothra  to  the  sea 
the  distance  was  estimated  at  6000  stadia,  or  689 
British  miles ;  thus  making  the  whole  distance  from  the 
Indus  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges  16,000  stadia,^  or 
1838  British  miles.  According  to  Pliny, ^  the  distance 
of  Palibothra  from  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges  was  only 
637''5  Eoman  miles;  but  his  numbers  are  so  corrupt 
that  very  little  dependence  can  be  placed  upon  them. 
I  would,   therefore,    increase   his   distance   to  737'5 

*  Strabo,  ii.  1,  31,  and  xv.  1,  11.  See,  also,  Diodorus,  Hist.,  ii.  3, 
and  Dion  Perieg.  v.  1131.  Compare  fig.  1  in  the  accompanying  plate 
of  small  maps. 

f   Strabo,  XV.  2,  8.     Arrian,  '  Indica,'  iii. 

X  Artcmidorus  makes  it  16,800  stadia,  or  2100  Roman  miles.  See 
Pliny,  vi.  22. 

§  Plin.  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  21. 


Eoman  miles,  which  are  equal  to  678  British  miles. 
The  eastern  coast  from  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges  to 
Cape  Comorin  was  reckoned  at  16,000  stadia,  or  1838 
British  miles ;  and  the  southern  (or  south-western) 
coast,  from  Cape  Comorin  to  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  at 
3000  stadia  more*  than  the  northern  side,  or  19,000 
stadia,  equivalent  to  2183  British  miles. 

The  close  agreement  of  these  dimensions,  given  by 
Alexander's  informants,  with  the  actual  size  of  the 
country  is  very  remarkable,  and  shows  that  the  Indians, 
even  at  that  early  date  in  their  history,  had  a  very  ac- 
curate knowledge  of  the  form  and  extent  of  their 
native  land. 

On  the  west,  the  course  of  the  Indus  from  Ohind, 
above  Attok,  to  the  sea  is  950  miles  by  land,  or  about 
1200  miles  by  water.  On  the  north,  the  distance  from 
the  banks  of  the  Indus  to  Patna,  by  our  military  route 
books,  is  1143  miles,  or  only  6  miles  less  than  the 
measurement  of  the  royal  road  from  the  Indus  to  Pali- 
bothra,  as  given  by  Strabo  on  the  authority  of  Mega- 
sthenes.  Beyond  this,  the  distance  was  estimated  by 
the  voyages  of  vessels  on  the  Ganges  at  6000  stadia, 
or  689  British  miles,  which  is  only  9  miles  in  excess 
of  the  actual  length  of  the  river  route.  From  the 
mouth  of  the  Ganges  to  Cape  Comorin  the  distance, 
measured  on  the  map,  is  1600  miles,  but  taking  into 
account  the  numerous  indentations  of  the  coast-line, 
the  length  should  probably  be  increased  in  the  same 
proportion  as  road  distance  by  one -sixth.  This  would 
make  the  actual  length  1866  miles.  From  Cape 
Comorin  to  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  there  is  a  consi- 

*  Strabo,  XT.  1,  11.    "  Each  of  the  greater  sides  exceeding  the  oppo- 
site by  3000  stadia."  (Falconer's  translation.)] 

B    2 


derable  discrepancy  of  about  3000  stadia,  or  nearly 
350  miles,  between  the  stated  distance  and  the  actual 
measurement  on  the  map.  It  is  probable  that  the 
difference  was  caused  by  including  in  the  estimate  the 
deep  indentations  of  the  two  great  gulfs  of  Khambay 
and  Kachh,  which  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  account 
for  the  whole,  or  at  least  the  greater  part,  of  the  dis- 

This  explanation  would  seem  to  be  confirmed  by  the 
computations  of  Megasthenes,  who  "  estimated  the 
distance  from  the  southern  sea  to  the  Caucasus  at 
20,000  stadia,"*  or  2298  British  miles.  By  direct 
measurement  on  the  map  the  distance  from  Cape  Co- 
morin  to  the  Hindu  Kush  is  about  1950  miles,t  which, 
converted  into  road  distance  by  the  addition  of  one- 
sixth,  is  equal  to  2275  miles,  or  within  a  few  miles  of 
the  computation  of  Megasthenes.  But  as  this  distance 
is  only  1000  stadia  greater  than  the  length  of  the 
coast-line  from  Cape  Comorin  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Indus,  as  stated  by  Strabo,  it  seems  certain  that  there 
must  be  some  mistake  in  the  length  assigned  to  the 
southern  (or  south-western)  coast.  The  error  would 
be  fully  corrected  by  making  the  two  coast-lines  of 
equal  length,  as  the  mouths  of  the  Ganges  and  Indus 
are  about  equidistant  from  Cape  Comorin.  According 
to  this  view,  the  whole  circuit  of  India  would  be 
61,000  stadia;  and  this  is,  perhaps,  what  is  intended 
by  Diodorus,:}:  who  says  that  "the  whole  extent  of 

*  Strabo,  xv.  1,  12. 

t  Elphinstone,  Hist,  of  India,  Introd.  p.  1,  estimates  tlie  distance 
from  Kashmir  to  Cape  Comorin  at  about  1900  miles.  The  Caucasus 
is  at  least  50  miles  to  the  north  of  Kashmir. 

J  Diodorus,  Hist.,  ii.  3. 


India  from  east  to  west  is  28,000  stadia,  and  from 
north  to  south  32,000  stadia,"  or  60,000  stadia  alto- 

At  a  somewhat  later  date  the  shape  of  India  is  de- 
scribed in  the  'Mahabharata'  as  an  equilateral  triangle, 
which  was  divided  into  four  smaller  equal  triangles.* 
The  apex  of  the  triangle  is  Cape  Comorin,  and  the 
base  is  formed  by  the  line  of  the  Himalaya  mountains. 
No  dimensions  are  given,  and  no  places  are  mentioned ; 
but,  in  fig.  2  of  the  small  maps  of  India  in  the  accom- 
panying plate,  I  have  drawn  a  small  equilateral  triangle 
on  the  line  between  Dwaraka,  in  Gujarat,  and  Ganjam 
on  the  eastern  coast.  By  repeating  this  small  triangle 
on  each  of  its  three  sides,  to  the  north-west,  to  the 
north-east,  and  to  the  south,  we  obtain  the  four  divi- 
sions of  India  in  one  large  equilateral  triangle.  The 
shape  corresponds  very  well  with  the  general  form  of 
the  country,  if  we  extend  the  limits  of  India  to 
Ghazni  on  the  north-west,  and  fix  the  other  two  points 
of  the  triangle  at  Cape  Comorin,  and  Sadiya  in  Assam. 
At  the  presumed  date  of  the  composition  of  the 
'  Mahabharata,'  in  the  first  century  a.d.,  the  countries 
immediately  to  the  west  of  the  Indus  belonged  to  the 
Indo-Scythians,  and  therefore  may  be  included  very 
properly  within  the  actual  boundaries  of  India. 

Another  description  of  India  is  that  of  the  Nava- 
Khanda,  or  Nine-Divisions,  which  is  first  described  by 
the  astronomers  Parasara  and  Varaha-Mihira,  although 
it  was  probably  older  than  their  time,  I  and  was  after- 

*  Joum.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  xx.  Wilford,  quoting  the  Bliishma 
Parva  of  the  '  Mahabharata,"  as  communicated  to  him  by  Colebrooke. 

t  Dr.  Kern,  in  preface  to  the  '  Brihat-Sanhita '  of  Varaha-Mihira,  p. 
32,  states  that  Varaha's  chapter  on  Geography  is  taken  almost  intact, 
but  changed  in  form,  from  the  'Parasaratantra,'  and  must,  therefore,  be 


wards  adopted  by  the  authors  of  several  of  the  Puranas. 
According  to  this  arrangement,  Pdnchdla  was  the  chief 
district  of  the  central  division,  Magadha  of  the  east, 
Kalinga  of  the  south-east,  Avanta  of  the  south,  Anarta 
of  the  south-west,  Sindhu-Sauvira  of  the  west,  Hdra- 
haura  of  the  north-west,  Madra  of  the  north,  and 
Kauninda  of  the  north-east.*  But  there  is  a  discrepancy 
between  this  epitome  of  Varaha  and  his  details,  as 
Sindhu-Sauvira  is  there  assigned  to  the  south-west, 
along  with  Anarta.  +  This  mistake  is  certainly  as  old 
as  the  eleventh  century,  as  Abu  Eiham  has  preserved 
the  names  of  Varaha's  abstract  in  the  same  order  as 
they  now  stand  in  the  '  Brihat-Sanhita.'|  These  details 
are  also  supported  by  the  '  Markandeya  Purana,'  which 
assigns  both  Sindhu-Sauvira  and  Anarta  to  the  south- 

I  have  compared  the  detailed  lists  of  the  '  Brihat- 
Sanhita '  with  those  of  the  Brahmanda,  Markandeya, 
Vishnu,  Vayu,  and  Matsya  Puranas ;  and  I  find  that, 
although  there  are  sundry  repetitions  and  displace- 
ments of  names,  as  well  as  many  various  readings,  yet 

considered  as  representing  the  geography  of  Parasara,  or  perhaps  yet 
more  ancient  works,  "  and  not  as  the  actual  map  of  India  in  Varaha- 
Mihira's  time." 

*  '  Brihat-Sanhita,'  ch.  xiv.  32,  3.3. 

f  IhUL,  xiv.  17,— 

Nairviti/Cim  ch'si  desd 
Palilava  K&mhoja  Sindhu-Sauvira — 
Wilford  has  given  Varaha's  list  in  vol.  viii.  p.  341,  of  Bengal  Asiat. 
Eesearches ;  but  he  has  made  two  divisions  of  Sindhu-Sauvira,  and 
omitted  Kauninda.  His  details,  however,  agree  with  the  '  Brihat- 
Sanhita,'  in  assigning  Sindhu-Sauvira  as  well  as  Anarta  to  the  south- 

X  The  Nine  Divisions  of  Abu  Eihati  are  given  in  Eeinaud's  '  Memoire 
sur  rinde,'  pp.  116,  117.    Compare  No.  II.  Map,  fig.  3. 

§  Ward's  '  Hindus,'  iii.  10. 


all  the  lists  are  substantially  the  same.*  Some  of  them, 
however,  are  differently  arranged.  All  of  the  Puranas, 
for  instance,  mention  the  Nine  Divisions  and  give  their 
names,  but  only  the  Brahmanda  and  Markandeya  state 
the  names  of  the  districts  in  each  of  the  Nine  Divi- 
sions ;  as  the  Vishnu,  Vayu,  and  Matsya-  Puranas 
agree  with  the  '  Mahabharata  '  in  describing  only  five 
Divisions  in  detail,  namely,  the  middle  Province  and 
those  of  the  four  cardinal  points. 

The  names  of  the  Nine  Divisions  given  in  the 
'  Mahabharata '  and  the  Puranas  differ  entirely  from 
those  of  Yaraha-Mihira ;  but  they  agree  with  those  of 
the  famous  astronomer  Bhaskaracharya.f  They  follow 
the  same  order  in  all ;  namely,  Indra,  Kaserumat, 
Tmnraparna,  Gabhastimat,  Kumdrika,  Naga,  Saumya 
Vdruna,  Gdndharva.  No  clue  is  given  to  the  identifi- 
cation of  these  names,  but  they  certainly  follow  a  dif- 
ferent order  from  that  of  Yaraha's  Nine  Divisions,  as 
Indra  is  the  east,  Vdruna  the  west,  and  Kumdrika 
the  middle,  while  Kdseru  must  be  the  north,  as  the 
name  is  found  in  the  detailed  lists  of  the  Yayu  and 
Brahmanda  Puranas. 

The  division  of  India  into  five  great  provinces  would 
appear  to  have  been  the  most  popular  one  during  the 
early  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  as  it  was  adopted 
by  the  Chinese  pilgrims,  and  from  them  by  all  Chinese 
writers.  According  to  the  Yishnu  Purana,|  the  centre 

*  The  list  of  the  Brahmanda  is  given  by  Wilford  in  Bengal  Asiat. 
Kesearches,  viii.  334, — that  of  the  Vishnu  Parana  in  Wilson's  transla- 
tion, where,  also,  will  be  found  the  list  of  the  '  Mahabharata ;'  that  of 
the  Markandeya  Purana  is  in  Ward's  '  Hindus,'  iii.  9. 

f  '  Siddhanta  Siromani,'  chap.  iii.  41. 

X  Wilson's  '  Vishnu  Purana,'  edited  by  Hall,  vol.  ii.  b.  iii.  c.  3.  p.  132. 
The  north  Division  is  not  mentioned  in  the  text ;  but  as  the  Hunas 


was  occupied  by  the  Kurus  and  PdncMlas ;  in  tlie 
east  was  Kdmarupa,  or  Assam ;  in  the  sonth  were  the 
Pundras,  Kalingas^  and  Magadhas ;  in  the  west  were 
the  Surdshtras,  Suras,  Abhiras,  Arhudas,  Kdrushas, 
Mdlavas,  Sauviras,  and  Saindhavas ;  and  in  the  north 
the  Hunas,  Sdlwas,  Sdkalas,  Edmas,  AmbasJdas,  and 

In  the  Geography  of  Ptolemy  the  true  shape  of 
India  is  completely  distorted,  and  its  most  striking 
feature,  the  acute  angle  formed  by  the  meetiag  of  the 
two  coasts  of  the  Peninsula  at  Cape  Comorin  is  changed 
to  a  single  coast-line,  running  almost  straight  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Indus  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges.  The 
cause  of  this  mistake  is  partly  due  to  the  erroneous 
value  of  500,  instead  of  600,  Olympic  stadia,  which 
Ptolemy  assigned  to  an  equatorial  degree,  partly  to  an 
over-estimate  in  converting  road-distance  into  map- 
measurement,  but  chiefly  to  the  excess  which  he  allowed 
for  the  distances  of  land  journeys  over  those  of  sea 

If  the  measures  of  distance  by  sea  had  been  in- 
creased in  the  same  proportion,  or  had  been  estimated 
at  the  same  value,  as  the  measures  of  distance  by  land, 
all  the  places  would  have  retained  the  same  relative 
positions.  But  the  consequence  of  Ptolemy's  unequal 
estimate  of  the  value  of  land  and  sea  distances  was  to 

and  S&Tcalas  certainly  belonged  to  the  north,  I  presume  that  the  north 
has  been  accidentally  omitted.  There  is  a  similar  omission  of  the  name 
of  Kumdrika  in  this  Purana,  which  has  only  eight  names  for  the  Nine 

*  The  question  of  Ptolemy's  erroneous  longitudes  is  treated  at  length 
in  Appendix  0,  where  I  have  given  all  the  data  on  which  Sir  Henry 
Eawlinson  has  founded  his  correction  of  three-tenths  of  the  geogra- 
plier's  distances  in  easting. 


throw  all  the  places  determined  by  land  measurement 
too  far  to  the  east ;  and  as  this  error  went  on  increas- 
ing the  further  he  advanced,  his  eastern  geography  is 
completely  vitiated  by  it.  Thus  Taxila,  which  is  almost 
due  north  of  Barygaza,  is  placed  11°  to  the  east  of  it ; 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges,  which  was  fixed  by  land- 
measurement  from  Taxila  and  Palibothra,  is  placed 
38°  to  the  east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  the  true 
difference  being  only  20°.  In  fig.  4  of  the  accom- 
panying plate  of  small  maps  I  have  given  an  outline 
of  Ptolemy's  '  Geography  of  India.'  By  referring  to 
this  it  will  be  seen  at  a  glance  that,  if  the  distance  be- 
tween the  mouths  of  the  Indus  and  Ganges  were  re- 
duced from  38°  to  20°,  the  point  of  Cape  Comorin 
would  be  thrown  far  to  the  south,  and  woixld  form  an 
acute  angle  very  nearly  in  its  true  position.  The 
amount  of  error  in  Ptolemy's  value  of  land  distances 
is  well  shown  in  the  difference  of  longitude  between 
Taxila  and  Palibothra.  The  former  he  places  in  125° 
and  the  latter  in  143°,  the  difference  being  18°,  which 
is  nearly  one-third  too  much,  as  the  actual  difference 
between  Shah-Dheri  in  72°  53'  and  Patna  in  85°  17' 
is  only  12°  24'.  By  applying  the  correction  of  three- 
tenths,  as  proposed  by  Sir  Hemy  Pawlinson,  Ptolemy's 
18°  will  be  reduced  to  12°  36',  which  is  within  12'  of 
the  true  difference  of  longitude. 

India  was  first  known  to  the  Chinese  in  the  time  of 
the  Emperor  Wuti,  of  the  later  Han  dynasty,  in  the 
second  century  before  Christ.*  It  was  then  called 
Yuan-tu  or  Yin-tu,  that  is  Hindu,  and  Shin-tu,  or 
Sindhu.     At  a  later  date  it  was  named  Thian-tu ;  ■\ 

*  See  M.  Pauthier's  translations  from  Chinese  in  the  '  Journal  Asia- 
tique,'  Oct.  1839,  p.  257.  t  Ibid.,  Nov.  1839,  p.  384. 



and  this  is  the  form  which  the  historian  Matwanlin 
has  adopted.  In  the  official  records  of  the  Thang 
dynasty  in  the  seventh  century,  India  is  described  as 
consisting  of  "  Five  Divisions,"  called  the  East,  West, 
North,  South,  and  Central,  which  are  usually  styled 
the  "  Five  Indies."  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover 
when  this  system  of  the  "  Five  Divisions  "  was  first 
adopted ;  but  the  earliest  notice  of  it  that  I  can  find 
is  in  the  year  477  a.d.,*  when  the  king  of  Western 
India  sent  an  ambassador  to  China,  and  again  only  a 
few  years  later,  in  a.d.  503  and  504,  when  the  kings 
of  Northern  and  Southern  India  are  mentioned  as 
having  followed  his  example,  f  No  divisions  are 
alluded  to  in  any  of  the  earlier  Chinese  notices  of 
India;  but  the  different  provinces  are  described  by 
name,  and  not  by  position.  Thus  we  have  mention  of 
Yue-ffai,  king  of  Kapila,  in  a.d.  428,  and  of  the  king 
of  Gandhara  in  a.d.  455. J  It  would  appear  also  that 
previous  to  this  time  India  was  sometimes  called  Ma- 
ffadha,  after  the  name  of  its  best  known  and  richest 
province  ;  and  sometimes  the  "  kingdom  of  Brahmans," 
after  the  name  of  its  principal  inhabitants.  §  The 
fii'st  of  these  names  I  would  refer  to  the  second  and 
third  centuries  after  Christ,  when  the  jjowerful  Guptas 
of  Magadha  ruled  over  the  greater  part  of  India. 

The  same  division  of  five  great  provinces  was 
adopted  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen  Thsang  in  the 
seventh  century,  who  names  them  in  the  same  manner, 

*  Pauthier,  in  Journ.  Asiatique,  Nov.  IS.OO,  p.  291. 

t  Ih!d..  Nor.  1839,  pp.  290-292. 

I  Ibid.,  Oct.  1839,  p.  273,  and  Journ.  Asiat.  See.  Bengal,  1837, 
p.  65. 

§  M.  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  58  ;  and  Pautliier,  in  Journ.' Asia- 
tique, Deo.  1839,  p.  417. 


as  North,  South,  East,  "West,  and  Central,  according 
to  their  relative  positions.*  He  compares  the  shape 
of  the  country  to  a  half-moon,  with  the  diameter  or 
broad  side  to  the  north,  and  the  narrow  end  to  the 
south.  This  is  not  unlike  the  configuration  of  India 
in  Ptolemy's  Geography ;  but  a  much  more  accurate 
description  is  given  by  the  Chinese  author  of  the 
Fah-kai-lih-io,  who  says,  "this  country  in  shape  is 
narrow  towards  the  south  and  broad  towards  the 
north;"  to  which  he  humorously  adds,  that  "the 
people's  faces  are  the  same  shape  as  the  country.''^ 

Hwen  Thsang  makes  the  circumference  of  India 
90,000  //,:{:  which  is  more  than  double  the  truth.  But 
in  the  Chinese  official  records,  §  the  circuit  of  India  is 
said  to  be  only  30,000  li ;  which  is  too  small,  if  we 
reckon  6  li  to  the  British  mile,  according  to  the  usual 
road  distance  of  the  Chinese  pilgrims.  But  if,  as  was 
probably  the  case,  the  measurement  was  made  on  a 
map,  the  li  may  be  reckoned  at  the  full  value  of 
1079'12  feet  which  it  possessed  in  the  eighth  century ; 
then  the  30,000  li  will  be  equal  to  6130  British  miles, 
which  is  only  764  miles  short  of  the  dimensions  re- 
corded by  Strabo  on  the  authority  of  Alexander's 
papers,  and  the  published  works  of  Megasthenes  and 

The  Five  Divisions  of  India,  or  the  "  Five  Indies," 
as  they  are  usually  called  by  the  Chinese,  are  as 
follows  (see  No.  I.  Map) : — 

*  M.  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  162,  163  ;  see  also  Pauthier,  in 
Journ.  Asiatique,  1839,  p.  384. 
t  '  Fah-Hian's  Travels,'  translated  by  the  Eev.  S.Beal,  p.  36,  note. 
J  M.  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  58. 
§  Pauthier,  in  Journ.  Asiatique,  Nov.  1839,  p.  384. 



I.  Northern  India  comprised  the  Panjab  proper,  in- 
cluding Kashmir  and  the  adjoining  hill  states,  with 
the  whole  of  eastern  Afghanistan  beyond  the  Indus, 
and  the  present  Cis-Satlej  States  to  the  west  of  the 
Saraswati  river. 

II.  Western  India  comprised  Sindh  and  "Western 
Eajputana,  with  Kachh  and  Gujarat,  and  a  portion  of 
the  adjoining  coast  on  the  lower  course  of  the  Nar- 
bada  river. 

III.  Central  India  comprised  the  whole  of  the  Gan- 
getic  provinces  from  Thanesar  to  the  head  of  the 
Delta,  and  from  the  Himalaya  mountains  to  the  banks 
of  the  Narbada. 

IV.  Eastern  India  comprised  Assam  and  Bengal 
proper,  including  the  whole  of  the  Delta  of  the 
Ganges,  together  with  Sambhalpur,  Orissa,  and  Gan- 

V.  Southern  India  comprised  the  whole  of  the  pe- 
ninsula from  Nasik  on  the  west  and  Ganjam  on  the 
east,  to  Cape  Kumari  (Comorin)  on  the  south,  in- 
cluding the  modern  districts  of  Berar  and  Telingana, 
Maharashtra  and  the  Ivonkan,  with  the  separate  states 
of  Haidarabad,  Mysore,  and  Travancore,  or  very  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  peninsula  to  the  south  of  the  Nar- 
bada and  Mahanadi  rivers. 

Although  the  Chinese  division  of  India  into  five 
great  provinces  is  simpler  than  the  well-known  native 
arrangement  of  nine  divisions,  as  described  by  Yaraha- 
Mihira  and  the  Puranas,  yet  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  they  borrowed  their  system  from  the  Hindus, 
who  likened  their  native  country  to  the  lotus-flower, 
the  middle  being  Central  India,  and  the  eight  sur- 
rounding petals  being  the  other  divisions,  which  were 


named  after  tlie  eight  chief  points  of  the  compass.* 
In  the  Chinese  arrangement,  the  middle  and  the  four 
primary  divisions  only  are  retained ;  and  as  this  divi- 
sion is  much  simpler,  and  also  more  easily  remem- 
bered, I  -will  adopt  it  in  the  present  description. 

At  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit,  in  the  seventh 
century,  India  was  divided  into  eighty^  kingdoms, 
each  of  which  would  appear  to  have  had  its  separate 
ruler,  although  most  of  them  were  tributary  to  a  few 
of  the  greater  states.  Thus,  in  Northern  India,  the 
districts  of  Kabul,  JalMabad,  Peshawar,  Ghazni,  and 
Banu  were  all  subject  to  the  ruler  of  Kapisa,  whose 
capital  was  most  probably  at  Charik^r,  or  Alexandria 
ad  Caucasum.  In  the  Panj§,b  proper  the  hilly  dis- 
tricts of  Taxila,  Singhapura,  Urasa,  Punach,  and  Ea- 
jaori,  were  subject  to  the  Eaja  of  Kashmir ;  while  the 
whole  of  the  plains,  including  Multan  and  Shorkot, 
were  dependent  on  the  ruler  of  TciJci,  or  Sangala,  near 
Lahor.  In  Western  India  the  provinces  were  divided 
between  the  kings  of  Sindh,  Balabhi^  and  Gurjjara. 
In  Central  and  Eastern  India,  the  whole  of  the  diffe- 
rent states,  from  the  famous  city  of  Sthaneswara  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Ganges,  and  from  the  Himalaya 
mountains  to  the  banks  of  the  Narbada  and  Mahanadi 
rivers,  were  subject  to  Harsha  Yarddhana,  the  great 
Xing  of  Kanoj.  Jalandhara,  the  most  easterly  dis- 
trict of  the  Panjab,  was  also  subject  to  him  ;  and  it  is 
highly  probable  that  the  ruler  of  Tdki,  or  the  plains  of 
the  Panjab,  must  likewise  have  been  a  dependant  of 

*  Wilson's  '  Vishnu  Purana,'  edited  by  Hall,  vol.  ii.  b.  ii.  o.  12,  p. 
309;  "the  lotus-shaped  earth."     Ward's  '  Hindus,"  i.  9,  and  ii.  449. 

t  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  59.  The  text  has  "  seventy  ;"  but  the  number 
actually  described  is  eighty-two,  from  which,  deducting  Persia  and 
Ceylon,  the  true  number  of  kingdoms  is  eighty. 


Kanoj,  as  we  are  informed  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  that 
Harsha  Varddhana  advanced  through  his  territory  to 
the  foot  of  the  Kashmir  hills,  for  the  purpose  of  coer- 
cing the  ruler  of  that  country  to  deliver  up  to  him  a 
much-venerated  tooth  of  Buddha.  The  Eajput  king  of 
Maharashtra,  in  Southern  India,  was  the  only  sove- 
reign who  had  successfully  resisted  the  armies  of 
Kanoj.  This  statement  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim  is  cor- 
roborated by  several  inscriptions  of  the  Chalukya 
princes  of  Maharashtra,  who  make  a  proud  boast  of 
their  ancestor's  discomfiture  of  the  great  King  Harsha 
Yarddhana.*  This  powerful  prince  was  the  para- 
mount sovereign  of  thirty-six  different  States,  com- 
prising nearly  one-half  of  India  in  extent,  and  includ- 
ing all  its  richest  and  most  fertile  provinces.  The 
substantial  reality  of  his  power  may  be  gathered  from 
the  fact  that  no  less  than  eighteen,  or  just  one -half, 
of  these  tributary  princes  attended  on  their  suzerain 
lord  during  his  great  religious  procession  from  Patali- 
putra  to  Kanoj,  in  a.d.  G43.  The  extent  of  his  do- 
minions is  clearly  indicated  by  the  names  of  the  coun- 
tries against  which  he  directed  his  latest  campaigns, 
namely,  Kashmir  in  the  north-west,  Maharashtra  in 
the  south-west,  and  Ganjam  in  the  south-east.f 
Within  these  boundaries  he  was  the  paramount  ruler 
of  the  continent  of  India  during  the  first  half  of  the 
seventh  century  of  the  Christian  era. 

The  dominion  of  Southern  India  was  nearly  equally 
divided   between   the   nine   rulers    of  the   following 

*  See  copper-plate  inscriptions  in  Journ.  Bombay  Asiat.  Soc.  ii.  5, 
and  iii.  p.  207. 

f  Julien's  '  HioucaThsang,'  Eashmir,  i.  251 ;  Mah&iashlra,  iii.  150; 
Ganjam,  i.  220,  236. 


states  : — Maharashtra  and  Kosala,  in  the  north  ;  Ka- 
linga,  Andhra,  Konkana,  and  Dhanakakata,  in  the 
centre  ;  and  Jorya,  Dravida,  and  Malakuta,  in  the 
south.  These  complete  the  round  number  of  eighty 
Idngdoms  into  which  India  was  divided  in  the  seventh 
century  of  our  era. 


The  natural  boundaries  of  India  are  the  Himalaya 
mountains,  the  river  Indus,  and  the  sea.  But  on  the 
west,  these  limits  have  been  so  frequently  overstepped 
by  powerful  kings  that  most  authors,  from  the  time 
of  Alexander  down  to  a  very  late  period,  have  consi- 
dered Eastern  Ariana,  or  the  greater  part  of  Afghani- 
stan, as  forming  a  portion  of  the  Indian  continent. 
Thus  Pliny*  says  that  "  most  writers  do  not  fix  the 
Indus  as  the  western  boundary  (of  India),  but  add  to 
it  the  four  satrapies  of  the  Gedrosi,  Arachotse,  Arii, 
and  Paropamisadse, — thus  making  the  river  Cophes 
its  extreme  boundary."  Strabof  also  says  that  "  the 
Indians  occupy  (in  part)  some  of  the  countries  situated 
along  the  Indus,  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  Per- 
sians. Alexander  deprived  the  Ariani  of  them,  and 
established  there  settlements  of  his  own.  But  Seleu- 
kus  Nikator  gave  them  to  Sandrokottus,  in  consequence 
of  a  marriage  contract,  and  received  in  return  five 

*  Plin.  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  23.  "  Etenim  plerique  ab  occidente  non  Indo 
amne  determinant,  sed  adjiciunt  quatuor  satrapias,  Gedrosos,  Aracho- 
tas,  Arios,  Paropamisadas,  ultimo  fine  Copbete  iluvio." 

t  Geogr.,  XV.  2, 9.  In  another  place,  xv.  1,  11,  he  states  that  at  the 
time  of  the  invasion  of  Alexander  "  the  Indus  was  the  boundary  of  In- 
dia and  of  Ariana,  situated  towards  the  west,  and  in  the  possession  of 
the  Persians,  for  afterwards  the  Indians  occupied  a  larger  portion  of 
Ariana,  which  they  had  received  from  the  Macedonians." 



hundred  elephants."  The  prince  here  mentioned  is 
the  well-known  Chandra  Gupta  Maurya,  whose  grand- 
son Asoka  dispatched  missionaries  to  the  most  distant 
parts  of  his  empire  for  the  propagation  of  Buddhism. 
Jlasadda,  or  Alexandria  ad  Caucasum,  the  capital  of 
the  Yona,  or  Greek  country,  is  recorded  as  one  of  these 
distant  places ;  and  as  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen 
Thsang  notices  several  stupas  in  that  neighbourhood 
as  the  work  of  Asoka,  we  have  the  most  satisfactory 
proofs  of  the  Indian  occupation  of  the  Kabul  valley  in 
the  third  and  fourth  centuries  before  Christ.  The 
completeness  of  this  occupation  is  well  shown  by  the 
use  of  the  Indian  language  on  the  coins  of  the  Bac- 
trian  Greeks  and  Indo-Seythians,  down  to  a.d.  100,  or 
perhaps  even  later ;  and  although  it  is  lost  for  the  next 
two  or  three  centuries,  it  again  makes  its  appearance  on 
the  coins  of  the  Abtelites,  or  "White  Huns,  of  the  sixth 
century.  In  the  following  century,  as  we  learn  from 
the  Chinese  pilgrim,  the  king  of  Kapisa  was  a  Kslia- 
triya,  or  pure  Hindu.  During  the  whole  of  the  tenth 
century  the  Kabul  valley  was  held  by  a  dynasty  of 
Bralimans,  whose  power  was  not  finally  extinguished 
until  towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Malimud  Ghaz- 
navi.  Down  to  this  time,  therefore,  it  would  appear 
that  a  great  part  of  the  population  of  eastern  Afghani- 
stan, including  the  whole  of  the  Kabul  valley,  must 
have  been  of  Indian  descent,  while  the  religion  was 
pure  Buddhism.  During  the  rule  of  the  Ghaznavis, 
whose  late  conversion  to  Muhammadanisin  had  only 
added  bigotry  to  their  native  ferocity,  the  persecution 
of  idol-loving  Buddhists  was  a  pleasure  as  well  as  a 
duty.  The  idolaters  were  soon  driven  out,  and  with 
them  the  Indian  element,   Avhich  had  subsisted  for 




.  .fi*;?: 


Bixxuity  , 


^  «^^:^. 

TTfl .  Kanrruind/  V 

'^  .  -^s^#^'''%# 


A  Cunmnghain.del^ 


SO  many  centuries  in  Eastern  Ariana,  finally  disap- 


I.  Kaofu,  or  Afghanistan. 

For  several  centuries,  both,  before  and  after  the 
Christian  era,  the  provinces  of  Northern  India  beyond 
the  Indus,  in  which,  the  Indian  language  and  religion 
were  predominant,  included  the  whole  of  Afghanistan 
from  Bamian  and  Kandahar  on  the  west  to  the  Bholan 
Pass  on  the  south.  This  large  tract  was  then  divided 
into  ten*  separate  states  or  districts,  of  which.  Eapisa 
was  th,e  chief.  The  tributary  states  were  Kabul  and 
Ghazni  in  the  west,  Lamghdn  and  Jalalabad  in  the 
north,  Swat  and  Peshawar  in  the  east,  Bolor  in  the 
north-east,  and  Banu  and  Opokien  in  the  south. 
The  general  name  for  the  whole  would  appear  to  have 
been  Kao-fu,  which  in  the  second  century  before 
Christ  is  described  as  being  divided  between  the 
Parthians,  the  Indians,  and  the  Su  or  Sacse  of  Kipin. 
According  to  this  statement,  the  south-west  district 
of  Kandahar  would  have  belonged  to  the  Parthians, 
the  eastern  districts  of  Swat,  Peshawar,  and  Banu,  to 
the  Indians,  and  the  north-western  districts  of  Kabul 
and  Ghazni  with  Lamghan  and  Jalalabad  to  the  Sacse 
Scythians.  Kaofu  has  usually  been  identified  with 
Kabul  on  account  of  its  similarity  of  name  and  corre- 
spondence of  position ;  but  this  can  only  be  accepted 
as  politically  correct,  by  extending  the  boundaries  of 
Kabul  into  Parthiaf  on  the  west,  and  into  India  on 

*  M.  Julien'B  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  71. 

t  That  Kandahar  then  belonged  to  Persia  is  proved  by  the  fact,  that 
the  begging-pot  of  Buddha,  which  Hwen  Thsang  (ii.  106)  mentions  as 



the  east.  The  Kaofu  of  the  Chinese  would,  therefore, 
have  embraced  the  whole  of  modern  Afghanistan. 
Etymologically,  however,  it  seems  quite  possible  that 
the  two  names  may  be  the  same,  as  Kaofu  was  the 
appellation  of  one  of  the  five  tribes  of  the  Yuchi  or 
Tochari,  who  are  said  to  have  given  their  own  name 
to  the  town  which  they  occupied,  towards  the  end  of 
the  second  century  before  Christ.  This  statement  of 
the  Chinese  writers  is  confirmed  by  the  historians  of 
Alexander,  who  notice  the  city  of  Ortospana,  without 
making  any  mention  of  Kabul.  The  latter  name  is 
first  given  by  Ptolemy,  who  describes  Kahura  or  Orto- 
spana as  the  capital  of  the  Paropamisadae.  I  con- 
clude, therefore,  that  Ortospana  was  most  probably 
the  original  metropolis  of  the  country,  which  was  sup- 
planted by  Alexandria  during  the  Greek  domination, 
and  restored  by  the  earlier  Indo-Scythian  priuces. 
But  it  would  appear  to  have  been  again  abandoned 
before  the  seventh  centurj^,  when  the  capital  of  Kapi- 
sene  was  at  Opian. 

1.    KAPISENE,   OE    OPIAN. 

According  to  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Kiapislie,  or  Ka- 
pisene,  was  4000  A',  or  about  666  miles  in  circuit.  If 
this  measurement  be  even  approximately  correct,  the 
district  must  have  included  the  whole  of  Eaflristan, 
as  well  as  the  two  large  valleys  of  Ghorband  and 
Panjshir,  as  these  last  are  together  not  more  than  300 
miles  in  circuit.  Kiapishe  is  further  described  as 
being  entirely  surrounded  by  mountains ;  to  the  north 

having  been  removed  from  Gitudhara  to  Persia,  still  exists  at  Kandahar, 
where  it  "was  seen  by  Sir  H.  Rawlinson.  The  removal  must  have 
taken  place  during  the  sixth  century,  after  the  conquest  of  Gandhara 
by  the  king  of  Kii^in. 


by  snowy  mountains,  named  Po-Io-si-na,  and  by  black 
hills  on  the  other  three  sides.  The  name  of  Polosina 
corresponds  exactly  with  that  of  Mount  Paresh  or 
Aparasin  of  the  'Zend  Avesta,'*  and  with  the  Paropa- 
misus  of  the  Greeks,  which  included  the  Indian  Cau- 
casus, or  Hindu  Kush.  Ilwen  Thsang  further  states, 
that  to  the  north-west  of  the  capital  there  was  a  great 
snowy  mountain,  with  a  lake  on  its  summit,  distant 
only  200  U,  or  about  33  miles.  This  is  the  Hindu 
Kush  itself,  which  is  about  35  miles  to  the  north-west 
of  Charikar  and  Opian  ;  but  I  have  not  been  able  to 
trace  any  mention  of  the  lake  in  the  few  imperfect 
notices  that  exist  of  this  part  of  Afghanistan. 

The  district  of  Capisene  is  first  mentioned  by  Pliny, 
who  states  that  its  ancient  capital,  named  Capisa,  was 
destroyed  by  Cyrus.  His  copyist,  Solinus,  mentions 
the  same  story,  but  calls  the  city  Caphusa^  which  the 
Delphine  editors  have  altered  to  Capissa.  Somewhat 
later,  Ptolemy  places  the  town  of  Kapisa  amongst  the 
Paropamisadse,  2J  degrees  to  the  north  of  Kabura  or 
Kabul,  which  is  nearly  2  degrees  in  excess  of  the 
truth.  On  leaving  Bamian,  in  a.d.  630,  the  Chinese 
pilgrim  travelled  600  li,  or  about  100  miles,  in  an 
easterly  direction  over  snowy  mountains  and  black 
hills  (or  the  Koh-i-Baba  and  Paghman  ranges)  to  the 
capital  of  Kiapishe  or  Kapisene.  On  his  return  from 
India,  fourteen  years  later,  he  reached  Kiapishe  through 
Ghazni  and  Kabul,  and  left  it  in  a  north-east  direction 
by  the  Panjshir  valley  towards  Anderab.  These 
statements  fix  the  position  of  the  capital  at  or  near 
Opian,  which  is  just  100  miles  to  the  east  of  Bamian 

*  '  Zend  A-vesta,'  iii.  365,  Boundeliesh.  "  It  is  said  tliat  Aparasin  ia  a 
great  mountain,  distinct  from  Elburj.     It  is  called  Mount  Paresh." 

c  2 



by  the  route  of  the  Hajiyak  Pass  and  Ghorband 
Talley,  and  on  the  direct  route  from  Ghazni  and  Kabul 
to  Anderab.  The  same  locality  is,  perhaps,  even  more 
decidedly  indicated  by  the  fact,  that  the  Chinese  pil- 
grim, on  finally  leaving  the  capital  of  Kapisene,  was 
accompanied  by  the  king  as  far  as  the  town  of  Kiu-h- 
sa-pang^  a  distance  of  one  yojana^  or  about  7  miles  to 
the  north-east,  from  whence  the  road  turned  towards 
the  north.  This  description  agrees  exactly  with  the 
direction  of  the  route  from  Opian  to  the  northern 
edge  of  the  plain  of  Begram,  which  lies  about  6  or  7 
miles  to  the  E.N.E.  of  Charikar  and  Opian.  Begram 
itself  I  would  identify  with  the  Kiu-lu-sa-pmig  or  Kar- 
sawana  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  the  Karsana  of  Ptolemy, 
and  the  Cartana  of  Pliny.  If  the  capital  had  then  been 
at  Begram  itself,  the  king's  journey  of  seven  miles  to 
the  north-east  would  have  taken  him  over  the  united 
stream  of  the  Panjshir  and  Ghorband  rivers,  and  as 
this  stream  is  difficult  to  cross,  on  account  of  its  depth 
and  rapidity,  it  is  not  likely  that  the  king  would  have 
undertaken  such  a  journey  for  the  mere  purpose  of 
leave-taking.  But  by  fixing  the  capital  at  Opian,  and 
by  identifying  Begram  with  the  Kiii-lu-sa-pavg  of  the 
Chinese  pilgrim,  all  difficulties  disappear.  The  king 
accompanied  his  honom-ed  guest  to  the  bank  of  the 
Panjshir  river,  where  he  took  leave  of  him,  and  the 
pilgrim  then  crossed  the  stream,  and  proceeded  on  his 
journey  to  the  north,  as  described  in  the  account  of 
his  life. 

From  all  the  evidence  above  noted  it  would  appear 
certain  that  the  capital  of  Kiapishe,  or  Kapisene,  in 
the  seventh  century,  must  have  been  situated  either 
at  or  near  Ojjidn.     This  place  was  visited  byMasson,* 

*  •  Travels,'  iii.  126. 


•who  describes  it  as  "distinguished  by  its  huge  artifi- 
cial mounds,  from  which,  at  various  times,  copious 
antique  treasures  have  been  extracted."  In  another 
place  *  he  notes  that  "  it  possesses  many  vestiges  of 
antiquity  ;  yet,  as  they  are  exclusively  of  a  sepulchral 
or  religious  character,  the  site  of  the  city,  to  which 
they  refer,  may  rather  be  looked  for  at  the  actual 
village  of  Malik  Hupian  on  the  plain  below,  and  near 
Charikar."  Masson  writes  the  name  Hupian,  follow- 
ing the  emperor  Baber ;  but  as  it  is  entered  in 
"Walker's  large  map  as  Opiydn^  after  Lieutenant  Leach, 
and  is  spelt  Opidn  by  Lieutenant  Sturt,  both  of  whom 
made  regular  surveys  of  the  Koh-daman,  I  adopt  the 
unaspirated  reading,  as  it  agrees  better  with  the 
Greek  forms  of  Opiai  and  Opiane  of  Hekatseus  and 
Stephanus,  and  with  the  Latin  form  of  Opiamcm  of 
Pliny.  As  these  names  are  intimately  connected  with 
that  of  the  Paropamisan  Alexandria,  it  will  clear  the 
way  to  further  investigation,  if  we  first  determine  the 
most  probable  site  of  this  famous  city. 

The  position  of  the  city  founded  by  Alexander  at 
the  foot  of  the  Indian  Caucasus  has  long  engaged  the 
attention  of  scholars ;  but  the  want  of  a  good  map  of 
the  Kabul  valley  has  been  a  serious  obstacle  to  their 
success,  which  was  rendered  almost  insurmountable 
by  their  injudicious  alterations  of  the  only  ancient 
texts  that  preserved  the  distinctive  name  of  the  Cau- 
casian Alexandria.  Thus  Stephanusf  describes  it  as 
being  ev  rrj  'OTTiavji  KaTci  rTjv  'IvBiKrjv,  "  in  Opiane,  near 
India,"  for  which  Salmasius  proposed  to  read  'Apiavrj. 
Again,   PlinyJ   describes  it  as  Alexandriam   Opianes, 

*  '  Travels,'  iii.  161.  t  In  voce  Alexandria. 

X   Hist.  Wat.,  vi.  o.  17.     Philemon  Holland  calls  it  "the  city  of 
Alexandria,  in  Opianum." 


which  in  the  Leipsio  and  other  editions  is  altered  to 
Alexandri  oppidum.  I  believe,  also,  that  the  same 
distinctive  name  may  be  restored  to  a  corrupt  passage 
of  Pliny,  where  he  is  speaking  of  this  very  part  of  the 
country.  His  words,  as  given  by  the  Leipsio  editor, 
and  as  quoted  by  Cellarius,*  are  "  Cartana  oppidum 
sub  Caucaso,  quod  postea  Tetragonis  dictum.  Hsec 
regie  est  ex  adverse.  Bactrianorum  deinde  cujus  op- 
pidum Alexandria,  a  conditore  dictum."  Both  of  the 
translators  whose  works  I  possess,  namely  Philemon 
Holland,  a.d.  1601,  and  W.  T.  Eiley,  a.d.  1855,  agree 
in  reading  ex  adverso  Bactrianorum.  This  makes  sense 
of  the  words  as  they  stand,  but  it  makes  nonsense  of 
the  passage,  as  it  refers  the  city  of  Alexandria  to 
Bactria,  a  district  which  Pliny  had  fully  described  in 
a  previous  chapter.  He  is  speaking  of  the  country  at 
the  foot  of  the  Caucasus  or  Paropamisus ;  and  as  he 
had  already  described  the  Bactrians  as  being  "  aversa 
mentis  Paropamisi,"  he  now  uses  almost  the  same 
terms  to  describe  the  position  of  the  district  in  which 
Cartana  was  situated ;  I  would,  therefore,  propose  to 
read  "  hsec  regio  est  ex  adverso  Bactrise;"  and  as 
cujus  cannot  possibly  refer  to  the  Bactrians,  I  would 
begin  the  next  sentence  by  changing  the  latter  half  of 
Bactrianorum  in  the  text  to  Opiiorum ;  the  passage 
would  then  stand  thus,  "  Opiorum  (regio)  deinde, 
cujus  oppidum  Alexandria  a  conditore  dictum," — 
"  Next  the  Opii,  whose  city,  Alexandria,  was  named 
after  its  founder."  But  whether  this  emendation  be 
accepted  or  not,  it  is  quite  clear  from  the  other  two 
passages,  above  quoted,  that  the  city  foimded  by 
7\.lexander  at  the  foot  of  the  Indian  Caucasus  was  also 

*  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  23. 


named  Opiane.  This  fact  being  established,  I  will 
now  proceed  to  show  that  the  position  of  Alexandria 
Opiane  agrees  as  nearly  as  possible  with  the  site  of  the 
present  Opian,  near  Charikar. 

According  to  Pliny,  the  city  of  Alexandria,  in  Opia- 
mim,  was  situated  at  50  Eoman  miles,  or  45-96  English 
miles,  fromOrtospana,  and  at  237  Eoman  miles,  or  217'8 
English  miles,  from  Peucolaitis,  or  Pukkalaoti,  which 
was  a  few  miles  to  the  north  of  Peshawar.  As  the 
position  of  Ortospana  will  be  discussed  in  my  account 
of  the  next  province,  I  will  here  only  state  that  I 
have  identified  it  with  the  ancient  city  of  Kabul  and 
its  citadel,  the  Bala  Hisar.  Now  Charikar  is  27 
miles*  to  the  north  of  Kabul,  which  differs  by  19 
miles  from  the  measurement  recorded  by  Pliny.  But 
as  immediately  after  the  mention  of  this  distance  he 
adds  that  "  in  some  copies  different  numbers  are 
found,  "•!•  I  am  inclined  to  read  "  trigintamillia,"  or  30 
miles,  instead  of  "  quinquaginta  millia,"  which  is 
found  in  the  text.  This  would  reduce  the  distance  to 
27^  English  miles,  which  exactly  accords  with  the 
measurement  between  Kabul  and  Opian.  The  dis- 
tance between  these  places  is  not  given  by  the 
Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen  Thsang ;  but  that  between  the 
capital  of  Kiapishe  and  Pu-lii-sha-pu-lo,  or  Purushapura, 
the  modern  Peshawar,  is  stated  at  600  +  100  +  500 
=  1200  li,  or  just  200  miles  accoi'ding  to  my  estimate 
of  6  li  to  the  English  mile.  The  last  distance  of  500  li, 
between  Nagarahara  and  Purushawar,  is  certainly  too 
short,  as  the  earlier  pilgrim.  Pa  Hian,  in  the  begin- 

*  Measured  by  Lieutenant  Sturtwitli  a  perambulator.  Masson  gives 
tlie  same  distance  for  Begram.  See  No.  III.  Map  from  Sturt's  Survey. 

t  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  21.  "In  quibusdam  exemplaribus  diversi  numeri 


ning  of  the  fifth  century,  makes  it  16  yojanas,  or  not 
less  than  640  /?',  at  40  It  to  the  yojana.  This  would 
increase  the  total  distance  to  1340  /i,  or  223  miles, 
which  differs  only  by  5  miles  from  the  statement  of 
the  Eoman  author.  The  actual  road  distance  between 
Charikar  and  Jalalabad  has  not  been  ascertained,  but 
as  it  measures  in  a  direct  line  on  Walker's  map  about 
10  miles  more  than  the  distance  between  Kabul  and 
Jalalabad,  which  is  115  miles,  it  may  be  estimated  at 
125  miles.  This  sum  added  to  103  miles,  the  length  of 
road  between  Jalalabad  and  Peshawar,  makes  the 
whole  distance  from  Charikar  to  Peshawar  not  less 
than  228  miles,  which  agrees  very  closely  with  the 
measurements  recorded  by  the  Eoman  and  Chinese 

Pliny  further  describes  Alexandria  as  being  situated 
mh  ipso  Caucaso*  at  the  very  foot  of  Caucasus,"  which 
agrees  exactly  with  the  position  of  Opian,  at  the 
northern  end  of  the  plain  oi Koh-ddman,  or  "hill-foot." 
The  same  position  is  noted  by  Curtius,  who  places 
Alexandria  in  radicibus  montis,'\  at  the  very  base  of  the 
mountain.  The  place  was  chosen  by  Alexander  on 
account  of  its  favourable  site  at  the  rpLohov,X  or  parting 
of  the  "  three  roads  "  leading  to  Bactria.  These  roads, 
which  still  remain  unchanged,  all  separate  at  Opian, 
near  Begram. 

1.  The  north-east  road,  by  the  Panjshir  valley, 

and  over  the  Khawak  Pass  to  Anderab. 

2.  The  west  road,  by  the  Kushan  valley,  and 

over  the  Hindu  Zush  Pass  to  Ghori. 

3.  The  south-west  road,  up  the  Ghorband  valley, 

and  over  the  Hajiyak  Pass  to  Bamian. 

*  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  B.  21.       t  Vit.  Alex.,  vii.  3.       J  Strabo,  xv.  2,  8. 


The  first  of  tliese  roads  was  followed  by  Alexander 
on  Ms  march  into  Bactriana  from  the  territory  of  the 
Paropamisadse.  It  was  also  taken  by  Timur  on  his 
invasion  of  India ;  and  it  was  crossed  by  Lieutenant 
"Wood  on  his  return  from  the  sources  of  the  Oxus.  The 
second  road  must  have  been  followed  by  Alexander 
on  his  return  from  Bactriana,  as  Strabo*  specially 
mentions  that  he  took  "  over  the  same  mountains 
another  and  shorter  road"  than  that  by  which  he  had 
advanced.  It  is  certain  that  his  return  could  not  have 
been  by  the  Bamian  route,  as  that  is  the  longest 
route  of  all ;  besides  which,  it  turns  the  Huidu  Kush, 
and  does  not  cross  it,  as  Alexander  is  stated  to  have 
done.  This  route  was  attempted  by  Dr.  Lord  and 
Lieutenant  Wood  late  in  the  year,  but  they  were 
driven  back  by  the  snow.  The  third  road  is  the  easiest 
and  most  frequented.  It  was  taken  by  Janghez 
Khan  after  his  capture  of  Bamian  ;  it  was  followed  by 
Moorcroft  and  Burnes  on  their  adventurous  journeys 
to  Balkh  and  Bokhara ;  it  was  traversed  by  Lord  and 
Wood  after  their  failure  at  the  Kushan  Pass ;  and 
it  was  surveyed  by  Sturt  in  a.d.  1840,  after  it  had 
been  successfully  crossed  by  a  troop  of  horse  artillery. 

Alexandria  is  not  found  in  Ptolemy's  list  of  the 
towns  of  the  Paropamisadse ;  but  as  his  Niphanda, 
which  is  placed  close  to  Kapisa,  may  with  a  very  little 
alteration  be  read  as  OpJiianda,  I  think  that  we  may 
perhaps  recognize  the  Greek  capital  under  this  slightly 
altered  form.  The  name  of  Opidn  is  certainly  as  old 
as  the  fifth  century  B.C.,  as  Hekatseus  places  a  people 
called  Opiai  to  the  west  of  the  upper  course  of  the 
Indus.     There  is,  however,  no  trace  of  this  name  in 

*  Geogr.,  XV.  1,  26. 


the  inscriptions  of  Darius,  but  we  have  instead  a  na- 
tion called  Tliatagusli^  who  are  the  Sattagudai  of  He- 
rodotus, and  perhaps  also  the  people  of  Si-pi-to-fa-la-sse 
of  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen  Thsang.*  This  place 
was  only  40  /«',  or  about  7  miles,  distant  from  the 
capital  of  Kiapishe,  but  unfortunately  the  direction  is 
not  stated.  As,  however,  it  is  noted  that  there  was  a 
mountain  named  Jruna  at  a  distance  of  5  miles  to  the 
south,  it  is  almost  certain  that  this  city  must  have 
been  on  the  famous  site  of  Begram,  from  which  the 
north  end  of  the  Siah-koh,  or  Black  Mountain,  called 
Chehel  DuIcJdardn,  or  the  "  Forty  Daughters,"  lies  al- 
most due  south  at  a  distance  of  5  or  6  miles.  It  is 
possible,  also,  that  the  name  of  Tdtarangzdr,  which 
Masson  gives  to  the  south-west  corner  of  the  ruins  of 
Begram,  may  be  an  altered  form  of  the  ancient  'Thdta- 
ffush,  or  Sattagudai.  But  whether  this  be  so  or  not, 
it  is  quite  certain  that  the  people  dwelling  on  the 
upper  branches  of  the  Kabul  river  must  be  the  Th6.ta- 
giisli  of  Darius,  and  the  Sattagudai  of  Herodotus,  as 
all  the  other  surrounding  nations  are  mentioned  in 
both  authorities. 

KarKfinn,  Kartana  or  Tetragonis. 

Tiic  passage  of  Pliny  describing  the  position  of 
Alexandria  is  prefaced  by  a  few  words  regarding  the 
town  of  Cartana,  which,  while  they  assign  it  a  similar 
position  at  the  foot  of  the  Caucasus,  seem  also  to  refer 
it  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Alexander's  city.  I 
quote  the  whole  passage,  with  the  correction  which  I 

*  Sipitofalasse  is  probably  the  Sanskrit  Saptavarslia  or  Sattavasa, 
whicli  might  easily  be  changed  to  Thatagush. 


have  already  proposed:* — "  Cartana  oppidum  sub 
Caucaso,  quod  postea  Tetragonis  dictum.  Hsec  regio 
est  ex  adverse  Bactrise.  Opiorum  (regio)  deinde  cujiis 
oppidum  Alexandria  a  conditore  dictum."  "  At  the 
foot  of  the  Caucasus  stands  the  town  of  Cartana,  which 
was  afterwards  called  Tetragonis  (or  the  Square).  This 
district  is  opposite  to  Bactria.  Next  (to  it)  are  the 
Opii,  whose  city  of  Alexandria  was  named  after  its 
founder."  Solinus  makes  no  mention  of  Cartana,  but 
Ptolemy  has  a  town  named  Karsana,  or  Karnasa, 
which  he  places  on  the  right  bank  of  a  nameless  river 
that  comes  from  the  vicinity  of  Kapisa  and  Niphanda 
(or  Opian),  and  joins  the  river  of  Locharna,  or  Loh- 
garh,  nearly  opposite  Nagara.  This  stream  I  take  to  be 
the  united  Panjshir  and  Ghorband  river,  which  joins 
the  Lohgarh  river  about  halfway  between  Kabul  and 
Jalalabad.  This  identification  is  rendered  nearly  cer- 
tain by  the  position  assigned  to  the  Lambata,  or  people 
of  Lampaka  or  Lamghan,  who  are  placed  to  the  east  of 
the  nameless  river,  which  cannot  therefore  be  the  Ku- 
nar  river,  as  might  otherwise  have  been  inferred  from 
its  junction  with  the  Lohgarh  river  opposite  ITagara. 

This  being  the  case,  the  Karsana  of  Ptolemy  may 
at  once  be  identified  with  the  Cartana  of  Pliny ;  and 
the  few  facts  related  by  both  authors  may  be  combined 
to  aid  us  in  discovering  its  true  position.  According 
to  Pliny,  it  was  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Caucasus, 
and  not  far  from  Alexandria ;  whilst,  according  to 
Ptolemy,  it  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Panjshir 
river.  These  data  point  to  Begram,  which  is  situated 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  united  Panjshir  and  Ghor- 
band  rivers,  immediately  at  the  foot  of  the  Kohistan 

*  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  23. 



liills,  and   within   6  miles  of  Opian,  or   Alexandria 
Opiane.     As  I  know  of  no  other  place  that  answers 
all  these  requirements,  it  seems  most  probable  that 
Begram   must    be   the   true   locality.      Parwan  and 
Kushan  are  ancient  places  of  some  consequence  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Opian ;  but  they  are  both  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Ghorband  river,  while  the  first  is  pro- 
bably the  Baborana  of  Ptolemy,   and  the  other  his 
Kapisa.     Begram  also  answers  the  description  which 
Pliny  gives  of  Cartana,  as  Tetragonis,  or  the  "  Square;" 
for  Masson,  in  his  account  of  the  ruins,  specially  no- 
tices "  some  mounds  of  great  magnitude,  and  accu- 
rately describing  a  square  of  considerable  dimensions."* 
If  I  am  right  in  identifying  Begram  with  the  Kiu- 
lu-sa-pang  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  the  true  name  of 
the  place  must  have  been  Karsana,  as  written  by  Pto- 
lemy, and  not  Cartana^  as  noted  by  Pliny.     The  same 
form  of  the  name  is  also  found  on  a  rare  coin  of  Eu- 
kratides,  with  the  legend  Karisiye  nagara,  or  "  city  of 
Karisi"  which  I  have  identified  with  the  Kalasi  of 
the  Buddhist  chronicles,  as  the  birthplace  of  Eaja 
Milindu.     In  another  passage  of  the  same  chronicle,  j" 
Milindu  is  said  to  have  been  born  at  Alasanda,  or 
Alexandria,  the  capital  of  the  Yona,  or  Greek  country. 
Kalasi  must  therefore  have  been  either  Alexandria 
itself  or  some  place  close  to  it.     The  latter  conclusion 
agrees  exactly  with  the  position  of  Begram,  which  is 
only  a  few  miles  to  the  east  of  Opian.     Originally  two 
distinct   places,  like   Delhi   and  Shah  Jahanabad,  or 
London  and  Westminster,  I  suppose  Opidn  and  Kar- 

*  'Travels,'  iii.  155.     For  the  position  of  Begram  see  No.  III.  Map. 
\  Milindu-prasna,  quoted  by  Hardy,  in  '  Manual  of  Buddhism,' 
pp.  440,  516. 


Sana  to  have  gradually  approaclied  each  other  as  they 
increased  in  size,  until  at  last  they  virtually  became 
one  large  city.  On  the  coins  of  the  earlier  Greek 
kings  of  Ariana, — Euthydemus,  Demetrius,  and  Eu- 
kratides, — we  find  the  monograms  of  both  cities ;  but 
after  the  time  of  Eukratides,  that  of  Opiana  disap- 
pears altogether,  while  that  of  Karsana  is  common  to 
most  of  the  later  princes.  The  contemporary  occur- 
rence of  these  mint  monograms  proves  that  the  two 
cities  were  existing  at  the  same  time  ;  while  the  sud- 
den disuse  of  the  name  of  Opian  may  serve  to  show 
that,  during  the  latter  period  of  Greek  occupation,  the 
city  of  Alexandria  had  been  temporarily  supplanted 
by  Karsana. 

The  appellation  of  Begram  means,  I  believe,  no- 
thing more  than  "  the  city"  par  excellence,  as  it  is  also 
applied  to  three  other  ancient  sites  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  great  capitals,  namely,  Kabul,  Jalalabad, 
and  Peshawar.  Masson  derives  the  appellation  from 
the  Turki  be  or  bi^  "  chief,"  and  the  Hindi  grainy  or 
city, — that  is,  the  capital.*  But  a  more  simple  deriva- 
tion would  be  from  the  Sanskrit  wz,  implying  "  cer- 
tainty," "  ascertainment,"  as  in  vijaya,  victory,  which 
is  only  an  emphatic  form  of.  jay  a  with  the  prefix  vi. 
Vigrdma  would  therefore  mean  emphatically  "  the 
city  " — that  is,  the  capital ;  and  Big  ram  would  be  the 
Hindi  form  of  the  name,  just  as  Bijay  is  the  spoken 
form  of  Vijaya. 

The  plain  of  Begram  is  bounded  by  the  Panjshir 
and  the  Koh-daman  rivers  on  the  north  and  south; 
by  the  Mahighir  canal  on  the  west ;  and  on  the  east 
by  the  lands  of  Julgha,  in  the  fork  of  the  two  rivers. 

*  '  Travels,'  iii.  165. 



Its  length,  from  Bay  an,  on  the  Muhigliir  canal,  to 
Julgha,  is  about  8  miles ;  and  its  breadth,  from  Kilah 
Bnland  to  Yuz  Bashi,  is  4  miles.  Over  the  whole  of 
this  space  vast  numbers  of  relics  have  been  discovered, 
consisting  of  small  images,  coins,  seals,  beads,  rings, 
arrow-heads,  fragments  of  pottery,  and  other  remains, 
which  prove  that  this  plain  was  once  the  site  of  a 
great  city.  According  to  the  traditions  of  the  people, 
Begram  was  a  Greek  city,  which  was  overwhelmed 
by  some  natural  catastrophe.*  Masson  doubts  the 
tradition,  and  infers  from  the  vast  number  of  Kufic 
coins  found  there,  that  the  city  must  have  existed  for 
some  centuries  after  the  Muhammadan  invasion.  I 
am  inclined  to  think  that  Masson  is  right,  and  that  the 
decline  of  the  city  was  caused  by  the  gradual  desertion 
of  the  people,  consequent  on  the  transfer  of  the  seat  of 
government  to  Ghazni,  after  the  conquest  of  the 
country  by  the  Muhammadans.  Coins  of  the  last 
Hindu  Eajas  of  Kabul  and  of  the  first  Muhammadan 
kings  of  Ghazni  are  found  in  great  numbers  ;  but  the 
money  of  the  later  Ghaznavi  princes  is  less  plentiful, 
whilst  of  the  succeeding  Ghori  dynasty  only  a  few 
specimens  of  some  of  the  earlier  sovereigns  have  yet 
been  discovered.  From  these  plain  facts,  I  infer  that 
the  city  began  gradually  to  decay  after  the  Muham- 
madan conquest  of  Kabul  by  Sabuktugin,  towards 
the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  and  that  it  was  finally 
deserted  about  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
As  the  latter  period  corresponds  with  the  date  of  Jan- 
ghez  Khan's  invasion  of  these  provinces,  it  is  very  pos- 
sible, as  Masson  has  already  supposed,  that  Begram 
may  have  been  finally  destroyed  by  that  merciless 

*  Masson,  '  Travels,'  iii.  159. 


Other  Cities  of  Kapisene. 

I  will  close  tills  account  of  Kapisene  with  some  re- 
marks on  the  few  other  cities  of  the  same  district  that 
are  mentioned  hy  ancient  authors.     Pliny  descrihes 
one  city  as  "ad  Caucasum  Cadrusi,  oppidum  ab  Alex- 
andre conditum,"  which  is  slightly  altered  by  Solinus 
to  "  Cadrusia  oppidum  ab  Alexandre  Magno  ad  Cau- 
casum constitutum  est,  ubi  et  Alexandria."*     Bota 
authors  place  the  city  close  to  the  Caucasus,  to  which 
Solinus  adds,  that  it  was  §,lso  near  Alexandria.     Fol- 
lowing these  two  distinct  indications,  I  am  disposed 
to  identify  the  city  of  Cadrusi  with  the  old  site  of 
Koratds,  which  Masson  discovered  under  the  hills  of 
Kohistan,  6  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Begram,  and 
on  the  north  bank  of  the  Panjshir  river,  t      There 
are  the  usual  remains  of  an  old  city,   consisting  of 
mounds  covered  with  fragments  of  pottery,  amongst 
which  old  coins  are  frequently  found.     There  are  also 
remains  of  masonry  works  about  the  hills,  which  the 
people  call  Kafir-kot,  or  the  Kafir's  fort.      The  com- 
mentators have  accused  Solinus  of  misunderstanding 
Pliny,  whose  Cadrusi,  they  say,  was  the  name  of  a 
people,  and  whose  "oppidum  ab  Alexandre  conditum  " 
was  the  city  of  Alexandria.^     But  the  passage  was 
differently   understood    by   Philemon   Holland,    who 
renders  it  thus  ; — "  Upon  the  hill  Caucasus  stand eth 
the  town  Cadrusi,  built  likewise  by  the  said  Alexan- 
der."    As  a  general  rule,  the  Greeks  would  seem  to 
have  designated  the  various  peoples  whom  they  en- 
countered by  the   names   of  their   principal   towns. 

*  Plin.  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  25.     Solin.  Ivii.  f  '  Travels,'  iii.  166. 

X  Cellarius,  iii.  22,  p.  514,  "  quod  Solinus  pervertit." 


Thus  we  have  Kabura  and  the  Kabolitse,  Drepsa  and 
the  Diepsiani,  Taxila  and  the  Taxili,  Kaspeira  and 
the  Kaspeirsei,  from  which  I  would  infer,  that  there 
was  most  probably  also  a  town  named  Cadrusia,  whose 
inhabitants  were  called  Cadi'usi.  This  inference  is 
strengthened  by  the  correspondence,  both  in  name 
and  in  position  of  the  ruined  mound  of  Koratas,  with 
the  Cadrusi  of  Pliny. 

The  names  of  other  peoples  and  towns  are  recorded 
by  Ptolemy  ;  but  few  of  them  can  now  be  identified, 
as  we  have  nothing  to  guide  us  but  the  bare  names. 
The  Farsii^  with  their  to^vns  Parsia  and  Parsiana,  I 
take  to  be  the  Pashais,  or  people  of  the  Panjhir  or 
Panjshir  valley.  The  true  name  is  probably  Panchir, 
as  the  Arabs  always  write  ^'  for  the  Indian  ch.  The  mo- 
dern spelling  of  Panjshir  adopted  by  Bumes,  Leech, 
and  others,  appears  to  be  only  an  attempt  to  give  the 
Afghan  pronunciation  of  ch  as  ts  in  Panfsir.  A  town 
named  Panjhir  is  mentioned  by  the  early  Arab  geo- 
graphers, and  a  mountain  named  Pashdi  was  crossed  by 
Ibn  Batuta,  on  his  way  from  Kunduz  to  Parwan.* 

Other  tribes  are  the  Aristophyli,  a  pure  Greek  name, 
and  the  Jmbautis,  of  whom  nothing  is  known.  The 
towns  not  akeady  noticed  are  Arloarta  and  Barzaura 
in  the  north,  and  Drastoka  and  Naulibis  in  the  south. 
The  second  of  these  may  be  Bazarak,  a  large  town  in 
the  Panjshii-  valley,  and  the  last  may  be  Nilah  of 
Ghorband.  The  third  was  most  probably  a  town  in 
one  of  the  darch  or  valleys  of  the  Koh-daman. 

2.    KOPHENE,   OR    KABUL. 

The  district  of  Eabul  is  first  mentioned  by  Ptolemy, 
who  calls  the  people  KuboUfa,  and  their  capital  Kabura, 

*  '  Travels/  p.  98. 


which  was  also  named  Ortospana.  The  latter  name 
alone  is  found  in  Strabo  and  Pliny,  with  a  record  of 
its  distance  from  the  capital  of  Arachosia,  as  measured 
by  Alexander's  surveyors,  Diognetes  and  Baiton.  In 
some  copies  of  Pliny  the  name  is  written  OHliospanum, 
which,  with  a  slight  alteration  to  Orthostana,  as  sug- 
gested by  H.  H.  Wilson,*  is  most  probably  the  Sanskrit 
Urddhasthdna,  that  is,  the  "  high  place,"  or  lofty  city. 
The  same  name  is  also  given  to  the  Kabul  district  by 
the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen  Thsang.  But  I  strongly 
suspect  that  there  has  been  some  accidental  inter- 
change of  names  between  the  province  and  its  capi- 
tal. On  leaving  Ghazni,  the  pilgrim  travelled  to  the 
north  for  600  li,  or  83  miles,  to  Fo-li-sld-sa-tang-na^  of 
which  the  capital  was  Hu-phi-na.  I^ow  by  two  dif- 
ferent measured  routes  the  distance  between  Ghazni 
and  Kabul  was  found  to  be  81  and  88|^  miles.f  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  therefore,  that  Kabul  must  be  the 
place  that  was  visited  by  the  pilgrim.  In  another 
place  the  capital  is  said  to  be  700  /«',  or  116  miles, 
from  Bamian,  which  agrees  very  well  with  the  mea- 
sured distance  of  104  miles:]:  between  Bamian  and 
Kabul,  along  the  shortest  route. 

The  name  of  the  capital,  as  given  by  the  Chinese 
pilgrim,  has  been  rendered  by  M.  Vivien  de  St. 
Martin  as  Vardasthdna,  and  identified  with  the  dis- 
trict of  the  Wardak  tribe,  while  the  name  of  the 
province  has  been  identified  with  Hupian  or  Opian. 
But  the  Wardak  valley,  which  receives  its  name  from 
the  "Wardak  tribe,  lies  on  the  upper  course  of  the 

*  '  Ariana  Antiqua,'  p.  176. 
t  Thornton's  '  Gazetteer,'  Appendix. 
J  Lieutenant  Sturt,  Engineers,  by  perambulator. 



Logarli  river,  at  some  distance  to  the  south,  of  Kabul, 
and  only  40  miles  to  the  north  of  Ghazni,  while 
Hupian  or  Opian  lies  27  miles  to  the  north  of  Kabul, 
or  more  than  70  miles  distant  from  Wardak.  My  own 
researches  lead  me  to  conclude  that  both  names  refer 
to  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Kabul  itself. 

Professor  Lassen  has  already  remarked  that  the 
name  of  Kipin,  which  is  so  frequently  mentioned  by 
other  Chinese  authors,  is  not  once  noticed  by  Hwen 
Thsang.  Eemusat  first  suggested  that  Kipin  was  the 
country  on  the  Kophes  or  Kabul  river  ;  and  this  sug- 
gestion has  ever  since  been  accepted  by  the  unani- 
mous consent  of  all  writers  on  ancient  India,  by  whom 
the  district  is  now  generally  called  Kophene.  It  is 
this  form  of  the  name  of  Kipin  that  I  propose  to 
identify  with  the  Hu-phi-na  of  Hwen  Thsang,  as  it 
seems  to  me  scarcely  possible  that  this  once  famous 
province  can  have  remained  altogether  unnoticed  by 
him,  when  we  know  that  he  must  have  passed  through 
it,  and  that  the  name  was  still  in  use  for  more  than  a 
century  after  his  time.*  I  have  already  stated  my 
suspicion  that  there  has  been  some  interchange  of 
names  between  the  province  and  its  capital.  This 
suspicion  is  strengthened  when  it  is  found  that  all 
difficulties  are  removed,  and  the  most  complete  iden- 
tification obtained,  by  the  simple  interchange  of  the 
two  names.  Thus  Hu-phi-na  will  represent  Kophene, 
or  Kipin,  the  country  on  the  Kabul  river,  and  Fo-li- 
sJd-sa-tan^'na,  or  Urddhasthdna,  will  represent  Orto- 
stana,  which,  as  we  know  from  several  classical 
authorities,  was  the  actual  capital  of  this  province. 

*  Lassen,  '  Points  in  the  History  of  the  Greek  Eings  of  Kabul,' 
p.  102. 


I  may  remark  that  Huphina  is  a  very  exact  Chinese 
transcript  of  KopJien,  whereas  it  would  be  a  very  im- 
perfect transcript  of  Hiipidn,  as  one  syllable  would  be 
altogether  unrepresented,  and  the  simple  p  would  be 
replaced  by  an  aspirate.  The  correct  transcript  of 
Hupian  would  be  Hu-pi-yan-na. 

M.  Vivien  de  St.  Martin  has  objected*  to  the  name 
of  UrddhastMna  that  it  is  a  "  conjectural  etymology 
without  object."  I  am,  however,  quite  satisfied  that 
this  reading  is  the  correct  one,  for  the  following 
reasons  : — 1st.  The  name  of  Ortospana  is  not  confined 
to  the  Paropamisadse ;  but  is  found  also  in  Karmania 
and  in  Persis.  It  could  not,  therefore,  have  had  any 
reference  to  the  Wardak  tribe,  but  must  be  a  generic 
name  descriptive  of  its  situation,  a  requirement  that 
is  most  satisfactorily  fulfilled  by  Urddhasfhdna,  which 
means  literally  the  "high  place,"  and  was  most  pro- 
bably employed  to  designate  any  hill  fortress.  2nd. 
The  variation  in  the  reading  of  the  name  to  Porto- 
spana  confirms  the  descriptive  meaning  which  I  have 
given  to  it,  a^ porta  signifies  "high  "  in  Pushtu,  and 
was,  no  doubt,  generally  adopted  by  the  common 
people  instead  of  the  Sanskrit  urddha. 

The  position  of  Ortospana  I  would  identify  with 
Kabul  itself,  with  its  Bala  Hisdr^  or  "high  fort," 
which  I  take  to  be  only  a  Persian  translation  of  Orto- 
spana, or  Urddhasfhdna.  It  was  the  old  capital  of  the 
country  before  the  Macedonian  conquest,  and  so  late 
as  the  tenth  century  it  was  still  believed  "  that  a  king 
was  not  properly  qualified  to  govern  until  he  had 
been  inaugurated  at  Kabul."t    Hekatseus  also  describes 

*  •  Hiouen  Thsang,'  iii.  416. 

I  Ouseley,  '  Oriental  Geography,'  p.  226. 

D  2 


a  "  royal  town  "  amongst  the  Opiai,*  but  we  have  no 
data  for  determining  either  its  name  or  its  position. 
It  seems  most  probable,  however,  that  Kabul  must  he 
intended,  as  we  know  of  no  other  place  that  could 
have  held  this  position  after  the  destruction  of  Kapisa 
by  C'jTus ;  but  in  this  case  Kabul  must  have  been  ui- 
cluded  within  the  territories  of  the  Opiai. 

It  is  strange  that  there  is  no  mention  of  Kabul  in 
the  histories  of  Alexander,  as  he  must  certainly 
have  passed  through  the  town  on  his  way  from  Ara- 
chosia  to  the  site  of  Alexandria.  I  think,  however, 
that  it  is  most  probably  the  town  of  Nikaia,  which 
was  Alexander's  first  march  from  his  new  city  on  his 
return  from  Bactria.  Nikaia  is  described  by  Nonnus 
as  a  stone  city,  situated  near  a  lake.  It  was  also 
called  Astakia,  after  a  nymph  whom  Bacchus  had 
abused. •]■  The  lake  is  a  remarkable  feature,  which  is 
peculiar  in  Northern  India  to  Kabul  and  Kashmir. 
The  city  is  also  said  to  have  been  called  Indophdn,  or 
"Indian-killer,"  on  account  of  the  victory  which 
Bacchus  had  gained  over  the  Indians  on  this  spot. 
From  this  name  I  infer,  that  ISTonnus  had  most  proba- 
bly heard  of  the  popular  meaning  which  is  attributed 
to  the  name  of  Hindu-lush^  or  "Hindu-killer,"  and 
that  he  adopted  it  at  once  as  corroborative  of  the 
Indian  conquests  of  Dionysius. 

*  Steph.  Byz.  in  v.  'flTriai.  'Ei/  St  rfixor  BairiXijl'oj/  /xf'xp'  romov  'Qmm, 
awa  TOvTav  ipr}jxir]  fJ-^XP'-  "li'Sw. 

t  ■  Dionysiaca,'  xvi.,  last  three  lines  : — 

Kai  nroXiv  evXaiyya  ^iXaxpijra),  napa  Xi/ii/i;, 
Teij|f  6eus  Ni'/caiaj/  eVrnTO/ioc,  ^v  ano  Nu/i(^j;s 
'Ao-TaKlrjs  cKoXfcrcri,  Kai  'Iv8o(l>6vov  fi€Ta  vUtjv. 
The  meaning  of  which  appears  to  be,  that  "  Bacchus  built  a  stone  city, 
named  K/kaia,  near  a  lake,  which  he  also  called  Astakia,  after  the 
nymph,  and  Indoph6n,,\n  remembrance  of  his  victory." 


The  province  is  described  as  being  2000  li^  or  333 
miles,  in  length,  from  east  to  west,  and  1000  /«',  or  166 
miles,  in  breadth  from  north  to  south.  It  is  probable 
that  this  statement  may  refer  to  the  former  extent  of 
the  province,  when  its  king  was  the  paramount  ruler 
of  Western  Afghanistan,  including  Ghazni  and  Kan- 
dahar, as  the  actual  dimensions  of  the  Kabul  district 
are  not  more  than  one-haK  of  the  numbers  here 
stated.  Its  extreme  length,  from  the  sources  of  the 
Helmand  river  to  the  Jagdalak  Pass,  is  about  150 
miles,  and  its  extreme  breadth,  from  Istalif  to  the 
sources  of  the  Logarh  river,  is  not  more  than  70 

The  name  of  Kophes  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  the 
Vedas,  in  which  the  Kubhd  river  is  mentioned  as  an 
aflBuent  of  the  Indus ;  and  as  it  is  not  an  Arian  word, 
I  infer  that  the  name  must  have  been  applied  to  the 
Kabul  river  before  the  Arian  occupation,  or,  at  least, 
as  early  as  e.g.  2500.  In  the  classical  writers  we  find 
the  Khoes,  Kophes,  and  Khoaspes  livers,  to  the  west  of 
the  Indus,  and  at  the  present  day  we  have  the  Kunar, 
the  Kuram,  and  the  Gomal  rivers  to  the  west,  and  the 
Kunihar  river  to  the  east  of  the  Indus,  all  of  which 
are  derived  from  the  Scythian  ku,  "  water."  It  is  the 
guttural  form  of  the  Assyrian  hu  in  Euphrates  and 
Euleeus,  and  of  the  Turki  su  and  the  Tibetan  chu^  all 
of  which  mean  water  or  river.  The  district  of  Kophene 
must,  therefore,  have  received  its  name  from  the  river 
which  flowed  through  it,  like  as  Sindh  from  the  Sindhu 
or  Indus,  Margiana  from  the  Margus,  Aria  from  the 
Arius,  Arachosia  from  the  Arachotus,  and  others.  It 
is  not  mentioned  by  Alexander's  historians,  although 
the  river  Kophes  is  noticed  by  aU  of  them. 



In  Ptolemy's  '  Geography  '  tlie  city  of  Kabura  and 
the  KaboUtm,  with  the  towns  of  Arguda,  or  Argandi, 
and  Locharna^  or  Logarh,  are  all  located  in  the  terri- 
tories of  the  Paropamisadse  along  the  Kabul  river. 
Higher  np  the  stream  he  places  the  town  of  Bagarda^ 
which  corresponds  exactly  in  position,  and  very  closely 
in  name  with  the  valley  of  Wardah.  AH  the  letters 
of  the  two  names  are  the  same;  and  as  the  mere 
transposition  of  the  guttural  to  the  end  of  the  Greek 
name  will  make  it  absolutely  identical  with  the 
modern  name,  there  is  strong  evidence  in  favour  of 
the  reading  of  Bardaga  instead  of  Bagarda.  Accord- 
ing to  Elphinstone,*  the  War  dak  tribe  of  Afghans 
occupy  the  greater  part  of  the  Logarh  valley.  This 
is  confirmed  by  Masson,f  who  twice  visited  the  dis- 
trict of  "Wardak ;  and  by  Vigne,:j:  who  crossed  it  on 
his  way  from  Ghazni  to  Kabul.  The  only  objection 
to  this  identification  that  occurs  to  me  is,  the  possi- 
bility that  Bagarda  may  be  the  Greek  form  of  Vaehe- 
reta,  which  is  the  name  given  in  the  '  Zend  Avesta '  to 
the  seventh  country  that  was  successively  occupied  by 
the  Arian  race.  From  its  position  between  Bactria, 
Aria,  and  Arachosia,  on  one  side,  and  India  on  the 
other,  Vaekereta  has  usually  been  identified  with  the 
province  of  Kabul.  This,  also,  is  the  opinion  of  the 
Parsis  themselves.  Vaekereta  is  further  said  to  be 
the  seat  or  home  of  Duzlatk,  which  further  tends  to 
confirm  its  identification  with  Kabul,  as  the  acknow- 
ledged country  of  Zohak.  If  the  Wardaks  had  ever 
been  a  ruling  tribe,  I  should  be  disposed  to  infer  that 
the  name  of  Vaekereta  might,  probably,  have  been  de- 
rived from  them.     But  in  our  present  total  ignorance 

*  =  Kabul;  i.  160.  f  '  Travels,'  ii.  223.        %  '  Ghazni,'  p.  140. 


of  their  history,  I  think  that  it  is  sufficient  to  note 
the  very  great  similarity  of  the  two  names. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  king  of  Kophene  was  a 
Turk,  and  the  language  of  the  country  was  different 
from  that  of  the  people  of  Ghazni.  Hwen  Thsang 
mentions  that  the  alphabet  of  Kapisene  was  that  of  the 
Turks,  hut  that  the  language  was  not  Turki.  As  the 
king,  however,  was  an  Indian,  it  may  reasonably  be 
inferred  that  the  language  was  Indian.  For  a  similar 
reason  it  may  be  conjectured  that  the  language  of 
Kophene  was  some  dialect  of  Turki,  because  the  king 
of  the  district  was  a  Turk. 


The  Chinese  pilgrim  places  the  country  of  Tsau-ku-ta 
at  500  /«,  or  83  miles,  to  the  south  of  Hupliina^  or 
Kophene,  and  to  the  north-wept  of  Falana,  or  Banu. 
The  valley  of  the  Lo-mo-in-tu  river,  which  is  men- 
tioned as  producing  assafoetida,  is  readily  identified 
with  the  Helmand  by  prefixing  the  syllable  Ho  to  the 
Chinese  transcript.  The  kingdom  is  said  to  have  been 
7000  /?',  or  1166  miles,  in  circuit,  which  cannot  be  far 
from  the  truth,  as  it  most  probably  included  the  whole 
of  south-western  Afghanistan  with  the  exception  of 
Kandahar,  which  at  that  time,  from  the  story  of  the 
begging-pot  of  Buddha  already  noted,  would  appear 
to  have  belonged  to  Persia. 

This  district  possessed  two  capitals,  called  Ho-si-na 
and  Ho-sa-lo.  The  first  has  been  identified  by  M.  de 
St.  Martin  with  Ghazni^  which  is  quite  satisfactory ; 
but  his  suggestion  that  the  other  may  be  connected 
with  Hazdra  is,  I  think,  very  doubtful.  Hazara  is  the 
name  of  a  district,  and  not  of  a  town  ;  and  its  applica- 


tion  to  this  part  of  the  country  is  said  by  the  people 
themselyes  not  to  be  older  than  the  time  of  Janghez 
Khan.*  I  would,  therefore,  identify  it  with  Guzar  or 
Guzaristan^  which  is  the  chief  town  on  the  Helmand 
at  the  present  day ;  and  with  the  Ozola  of  Ptolemy, 
which  he  places  in  the  north-west  of  Arachosia,  or  in 
the  Yery  same  position  as  Guzaristan. 

The  name  of  Tsaukuta  still  remains  to  be  explained. 
The  identifications  just  made  show  that  it  corresponds 
exactly  "ftdth  the  Arachosia  of  classical  writers,  which 
is  the  Arokhaj  and  Bokhaj  of  the  Arab  geographers. 
The  latter  form  is  also  found  in  Arrian's  '  Periplus  of 
the  Erythi-a^an  Sea  '  as  'Pa-xpvaoi.  It  was,  therefore,  not 
unusual  both  before  and  after  the  time  of  Hwen 
Thsang  to  drop  the  initial  syllable  of  the  name.  The 
original  form  was  the  Sanskrit  Saraswati,  which  in 
Zend  became  Haraqditi,  and  in  Greek  'Apaxcords,  all  of 
which  agree  in  the  last  two  syllables  with  the  Chinese 
TmiiTiuta.  The  first  Chinese  syllable  Tsau  must,  there- 
lore,  con-espond  with  the  Ra  of  the  other  forms.  This 
change  may,  perhaps,  be  explained  by  a  peculiarity  of 
the  Turki  language,  which  frequently  changes  the 
letter  r  into  a  soft  s  or  sli^  as  the  Turki  words  dengiz^ 
'•'  sea,"'  and  o/v/.-,  "  ox,''  are  the  same  as  the  Hungarian 
ietiijer  and  okur.\  On  the  Indo-Scythian  coins,  also,  we 
find  the  Turki  names  of  Kanishka,  Huvishka^  and 
KHsIidiia  changed  to  Kanerke,  Hoverke,  and  Korano  in 
Greek.  It  seems  possible,  therefore,  that  the  initial 
syllable  Tsau  of  the  Chinese  transcript  may  be  only 
the  peculiar  Tui'ki  pronunciation  of  the  Indian  Ra, 
which  would  naturally  have  come  into  use  with  the 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  163. 

t  Prichard,  '  Physical  History  of  Mankind,'  iv.  403. 


occupation  of  the  country  by  the  Turki  tribe  of  Tochari, 
about  the  beginniag  of  the  Christian  era. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  king  of  Ghazni,  who 
was  a  Buddhist,  was  descended  from  a  long  line  of 
ancestors.  Both  the  alphabet  and  the  language  of 
the  "people  are  said  to  have  been  different  from  those 
of  other  countries ;  and  as  Hwen  Thsang  was  ac- 
quainted with  both  the  Indian  and  Turki  languages, 
I  infer  that  the  speech  of  the  people  of  Ghazni  was 
most  probably  Pushtu.  If  so,  the  people  must  have 
been  Afghans  ;  but,  unfortunately,  we  have  no  other 
clue  to  guide  us  in  settling  this  very  interesting  point, 
unless,  indeed,  the  name  of  0-po-kien,  a  place  to  the 
south-east  of  Ghazni,  may  be  identified  with  Afyhdn, 
a  point  which  will  be  discussed  hereafter. 

Of  Guzaristan,  on  the  Helmand,  I  am  not  able  to 
give  any  further  information,  as  that  part  of  the 
country  has  not  yet  been  visited  by  any  European. 
Ghazni  itself  is  too  well  known  to  require  any  parti- 
cular description,  but  I  may  note  that  it  must  have 
been  in  a  very  flourishing  condition  in  the  seventh 
century,  as  Hwen  Thsang  estimates  its  circuit  at  30 
/«',  or  5  miles.  At  the  present  day  the  circuit  of  the 
walled  town  is  not  more  than  one  mile  and  a  quarter. 
Yigne  calls  it  an  irregular  pentagon,  with  sides  vary- 
ing from  200  to  400  yards  in  length,  strengthened  by 
numerous  towers.  He  adds,*  that  "the  Afghans  boast 
much  of  the  strength  of  the  walls  and  fortifications  of 
Ghazni."  But  Ghazni  has  always  been  famous  in  the 
East  as  a  place  of  strength  and  security  ;  and  for  this 
very  reason  it  received  its  name  of  Gaza^  an  old 
Persian  term  for  a  "  treasury."  It  is  described  in  some 

*  '  Ghazni,'  p.  122. 


crabbed  lines  of  the  '  Dionysiaca'  of  Nonnus,  wlio  lived 
about  A.D.  500,  and  also  in  tbe  '  Bassarica'  of  Dionysius, 
who  lived  not  later  than  a.d.  300.  Both  of  them  refer 
pointedly  to  its  impregnability.     Dionysius  calls  it, — 

'Aa-Tv(piKov  hfjOKTi,  Kai  el  nayxoKKeov  ^ei*, 
"  As  stern  in  war  as  if  'twas  made  of  brass," 

and  Noiinns  says,*  "  They  fortified,  with  a  net-like 
enclosure  of  interlacing  works,  Gazos,  an  immoveable 
bulwark  of  Ares,  and  never  has  any  armed  enemy 
breached  its  compact  foundations."  These  early  notices 
of  this  famous  place  suggest  the  possibility  that  the 
Gazaha  of  Ptolemy  may  have  been  misplaced  amongst 
the  Paropamisadse  to  the  north  of  Kabul,  instead  of  to 
the  south  of  it.  But  as  Stephanus  of  Byzantium,  who 
quotes  the  '  Bassarica '  of  Dionysius  as  his  authority 
for  this  Indian  town,  tto'Xis  'IvBikti,  takes  no  notice  of 
the  Indian  Gazaka,  1  conclude  that  he  must  have 
looked  upon  it  as  a  different  place. 

4.    LAMGHAN. 

The  district  of  Lan-po,  or  Lamghan,  is  noted  by 
Hwen  Thsang  as  being  600  li,  or  just  100  miles,  to  the 
east  of  Kapisene.  He  describes  the  road  as  a  succes- 
sion of  hills  and  valleys,  some  of  the  hills  being  of 
great  height.  This  description  agrees  with  all  the  re- 
cent accounts  of  the  route  along  the  northern  bank  of 
the  river  from  Opian  to  Lamghan.  The  bearing  and 
distance  also  coincide  so  exactly  with  the  position  of 
Lamghan  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  identity  of 

*  '  Dionysiaca,'  xxvi.  30: — 

KOL  Ot  \iVO€p-)(i'i     KVKXta 

TAZON  impyaxravTO  XtraTrX/ftToio-i  hojiaiois, 
"Apeos  aKXives  eppa,  Kat  ovirore  drj'ios  avrjp 
XoKkov  e^coi/  €pprj^i  ivKkaXTTOKTl  6€fi€u\ois. 


the  two  districts.  Ptolemy,  also,  places  a  people  called 
Lamhatce  in  the  very  same  position.  From  a  com- 
parison of  this  term  with  the  modern  appellation  of 
Lamgh§,n,  it  seems  probable  that  the  original  form  of 
the  name  was  the  Sanskrit  Lampaka.  I  would,  there- 
fore, correct  Ptolemy's  Lambatm  to  Lambaffce,  by  the 
slight  change  of  r  for  T.  The  modern  name  is  only 
an  abbreviation  of  Lampaka,  formed  by  the  elision  of 
the  labial.  It  is  also  called  Laghmdn  by  the  simple 
transposition  of  the  middle  consonants,  which  is  a 
common  practice  in  the  East.  The  credulous  Muham- 
madans  derive  the  name  from  the  patriarch  Lamech, 
whose  tomb  they  affirm  still  exists  in  Lamghan.  It  is 
noticed  by  Baber  and  by  Abul  Fazl. 

The  district  is  described  by  Hwen  Thsang  as  being 
only  1000  li,  or  166  miles,  in  circuit,  with  snowy 
mountains  on  the  north,  and  black  hills  on  the  other 
three  sides.  Prom  this  account  it  is  clear  that  Lan-po 
corresponds  exactly  with  the  present  Lamghan,  which 
is  only  a  small  tract  of  country,  lying  along  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Kabul  river,  bounded  on  the  west 
and  east  by  the  Alingar  and  Kunar  rivers,  and  on 
the  north  by  the  snowy  mountains.  This  small  tract 
is  very  nearly  a  square  of  40  miles  on  each  side,  or 
160  miles  in  circuit.  It  had  formerly  been  a  separate 
kingdom ;  but  in  the  seventh  century  the  royal  family 
was  extinct,  and  the  district  was  a  dependency  of 


Prom  Lamghan  the  Chinese  pilgrim  proceeded  for 
100  li,  or  nearly  17  miles,  to  the  south-east,  and,  after 
crossing  a  large  river,  reached  the  district  of  Nagara- 



lidra.  Both  the  bearing  and  distance  point  to  the 
Nagara  of  Ptolemy,  which  was  to  the  south  of  the 
Kabul  river,  and  in  the  immediate  Yicinity  of  Jalala- 
bad. Hwen  Thsang  writes  the  name  Na-ki-lo-ho  ;  but 
M.  Julien*  has  found  the  full  transcript  of  the  Sanskrit 
name  in  the  annals  of  the  Song  dynasty,  in  which  it  is 
written  Nang-go-lo-lio-lo.  The  Sanskrit  name  occurs 
in  an  inscription  which  was  discovered  by  Major 
Kittoe  in  the  ruined  mound  of  Ghosrdwd,  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Bihar.f  Nagarahara  is  said  to  be  600  li,  or 
100  miles,  in  length  from  east  to  west,  and  upwards 
of  250  //,  or  42  miles,  in  breadth  fi-om  north  to  south. 
The  natural  boundaries  of  the  district  are  the  Jag- 
dalak  Pass  on  the  west,  and  the  Khaibar  Pass  on  the 
east,  with  the  Kabul  river  to  the  north,  and  the 
Safed  Koh^  or  snowy  mountains,  to  the  south.  Within 
these  limits  the  direct  measurements  on  the  map  are 
about  75  by  30  miles,  which  in  actual  road  distance 
would  be  about  the  same  as  the  numbers  stated  by 
Hwen  Thsang. 

The  position  of  the  capital  would  appear  to  have 
been  at  Begram,  about  2  miles  to  the  west  of  Jala- 
labad, and  5  or  6  miles  to  the  W.N.W.  of  Hidda, 
which  by  the  general  consent  of  every  inquirer  has 
been  identified  Avith  the  Hi-lo  of  the  Chinese  pilgrims. 
The  town  of  Hilo  was  only  4  or  5  //,  or  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile,  in  circuit;  but  it  was  celebrated 
for  its  possession  of  the  skull-bone  of  Buddha,  which 
was  deposited  in  a  stupa,  or  solid  round  tower,  and 
Avas  only  exhibited  to  pilgrims  on  payment  of  a  piece 
of  gold.     Hidda  is  a  small  village,  5  miles  to  the 

*  '  Hiouen  Tlisang,'  ii.  96,  note. 

t  Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  1848,  pp.  490,  491. 


south  of  Jalal^b^d ;  but  it  is  well  known  for  its  large 
collection   of    Buddhist   stupas,    tumuli,    and    caves, 
which  were  so  successfully  explored  by  Masson.     The 
presence  of  these  important  Buddhist  remains,  in  the 
Tery  position  indicated  by  the  Chinese  pilgrims,  af- 
fords the  most  satisfactory  proof  of  the  identity  of 
Hidda  with  their  Hilo.     This  is  further  confirmed  by 
the  absolute  agreement  of  name,  as  Hi-lo  is  the  closest 
approximation  that  could  be  made  in  Chinese  syllables 
to  the  original   Him   or   Hida.     The   capital   must, 
therefore,  have  been  situated  on  the  plain  of  Begram, 
which  is  described  by  Masson*  as  "  literally  covered 
with  tumuli  and  mounds."     "These,"  he  adds,  "are 
truly  sepulchral  monuments  ;    but,   with  the  topes, 
sanction  the  inference  that  a  very  considerable  city 
existed  here,  or  that  it  was  a  place  of  renown  for  sanc- 
tity.    It  may  have  been  both."     I  think  it  is  just 
possible  that   Hidda  may  be  only  a  transposition  of 
Haddi,  a  bone,  as  the  stupa  of  the  skull-bone  of  Buddha 
is  said  in  one  passagef  to  have  been  in  the  town  of 
Hilo,  while  in  another  passage  it  is  located  in  the  town 
of  Fo-tinff-ko-chinff,  which  is  only  a  Chinese  translation 
of  "  Buddha's  skull-bone  town."     During  the  course 
of  this  disquisition  I  shall  have  to  notice  the  frequent 
occurrence  of  short  descriptive  names  of  places  which 
were  famous  in  the  history  of  Buddha.     I  am,  there- 
fore, led  to  think  that  the  place  which  contained  the 
skull-bone  of  Buddha  would  most  probably  have  been 
known  by  the  familiar  name  of  Asthipura  amongst  the 
learned,  and  of  Haddipura,  or  "  Bone-town  "  amongst 
the  common  people.     Similarly  the  skull-necklace  of 
Siva  is  called  simply  the  astliimdld,  or  '  bone-necklace.' 

*  '  Travels,*  ii.  164.  f  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  77. 



Nar/arahdra  was  long  ago  identified  by  Professor 
Lassen  with  the  'Nagara  or  Dionysopolis  of  Ptolemy, 
which  was  situated  midway  between  Kabura  and  the 
Indus.  The  second  name  suggests  the  probability 
that  it  may  be  the  same  place  as  the  Nysa  of  Arrian 
and  Curtius.  This  name  is  perhaps  also  preserved  ia 
the  Dinus  or  Dinuz  of  Abu  Eihan,*  as  he  places  it 
about  midway  between  Kabul  and  Parasbawar.  Ac- 
cording to  the  tradition  of  the  people,  the  old  city  was 
called  ^JJ/n/a,\  in  which  I  think  it  possible  to  recog- 
nize the  Greek  Jiov,  as  the  river  Yamuna  or  Jumna  is 
rendered  Diamuna  by  Ptolemy,  and  the  Sanskrit  yamas 
OT  jamas,  tho  south,  is  rendered  i)/a?»asffl  byPliny.;}:  It 
is,  however,  much  more  likely  that  Aj'Ana,  by  transpo- 
sition of  the  vowels  may  be  only  a  corrupt  form  of  the 
Pali  Ujjdna,  and  Sanskrit  Udydna,  "  a  garden,"  as 
M.  Vivien  de  St.  Martin  states  that  Udydnapura  was 
an  old  name  of  Nagarahara.§  If  this  identification  be 
correct  the  position  of  the  capital  must  certainly  have 
been  at  Begram,  as  I  have  already  suggested.  The 
name  of  Dionysopolis  was  no  doubt  the  most  usual 
appellation  during  the  whole  period  of  Greek  dominion, 
as  one  of  the  commonest  mint-monograms  on  the  coins 
of  the  Greek  kings  of  Ariana  forms  the  letters  AlON, 
which  will  n()t  suit  the  name  of  any  Indian  city  re- 
corded by  ancient  authors,  save  that  of  DionysopoHs. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  it  is  called  simply 
Na-kie  or  Narjara,  by  Fa  Hian,  who  adds  that  it  was 
then  an  independent  State  governed  by  its  own  king. 
In  A.D.  630,  at  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit,  it  was 
without  a  king,  and  subject  to  Kapisene.     After  this 

*  Eeiuaud'3  '  Fragraeiif  s,'  p.  114.         %  Hist.  JSat.,  vi.  e.  22 

t  Masson's  '  Travels,"  ii.  164.  §  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  iii.  305. 



of    GANDHARA    op 

Lo^-er    KABUT.  Valley 

16  Miles  to  1  Inch. 

„  I  I  ^■"'■■xandcr'.s  Uor*^ 

ii>*S?^5^'^' * 



it  most  probably  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  sovereign 
State,  and  became  successively  a  part  of  the  Brahman 
kingdom  of  Kabul  and  of  the  Mahommedan  empire  of 


The  district  of  Gandhara  is  not  mentioned  by  Alex- 
ander's professed  historians ;  but  it  is  correctly  described 
by  Strabo,  under  the  name  of  Gandaritis,  as  lying  along 
the  river  Kophes,  between  the  Choaspes  and  the  Indus. 
In  the  same  position  Ptolemy  places  the  Gandarcs, 
whose  country  included  both  banks  of  the  Kophes  im- 
mediately above  its  junction  with  the  Indus.  This  is 
the  Kien-to-lo,  or  Gandhara  of  all  the  Chinese  pilgrims, 
who  are  unanimous  in  placing  it  to  the  west  of  the 
Indus.  The  capital,  which  they  call  Pu-lu-sha-pulo 
or  Parashapura  is  stated  to  be  three  or  four  days' 
journey  from  the  Indus,  and  near  the  south  bank  of  a 
large  river.  This  is  an  exact  description  of  the  posi- 
tion of  Peshawar,  which  down  to  the  time  of  Akbar 
still  bore  its  old  name  of  Parashdwar,  under  which  form 
it  is  mentioned  by  Abul  Fazl  and  Baber,  and  still 
earlier  by  Abu  Eihan  and  the  Arab  geographers  of 
the  tenth  century.  According  to  Fa  Hian,  who  calls 
it  simply  Fo-lu-shd  or  Parashd,  the  capital  was  16 
yojans,  or  about  112  miles,  distant  from  Nagaraliara. 
Hwen  Thsang,  however,  makes  the  distance  only  500 
li,  or  83  miles,  which  is  certainly  a  mistake,  as  the 
measurement  by  perambulator  between  JalaMbid  and 
Peshawar  is  103  miles,  to  which  must  be  added  2  miles 
more  for  the  position  of  Begram  to  the  west  of  JaM- 

The  actual  boundaries  of  the  district  are  not  de- 



scribed,  but  its  size  is  given  as  1000  /«,  or  166  miles, 
from  east  to  west,  and  800  /«,  or  133  miles,  from  north 
to  south.  This  is,  perhaps,  nearly  correct,  as  the  ex- 
treme length,  whether  taken  from  the  source  of  the 
Bara  river  to  Torbela,  or  from  the  Kunar  river  to 
Torbela,  is  120  miles,  measured  on  the  map  direct,  or 
about  150  miles  by  road.  The  extreme  breadth, 
measured  in  the  same  way,  from  Bazar,  on  the  border 
of  the  Bunir  hills,  to  the  southern  boundary  of 
Kohat,  is  100  miles  direct,  or  about  125  miles  by 
road.  The  boundaries  of  Gandhara,  as  deduced  from 
these  measurements,  may  be  described  as  Lamghaa 
and  Jalalabad  on  the  west,  the  hills  of  Swat  and 
Bunir  on  the  north,  the  Indus  on  the  east,  and  the 
hills  of  Kalabagh  on  the  south.  Within  these  limits 
stood  several  of  the  most  renowned  places  of  ancient 
India;  some  celebrated  in  the  stirring  history  of 
Alexander's  exploits,  and  others  famous  in  the  mira- 
culous legends  of  Buddha,  and  in  the  subsequent 
history  of  Buddhism  under  the  Indo-Scythian  prince 

The  only  towns  of  the  Gandarse  named  by  Ptolemy 
are  Naulibe,  Embolima,  and  the  capital  called  Pro- 
klais.  All  of  these  were  to  the  north  of  the  Kophes ; 
and  so  also  were  Ora,  Bazaria,  and  Aornos,  which  are 
mentioned  by  Alexander's  historians.  Parashawar 
alone  Avas  to  the  south  of  the  Kophes.  Of  Naulibe 
and  Ora  I  am  not  able  to  offer  any  account,  as  they 
have  not  yet  been  identified.  It  is  probable,  how- 
ever, that  Naulihe  is  Hildh^  an  important  town,  which 
gave  its  name  to  the  Indus  river;  but  if  so,  it  is 
Avrongly  placed  by  Ptolemy,  as  Nildh  is  to  the  south 
of  the  Kophes.     The  positions  of  the  other  towns  I 


will  now  proceed  to  investigate,  including  with  them 
some  minor  places  visited  by  the  Chinese  pilgrims. 

Pushkalavati^  or  Peukelaotis. 

The  ancient  capital  of  Gandhara  was  Pushkalavati, 
which  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Pushkara,  the 
son  of  Bharata,  and  the  nephew  of  Eama.*  Its  anti- 
quity is  undoubted,  as  it  was  the  capital  of  the  pro- 
vince at  the  time  of  Alexander's  expedition.  The 
Greek  name  of  Peukelaotis,  or  Peucolditis,  was  imme- 
diately derived  from  PukJcalaoti,  which  is  the  Pali,  or 
spoken  form  of  the  Sanskrit  Pushkalavati.  It  is  also 
called  Peukelas  by  Arrian,  and  the  people  are  named 
Peukalei  by  Dionysius  Periegetes,  which  are  both  close 
transcripts  of  the  Pali  Pukkala.  The  form  of  Prokla'is, 
which  is  found  in  Arrian's  '  Periplus  of  the  Erythraean 
Sea,'  and  also  in  Ptolemy's  '  Geography,'  is  perhaps 
only  an  attempt  to  give  the  Hindi  name  of  Pokhar 
instead  of  the  Sanskrit  Pushkara. 

According  to  Arrian,  Peukelas  was  a  very  large 
and  populous  city,  seated  not  far  from  the  river 
Indus. f  It  was  the  capital  of  a  chief  named  Astes,J 
perhaps  Hasti,  who  was  killed  in  the  defence  of  one 
of  his  strongholds,  after  a  siege  of  thirty  days,  by 
Hephsestion.  Upon  the  death  of  Astes  the  city  of 
Peukelaotis  was  delivered  up  to  Alexander  -on  his 
march  towards  the  Indus.  Its  position  is  vaguely 
described  by  Strabo  and  Arrian  as  "near  the  Indus." 
But  the  geographer  Ptolemy  is  more  exact,  as  he 
fixes  it  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river  of  Suastene, 
that  is,  the  Panjkora  or  Swat  river,  which  is  the  very 

*  Wilson's  '  Vishnu  Purina,'  edited  by  Hall,  b.  iv.  c.  4. 
t  Arrian,  -  Indica,'  i.  X  Arrian,  '  Anabasis,'  It.  22. 



locality   indicated  by   Hwen   Thsang.      On  leaving 
Parashawar  tlie  Chinese  pilgrim  travelled  towards  the 
north-east  for  100  li,  or  nearly  17  miles;  and,  cross- 
ing a  great  river,  reached  Pu-se-Jcia-lo-fa-ti,  or  Push- 
kalavati.     The  river  here  mentioned  is  the  Kophes,  or 
river  of  Kabul;  and  the  bearing  and  distance  from 
Peshawar  point  to  the  two  large  towns  of  Parang  and 
Charsada,  which  form  part  of  the  well-known  Eas/it- 
naffar,  or  "Eight  Cities,"  that  are  seated  close  to- 
gether on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  lower  Swat  river. 
These  towns  are  Tangi,  Shirpao,  Umrzai,  Turangzai, 
Usman^ai,  Eajur,   Charsada,  and  Parang.     They  ex- 
tend over  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles ;  bnt  the  last  two 
are  seated  close  together  in  a  bend  of  the  river,  and 
might  originally  have  been  portions  of  one  large  town. 
The  fort  of  Hisar  stands  on  a  mound  above  the  ruins 
of  the  old  town  of  Hashtnagar,  which  General  Court 
places  on  an  island,  nearly  opposite  Eajm-.*     "All 
the  suburbs,"  he  says,  "  are  scattered  over  with  vast 
ruins. "t     The  eight  cities  are  shown  in  No.  lY.  Map. 
It  seems  to  me  not  improbable  that  the  modem 
name  of  Hashtnagar  may  be  only  a  slight  alteration 
of  the  old  name  of  Ilastinagara^  or  "  city  of  Hasti," 
which   might   have   been  applied   to   the   capital  of 
Astes,  the  Prince  of  Peukelaotis.     It  was  a  common 
practice  of  the  Greeks  to  call  the  Indian  rulers  by  the 
names    of  their   cities,    as   Taxiles,    Assakanus,  and 
others.     It   was   also   a   prevailing   custom  amongst 
Indian  princes  to  designate  any  additions  or  altera- 
tions made  to  their  capitals  by  their  own  names.    Of 
this  last  custom  we  have  a  notable  instance  in  the 
famous  city  of  Delhi ;  which,  besides  its  ancient  ap- 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1836,  p.  479.        t  m^->  1836,  p.  394. 


pellations  of  Indraprastha  and  DiUi,  was  also  known 
by  the  names  of  its  successive  aggrandizers  as  Kot- 
Pithora,  Kila-Alai,  Tughlakab&d,  Firuzfi,bad,  and 
Shabjahanabad.  It  is  true  that  the  people  them- 
selves refer  the  name  of  Hashtnagar  to  the  "  eight 
towns "  which  are  now  seated  close  together  along 
the  lower  course  of  the  Swat  river ;  but  it  seems  to 
me  very  probable  that  in  this  case  the  wish  was 
father  to  the  thought,  and  that  the  original  name  of 
Hastinagar,  or  whatever  it  may  have  been,  was 
slightly  twisted  to  Hashtnagar,  to  give  it  a  plausible 
meaning  amongst  a  Persianized  Muhammadan  popu- 
lation, to  whom  the  Sanskrit  Hastinagara  was  unia- 
telligible.  To  the  same  cause  I  would  attribute  the 
slight  change  made  in  the  name  of  Nagarahdra^ 
which  the  people  now  call  jNang-nihdr,*  or  the  "Nine 

In  later  times  Pushkalavati  was  famous  for  a  large 
stupa,  or  solid  tower,  which  was  erected  on  the  spot 
where  Buddha  was  said  to  have  made  an  alms-offering 
of  his  eyes.  In  the  period  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit,  it 
was  asserted  that  the  "  eyes  gift  "  had  been  made  one 
thousand  different  times,  in  as  many  previous  ex- 
istences :  but  only  a  single  gift  is  mentioned  by  the 
two  earlier  pilgrims,  Fa-Hian  in  the  fifth  century, 
and  Sung-Yun  in  the  sixth  century. 

Varusha^  or  Palodheri. 
Hwen  Thsang  next  visited  a  town  called  Po-lu-sha, 
which,  I  think,  may  be  identified  with  Falo-dheri,  or 

*  Baber's  '  Memoirs,'  p.  141. — Wood's  '  Journey  to  the  Source  of  tke 
Oxus,'  p.  167. — Macgregor's'Greography  of  Jalalabad,'  inJourn.  Asiat. 
Soc.  Bengal,  xi.  117,  and  xiii.  867. 



the  village  of  Pali^  whicli  is  situated  on  a  dheri^  or 
"mound  of  ruins,"  the  remains  of  some  early  town. 
To  the  north-east  of  the  town,  at  20  li^  or  3^  miles, 
rose  the  hill  of  Dantaloka^  with  a  cave,  in  which  Prince 
Sudana  and  his  wife  had  taken  refuge.  The  position 
of  Palodheri,  which  is  the  Velley  of  General  Court, 
agrees  with  Hwen  Thsang's  distance  of  ahout  40 
miles  from  Pushkalavati  ;*  and  this  identification  is 
supported  by  the  existence  of  the  great  cave  of  Kash- 
viiri-Ghdr,  in  the  hill  to  the  east -north-east,  and  with- 
in 3  or  4  miles  of  Palodheri.  Mount  Dantalok  I  take 
to  be  the  Monies  Dcedali  of  Justin, f  as  in  the  spoken 
dialects  the  nasal  of  the  word  danta  is  assimilated  with 
the  following  letter,  which  thus  becomes  doubled,  as 
in  the  well-known  datlon,  a  "  tooth-brush,"  or  twig 
used  for  cleaning  the  teeth. 

UfalcJianda,  or  Ohind,  or  Embolima. 

From  PolusJia  Hwen  Thsang  travelled  200  li,  or  33 
miles,  to  the  south-east  to  U-to-kia-han-cha,  which  M. 
Julien  transcribes  as  UdakhaJida,  and  M.  Yivien  de  St. 
Martin  identifies  with  Ohind  on  the  Indus.  The 
pilgrim  describes  Udakhanda  as  having  its  south  side 
resting  on  the  river,  which  tallies  exactly  with  the 
position  of  Ohind,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Indus, 
about  15  miles  above  Attok.  General  Court  and 
Burncs  call  this  place  Hund,  and  so  does  Mr.  Loewen- 
thal,  who  styles  Ohind  a  mistaken  pronunciation.  But 
the  name  was  written  sj^^^  Waihand  or  Oaihand,  by 
Abu  Eihan  in  a.d.  1030,  and  Ohind  by  Mirza  Mogal 
Beg  in  1790.  To  my  ear  the  name  sounded  something 
like  IFahand,  and  this  would  appear  to  have  been  the 

*  See  No.  IV.  Map.  t  '  Historiaj,'  xii.  7. 


proimnciation  wHch.  Eashid-ud-din  obtained  in  a.d. 
1310,  as  lie  names  the  place  Weliand*  According  to 
all  these  authors  F«^7^(2?^c?was  the  capital  of  Gandhara, 
and  Eashid-ud-din  adds  that  the  Mogals  called  it 
Kdrajdng.  The  only  native  writer  who  uses  the  abbre- 
viated form  of  the  name  is  Nizam-ud-din,  who  in  his 
'  Tabakat-i-Akbari '  says  that  Mahmud  besieged  Jaipal 
in  the  fort  of  Hind  in  a.d.  1002.  But  this  place  is 
differently  named  by  Ferishta,  who  calls  it  the  fort  of 
BUhanda,  jsjJyu  In  this  last  name  we  have  a  very 
near  approach  to  the  old  form  of  Utalchanda,  which  is 
given  by  Hwen  Thsang.  From  all  these  examples,  I 
infer  that  the  original  name  of  Utakhanda,  or  Ut-khand^ 
was  first  softened  to  UtJiand  or  Bithanda,  and  then 
shortened  to  Ultandox  Oliind.  The  other  form  of  Wehand 
I  look  upon  as  a  simple  misreading  of  TJthand^  as  the 
two  words  only  differ  in  the  position  of  the  diacritical 
points  of  the  second  letter.  General  James  Abbott,  in 
his  '  Gradus  ad  Aornon,'  calls  the  place  Oond^  and  says 
that  it  was  formerly  called  Oora^  from  which  he  thinks 
it  probable  that  it  may  be  identified  with  the  Ora, 
"flpa^  of  Alexander's  historians. 

I  have  entered  into  this  long  detail  out  of  respect 
for  the  acknowledged  learning  of  the  late  lamented 
Isidor  Loewenthal.  His  opinion  as  to  the  name  of 
Ohind  was  most  probably,  although  quite  unconsci- 
ously, biassed  by  his  belief  that  Utakhanda  was  to  be 
found  in  the  modem  Attak.  But  this  place  is  unfor- 
tunately on  the  wrong  side  of  the  Indus,  besides  which 
its  name,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  is  not  to  be  found  in 
any  author  prior  to  the  reign  of  Akbar.     Abul  Fazl 

*  There  is  a  place  of  the  same  name  on  the  Jhelam,  which  Moor- 
croft  spells  Oin. 



calls  the  fort  AtaJc-Bandras^  and  states  that  it  was  built 
m  the  reign  of  his  Majesty.  Baber  never  mentions 
the  place,  although  he  frequently  speaks  of  Nilab. 
Eashid-ud-din,  however,  states  that  the  Parashawar 
river  joins  the  Indus  near  Tavkur,  which  most  probably 
refers  to  the  strong  position  of  Khairabad.  I  have  a 
suspicion  that  the  name  of  Attak,  the  "forbidden," 
may  have  been  derived  by  Akbar  from  a  mistaken 
reading  of  Tanhur^  with  the  Arabic  article  prefixed,  as 
Et-tankur.  The  name  of  Bandras  was  undoubtedly  de- 
rived from  Bandr,  the  old  name  of  the  district  in 
which  the  fort  is  situated.  The  name  of  Banar  sug- 
gested Banaras,  and  as  Kdai-Badjiras  was  the  city 
which  all  Hindus  would  wish  to  visit,  so  we  may  guess 
that  this  fact  suggested  to  the  playful  mind  of  Akbar 
the  exactly  opposite  idea  of  Attah  Bandras  or  the  "  for- 
bidden "  Banaras,  which  all  good  Hindus  should  avoid. 
Or  the  existence  of  Katalc  Bandras*  (or  Cuttack)  in 
Orissa,  on  the  extreme  eastern  limit  of  his  kingdom, 
may  have  suggested  an  alteration  of  the  existing  names 
of  Attak  and  Banar  to  Attak-Bandras  as  an  antithesis 
for  the  extreme  west. 

TFehand,  or  TJhand  as  I  believe  it  should  be  written, 
was  the  capital  of  the  Brahman  kings  of  Kabul,  whose 
dynasty  was  extinguished  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  in 
A.D.  1026.  Masudi,  who  visited  India  in  a.d.  915, 
states  that  "  the  king  of  El-kandahar  (or  Gandhara), 
who  is  one  of  the  kings  of  Es-Sind  ruling  over  this 
country,  is  called  Jahaj ;  this  name  is  common  to  all 
sovereigns  of  that  country."!  Now,  C/iack  is  the  name 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,"  ii.  194,  and  Stirling's  '  Orissa,'  in  Bengal  Asiat 
Researches,  xv.  189. 
f  Sir  Henry  Elliot's  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  i.  57.    In 


of  the  great  plain  to  the  east  of  the  Indus,  im- 
mediately opposite  to  Ohind;  and  as  the  plain  of 
Bandr  is  said  to  have  been  named  after  Eaja  Bandr,  it 
seems  probable  that  the  plain  of  Chach  may  have 
been  named  after  the  Brahman  dynasty  of  Ohind. 
It  is  curious  that  the  Brahman  dynasty  of  Sindh 
was  also  established  by  a  Chach  in  a.d.  641  ;  but  it 
is  still  more  remarkable  that  this  date  corresponds 
■with  the  period  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Brahman 
dynasty  from  Chichito,  or  Jajhoti,  by  the  Chandels 
of  Khajura.  I  think,  therefore,  that  there  may  have 
been  some  connection  between  these  events,  and  that 
the  expelled  Jajhotiya  Brahmans  of  Ehajura  may  have 
found  their  way  to  the  Indus,  where  they  succeeded  in 
establishing  themselves  at  first  in  Sindh  and  afterwards 
in  Ohind  and  Kabul. 

In  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang  the  city  was  20  //,  or 
upwards  of  3  miles,  in  circuit,  and  we  may  reasonably 
suppose  that  it  must  have  increased  in  size  during  the 
sway  of  the  Brahman  dynasty.  It  would  seem  also  to 
have  been  still  a  place  of  importance  under  the  suc- 
cessors of  Changiz  Xhan,  as  the  Mogals  had  changed 
its  name  to  Karajang.  But  the  building  of  Attak,  and 
the  permanent  diversion  of  the  high-road,  must 
seriously  have  affected  its  prosperity,  and  its  gradual 
decay  since  then  has  been  hastened  by  the  constant  en- 
croachments of  the  Indus,  which  has  now  carried  away 
at  least  one-half  of  the  old  town.*  In  the  sands  at  the 
foot  of  the  cliff,  which  are  mixed  with  the  debris  of  the 
ruined  houses,  the  gold-washers  find  numerous  coins 
and  trinkets,  which  offer  the  best  evidence  of  the 

the  new  edition  by  Professor  Dowson,  i.  22,  the  name  is  altered  to 
Hahaj.  *  See  No.  IV.  Map  for  its  position. 


former  prosperity  of  the  city.  In  a  few  hours'  wash- 
ing I  obtained  a  bronze  buckle,  apparently  belonging 
to  a  bridle,  a  female  neck  ornament,  several  flat  needles 
for  applying  antimony  to  the  eyes,  and  a  considerable 
number  of  coins  of  the  Indo-Scythian  and  Brahman 
princes  of  Kabul.  The  continual  discovery  of  Indo- 
Scythian  coins  is  a  sufiicient  proof  that  the  city  was 
already  in  existence  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
era,  which  may  perhaps  induce  us  to  put  some  faith  in 
the  tradition,  mentioned  by  Abul  Peda,  that  Wehand, 
or  OJiind,  was  one  of  the  cities  founded  by  Alexander 
the  Great. 

After  the  surrender  of  Peukelaotis,  Arrian*  relates 
that  Alexander  captured  other  small  towns  on  the 
river  Kophenes,  and  "  arrived  at  last  at  Embolima,  a 
city  seated  not  far  from  the  rock  Aornos,"  where  he 
left  Kraterus  to  collect  provisions,  in  case  the  siege 
should  be  protracted.  Before  he  left  Bazaria,  Alex- 
ander, with  his  usual  foresight,  had  despatched 
Hephsestion  and  Perdikkas  straight  to  the  Indus  with 
orders  to  "prepare  everything  for  throwing  a  bridge 
over  the  river."  Unfortunately,  not  one  of  the  his- 
torians has  mentioned  the  name  of  the  place  where  the 
bridge  was  made ;  but  as  the  great  depot  of  provisions 
and  other  necessaries  was  formed  at  Embolima,  I  con- 
clude that  the  bridge  must  have  been  at  the  same 
place.  General  Abbott  has  fixed  Embolima  at  Amb- 
Balima  on  the  Indus,  8  miles  to  the  east  of  Mahaban ; 
and  certainly  if  Mahaban  was  Aornos  the  identity  of 
the  other  places  would  be  incontestable.  But  as  the 
identification  of  Mahaban  seems  to  me  to  be  altogether 
untenable,  I  would  suggest  that  Ohind  or  Ambar-  Ohind 

*  'Anabasis,'  it.  28. 


is  tlie  most  probable  site  of  Emboliina.  Ambar  is  a 
village  two  miles  to  the  nortb  of  Ohind,  and  it  is  in 
accordance  with  Indian  custom  to  join  the  names  of 
two  neighbouring  places  together,  as  in  the  case  of 
Attak-Bandras,  for  the  sake  of  distinction,  as  there  is 
another  OJiin  on  the  Jhelam.  It  must  be  remembered, 
however,  that  Emboliina  or  Ekholima  may  be  only  a 
pure  Greek  name,  descriptive  of  the  position  of  the 
place,  at  the  junction  of  the  Kabul  river  with  the 
Indus,  where  it  is  placed  by  Ptolemy.  In  this  case 
the  claim  of  Ohind  would  be  even  stronger  than  before. 
That  the  bridge  over  the  Indus  was  at,  or  near,  Em- 
bolima,  seems  almost  certain  from  the  statement  of 
Curtius,  that  when  Alexander  had  finished  his  cam- 
paign to  the  west  of  the  Indus  by  the  capture  of 
Aornos,  "he  proceeded  towards  Ecbolima;^^*  that  is, 
as  I  conclude,  to  the  place  where  his  bridge  had  been 
prepared  by  Hephsestion  and  Perdikkas,  and  where 
his  provisions  had  been  stored  by  Kraterus.  I  infer 
that  the  depot  of  provisions  must  have  been  close  to 
the  bridge,  because  one  guard  would  have  sufficed  for 
the  security  of  both  bridge  and  stores. 

Sdldtura,  or  Lahor. 

Hwen  Thsang  next  visited  So-lo-tu-lo,  or  S^l^tura, 
the  birthplace  of  the  celebrated  grammarian  Panini, 
which  he  says  was  20  /«,  or  %\  miles,  to  the  north- 
west of  Ohind.  In  January,  1848,  during  a  day's 
halt  at  the  village  of  Lahor,  which  is  exactly  four 
miles  to  the  north-east  of  Ohind,  I  procured  several 
Greek  and  Indo-Scythian  coins,  from  which  it  may  be 

'  Vit.  Alex.,  viii.  12, — "inde  processit  Ecbolima. " 


inferred,  with  some  certainty,  that  the  place  is  at 
least  as  old  as  the  time  of  Panini  himself,  or  about 
B.C.  350.  I  have,  therefore,  no  hesitation  in  identify- 
ing Salatura  with  LaJior.  The  loss  of  the  first  syllable 
of  the  name  is  satisfactorily  accounted  for  by  the 
change  of  the  palatal  sibilant  to  the  aspirate,  according 
to  the  well-known  usage  of  the  people  of  western 
India,  by  whom  the  Sindlm  river  was  called  Hendhu 
and  Indus,  and  the  people  on  its  banks  Hindus  or 
Indians  ;  Salatura  would,  therefore,  have  become  Hdld- 
tura  and  Aldlur^  which  might  easily  have  been  cor- 
rupted to  Lahor;  or,  as  General  Court  writes  the 
name,  to  Lavor. 

In  describing  the  countries  to  the  west  of  the 
Indus  I  must  say  a  few  words  on  the  much  vexed 
question  of  the  position  of  Aornos.  In  1836  General 
Court  wrote  as  follows  : — "  As  relates  to  Aornos,  it  is 
probably  the  castle  which  was  opposite  Attak,  and  the 
vestiges  of  which  we  see  upon  the  summit  of  the 
mountain.  Its  foundation  is  attributed  to  Eaja 
JlodV*  In  1848  I  suggested  that  the  "vast  hill 
fortress  of  Bdni-gat,  situated  immediately  above  the 
small  village  of  Nogram,  about  16  miles  north  by 
west  from  Ohind,  corresponded  in  all  essential  par- 
ticulars with  the  description  of  Aornos,  as  given  by 
Arrian,  Strabo,  and  Diodorus ;  excepting  in  its  ele- 
vation, the  height  of  Rdni-gat  not  being  more  than 
1000  feet,  which  is,  however,  a  very  great  elevation  for 
so  large  a  fortress."!    In  1864  General  James  Abbott 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1836,  p.  395. 
t  Ibid.,  1848,  p.  103. 


took  up  the  subject  in  a  very  full  and  elaborate  article, 
in  wMch  the  various  authorities  are  ably  and  criti- 
cally discussed.  His  conclusion  is  that  the  Mahaban 
hill  is  the  most  probable  site  of  Aomos.*  This  opinion 
was  combated  early  in  1863  by  Mr.  Loewenthal,  who 
again  brought  forward  the  claims  of  Eaja  Hodi's  fort, 
opposite  Attak,  which  had  first  been  suggested  by 
General  Court.-f  Towards  the  end  of  the  year 
General  Abbott  replied  to  Mr.  Loewenthal's  objections, 
and  reiterated  his  conviction  that  "  the  Mahaban  is  the 
Aornos  of  history,"  although  he  thinks  that  the 
question  is  still  "  open  to  discussion. "J 

In  reopeniag  this  discussion,  I  believe  that  I  am 
able  to  clear  away  some  df  the  diflBculties  with  which 
the  subject  has  confessedly  been  obstructed  by  the 
vague  and  contradictory  accounts  of  Alexander's  his- 
torians ;  but  I  can  scarcely  venture  to  hope  that  my 
identification  of  Aornos  wUl  be  received  as  satisfac- 
tory, when  I  am  constrained  to  own  that  I  am  not 
perfectly  satisfied  with  it  myself.  But  if  I  do  not 
succeed  in  convincing  others,  I  feel  that  my  failure 
will  be  shared  in  common  with  two  such  able  writers 
as  General  James  Abbott  and  the  lamented  missionary, 

I  will  begin  with  the  name  Aornos,  which,  though 
a  Greek  word,  can  hardly,  as  Mr.  Loewenthal  observes, 
be  an  invention  of  the  Greeks.  It  must,  therefore, 
be  the  transcription,  either  more  or  less  altered,  of 
some  native  name.  Mr.  Loewenthal  thinks  that  it 
was  derived  from  Banaras  in  its  Sanskrit  form  of  Va- 
rdnasi,  which  a  Greek  of  Alexander's  time  could  only 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  1854,  p.  309. 

t  Ibid.,  1863,  p.  14.  %  Ibid.,  1863,  p.  409. 


have  pronounced  by  prefixing  a  vowel.     He  would 
thus  have  got  Avaranas  or  Aornos.     But  this  is,  per- 
haps, proving  too  much,  as  the  final  letter  in  Aornos 
is  almost  certainly  the  Greek  termination,  which  need 
not,  therefore,  have  formed  part  of  the  original  native 
name.     It  is  also  suspicious  that  the  literal  transcrip- 
tion of  the  native  name  should  form  a  pure  Greek 
word.     If  Bandras  or  Vardnasi  was  the  original  form 
of  the  name,  then  we  ought  to  find  another  Banaras 
to  the  north  of  the  Caucasus,  as  Arrian  relates  that 
after    passing    Drwpsaka,    or    Andarab,     Alexander 
"  moved  against  Aornos  and   Badra,  the  two  chief 
cities  of  the  Bactrians,  which  being  immediately  sur- 
rendered to  him,  he  placed  a  garrison  in  the  castle  of 
Aornos."*     On  comparing  Arrian's  names  with  Pto- 
lemy's map,  it  seems  evident  that   his  Badra  and 
Aornos  are  the  same  as  Ptolemy's  Zariaspa  and  Badra 
reffia,  and  as  the  latter  is  placed  in  the  country  of  the 
Varni,   or  Ovapvoi,  I  conclude  that  the  name  Aornos, 
"Aopvos,    is    only  a   natural   and   slight   alteration  of 
Ovapvos  or  Varnos,  made  by  the  followers  of  Alexander 
for  the  sake  of  obtaining  a  significant  name  in  Greek. 
Similarly  I  would  refer  the  second  Aornos  to  Baja 
Vara,  whose  name  is  still  attached  to  all  the  ruined 
strongholds  between  Hashtnagar  and  Ohind.     Thus 
the  old  hill  fort  and  city  of  TakJd-i-Bahai,  15  miles 
to  the  north-east  of  Hashtnagar,  is  said  to  have  been 
the  residence  of  Eaja  Vara.     But  his  name  is  more 
particularly  attached  to  the  grand  hill- fort  of  Edni- 
gat  above  Nogram.     Bdni-gat,  or  the  (Queens  rock,  is 
a  huge  upright  block  on  the  north  edge  of  the  fort, 
on  which  Eaja  Vara's  Bani  is  said  to  have  seated  her- 

*  '  Anabasis,'  iii.  29. 


self  daily.  The  fort  itself  is  attributed  to  Eaja  Vara, 
and  some  ruins  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  are  called  Eaja 
Faro's  stables.  Some  people  call  him  Eaja  Virdt,  but 
as  they  connect  him  with  the  story  of  the  five  Pandus, 

I  conclude  that  the  name  has  been  altered  to  suit  the 
story.  The  position  of  the  true  Virdt  was  in  Matsya 
or  Mdcheri,  to  the  south  of  Delhi :  all  others  are 
spurious.  I  think,  therefore,  that  the  hill  fort  of 
Jornos  most  probably  derived  its  name  from  Eaja 
Vara,  and  that  the  ruined  fortress  of  Bdni-gat  has  a 
better  claim  to  be  identified  with  the  Aornos  of  Alex- 
ander than  either  the  Malidban  hill  of  Greneral  Abbott, 
or  the  castle  of  Raja  liodi  proposed  by  General  Court 
and  Mr.  Loewenthal. 

My  chief  objections  to  the  Mahaban  hill  as  the  re- 
presentative of  Aornos  are  the  following  : — 1.  It  is 
a  vast  mountain  of  comparatively  easy  access,  and  of 
which  no  spur  presents  a  very  steep  face  towards  the 
Indus.  2.  The  Mahaban  hill  is  not  less  than  50  miles 
in  circuit,  whereas  Aornos  was  not  more  than  200  stadia, 
or  about  22  miles,  according  to  Arrian,  or  100  stadia  or 

II  miles,  according  to  Diodorus.  3.  The  Mahdvana 
hill  was  visited  by  Hwen  Thsang  in  a.d.  630,  and  he 
describes  it  simply  as  a  great  mountain,  which  derived 
its  name  from  the  Mahdvana  monastery,  in  which 
Buddha  had  dwelt  in  a  former  existence  under  the 
name  of  Sarvvada  Eaja.*  That  the  monastery  was  on 
the  top  of  the  mountain  we  know  from  the  subsequent 
statement,  that  he  descended  the  mountain  towards 
the  north-west  for  about  30  or  40  li  to  the  Masura 
Monastery.  This  place  may,  I  believe,  be  identified 
with  the  large  village  of  Sura  in  the  Chumla  valley, 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  136. 


whicli  is  just  10  miles  to  the  north-west  of  the 
highest  peak  of  Mahdban.  If  any  fort  had  then  ex- 
isted on  the  top  of  the  mountain,  it  is  almost  certain 
that  the  pilgrim  would  have  mentioned  its  name,  with 
his  usual  statement  of  its  size,  and  of  any  special  point 
of  noteworthiness,  such  as  its  inaccessibility,  etc. 
His  total  silence  I  look  upon  as  decisive  against  the 
existence  of  any  fort  on  the  top  of  Mahaban,  whether 
occupied  or  in  ruins. 

Mr.  Loewenthal's  objection,  based  on  the  opinion 
of  a  high  military  authority,  that  the  Mahaban  hill 
"  commands  nothing,"  only  shows  how  readily  even  a 
very  learned  man  will  accept  an  utterly  false  argu- 
ment when  it  tells  in  his  own  favour.  General  Abbott 
has  noticed  this  subject  in  his  reply  to  Mr.  Loewenthal; 
but  some  months  previous  to  the  publication  of  his 
reply,  I  had  already  given  a  similar  refutation  to  this 
objection,  both  in  conversation  with  different  friends 
and  in  writing  to  Mr.  Loewenthal  himself.  It  is  ob- 
jected that  Mahaban  "commands  nothiug;"  I  reply 
that  it  commands  the  very  thing  that  the  people  of  an 
invaded  country  wanted,  it  commands  safety  for  those 
who  seek  its  shelter.  It  is  said  to  be  "  so  much  out 
of  the  way  "  that  none  would  have  sought  it  as  a 
place  of  refuge,  and  that  Alexander  would  not  have 
wasted  time  in  its  reduction,  as  it  did  not  impede  his 
passage  to  the  Indus.*  This  objection  supposes  that 
Alexander's  chief  object  was  the  passage  of  the  Indus, 
whereas  it  is  clear,  both  from  his  previous  and  subse- 
quent career,  that  his  invariable  plan  was  never  to 
leave  an  enemy  behind  him.  For  this  he  had  given 
up  the  pursuit  of  Bessus,  to  conquer  Aria,  Drangiana, 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1863,  p.  17. 


and  Araohosia;  for  this  lie  liad  spent  two  years  in 
Sogdiana  and  Baotriana,  until  the  death  of  Spitamenes 
left  no  enemy  remaining ;  for  this  he  now  turned 
aside  from  the  passage  of  the  Indus  to  subdue  the 
people  who  had  refused  their  submission  by  taking 
refuge  in  Aornos ;  and  for  this  he  afterwards  re- 
crossed  the  Hydraotes  to  attack  Sangala,  an  isolated 
rock,  which  commanded  nothing  but  the  jangal 
around  it. 

Mr.  Loewenthal  rests  his  arguments  ia  favour  of 
the  castle  of  Eaja  Hodi  being  the  Aornos  of  Alex- 
ander, chiefly  on  the  great  similarity  of  the  name  of 
Bandras,  and  partly  on  Sir  Neville  Chamberlain's 
opinion  "  that  the  hill  above  Khairabad  is  not  only 
a  most  conspicuous  point  for  friend  and  foe,  but  also 
one  that  must  be  taken  before  a  passage  of  the  Indus 
at  Attok  would  be  attempted  by  an  invading  force." 
The  first  argument  has  already  been  disposed  of  in 
my  discussion  on  the  name  of  Aornos.  The  second 
argument  takes  two  things  for  granted;  first,  that 
Alexander  crossed  the  Indus  at  Attak,  and,  therefore, 
that  he  must  have  reduced  the  castle  of  Eaja  Hodi 
before  he  attempted  the  passage  of  the  river ;  and 
next,  that  the  people  of  the  country  had  thrown 
themselves  into  Aornos  to  oppose  his  passage.  The 
latter  was  certainly  not  the  case,  as  we  are  told  by 
Arrian  that  the  people  of  Bazaria,  "  distrusting  then- 
strength,  fled  out  of  the  city  in  the  dead  of  night,  and 
betook  themselves  to  a  rock,  called  Aornos,  for  safety.* 
Here  we  see  clearly  that  the  people  of  Bazaria  were 
desirous  of  avoiding  instead  of  opposing  Alexander ; 
from  which  we  may  infer  that  Aornos  did  not  com- 

*  '  Anabasis,'  iv.  28. 


mand  that  passage  of  the  Indus  which  Alexander  had 
chosen  for  his  bridge  of  boats.  But  as  all  the  ac- 
counts agree  in  placing  the  scene  of  Alexander's  cam- 
paign before  crossing  the  Indus  in  the  country  to  the 
north  of  the  KopJies,  or  Kabul  river,  it  appears  quite 
certain  that  neither  Aornos  itself  nor  the  bridge  of 
boats  could  have  been  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Attak. 
For  these  reasons  I  conclude  that  the  ruined  castle 
of  Eaja  Hodi  cannot  possibly  be  identified  with  the 
Aornos  of  Alexander.  Indeed,  its  name  alone  seems 
sufficient  to  forbid  the  identification,  as  the  people  are 
unanimous  in  calling  it  Eaja  Hodi-da-garld,  or  Hodi- 
garlu^  an  appellation  which  has  not  even  one  syllable 
in  common  with  Aornos. 

After  a  careful  consideration  of  all  the  points  that 
have  been  just  discussed,  I  am  satisfied  that  we  must 
look  for  Aornos  in  the  direction  of  the  hills  some- 
where in  the  north-east  comer  of  the  Tusufzai  plaia. 
It  is  there  that  the  people  still  seek  for  refuge  on  the 
approach  of  an  invader ;  it  is  there  only  that  we  can 
expect  to  find  a  hill  fort  that  will  tally  even  approxi- 
mately with  the  exaggerated  descriptions  of  Alex- 
ander's historians,  and  it  is  there  also  that  we  ought 
to  look  for  Aornos,  according  to  the  almost  unanimous 
opinion  of  all  those  who  have  studied  the  subject. 

The  accounts  of  Alexander's  historians  are  often 
vague  and  sometimes  conflicting,  but  we  are  generally 
able  to  correct  or  explain  the  statements  of  one  by 
those  of  the  others.  Where  they  agree,  we  can  follow 
them  with  confidence,  as  it  may  be  presumed  that  the 
original  authors  from  whom  they  copied  were  not  at 
variance.  The  last  is  fortunately  the  case  with  their 
accounts  of  Alexander's  movements  shortly  before  his 


approach,  to  Aornos.  According  to  Arrian,  imme- 
diately after  crossing  the  Gurseus  river  Alexander 
marched  straight  to  Massaffa,  the  capital  of  the  Assa- 
keni,  and  after  its  capture  he  dispatched  Koinos 
against  Bazaria.  Curtins  calls  the  river  Choes,  and 
makes  Koinos  proceed  straight  to  Bazaria,  whilst 
Alexander  advanced  against  MasagcB.  Arrian  then 
states  that  as  Bazaria  still  held  out,  the  king  deter- 
mined to  march  thither,  but  hearing  that  many  Indian 
soldiers  had  thrown  themselves  into  Ora,  he  changed 
his  plan,  and  moved  against  that  city,  which  was 
captured  at  the  first  assault.  According  to  Curtius, 
the  siege  of  Ora  was  entrusted  to  Polysperchon,  while 
the  king  himself  took  many  small  towns,  whose  inha- 
bitants had  sought  refuge  in  Aornos.  Arrian  makes 
the  people  of  Bazaria  fly  to  Aornos  for  safety,  but  he 
agrees  with  Curtius  in  stating  that  the  inhabitants  of 
many  of  the  neighbouring  villages  followed  their  ex- 
ample. From  these  accounts  it  is  evident  that  Aornos 
was  beyond  Bazaria,  and  from  the  subsequent  narra- 
tives of  Arrian  and  Curtius,  it  is  equally  clear  that  Em- 
holima  was  beyond  Aornos,  and  on  the  Indus,  where 
Ptolemy  has  placed  it.  Taking  all  these  points  into 
consideration,  I  believe  that  Bazaria,  Aornos  and  Em- 
bolima  may  be  best  identified  with  Bazar,  Bdni-gat  and 

Bazar  is  a  large  village  situated  on  the  bank  of  the 
Kalpan,  or  Kdli-pdni  river,  and  quite  close  to  the  town 
of  Rustam,  which  is  built  on  a  very  extensive  old 
mound  attributed  to  the  time  of  the  Kafirs  or  Hindus. 

*  It  would  appear  also  from  Arrian,  iv.  28,  that  Aornos  was  only  one 
day's  march  from  Bmbolima,  which  agrees  with  the  distance  of  Kanigat 
from  Ohind  of  16  miles.     See  No.  IV.  Map. 



According  to  tradition,  this  was  tlie  site  of  tlie  original 
town  of  Bazar.  The  position  is  an  important  one,  as 
it  stands  just  midway  between  the  Swat  and  Indus 
rivers,  and  has,  therefore,  been  from  time  immemorial 
the  entrepot  of  trade  between  the  rich  valley  of  Sw^t 
and  the  large  towns  on  the  Indus  and  Kabul  rivers. 
Indeed,  its  name  of  Bazar ^  or  "Mart,"  is  sufficient  to 
show  that  it  has  always  been  a  place  of  consequence. 
Judging,  therefore,  by  the  importance  of  the  place 
alone,  I  should  be  induced  to  select  Bazar  as  the  most 
probable  representative  of  Bazaria ;  but  this  proba- 
bility is  turned  almost  to  certainty  by  its  exact  corre- 
spondence, both  in  name  and  in  position,  with  the 
ancient  town  that  was  besieged  by  Alexander.  This 
identification  is  much  strengthened  by  the  proximity 
of  Mount  Dantalok,  which  is  most  probably  the  same 
range  of  hills  as  the  Monies  Bcedali  of  the  Greeks.  In 
the  spoken  dialects  of  the  present  day,  as  well  as  in 
the  ancient  Pali,  the  nasal  of  the  word  danta  is  assimi- 
lated with  the  following  letter,  which  thus  becomes 
doubled,  as  in  datton,  a  "tooth  brush,"  or  twig  used 
for  cleaning  the  teeth.  Hence  the  Greek  Daidalos  is 
a  very  fair  rendering  of  the  Pali  Dattalok.  The  Ba- 
dalian  mountains  are  mentioned  by  Justin*  as  adjoin- 
ing the  kingdom  of  Queen  Cleofis,  or  Cleophes,  who, 
according  to  Curtius,  was  the  mother  (a  mistake  for 
wife)  of  Assacanus,  king  of  Massaga.  I  have  already 
identified  the  cave  of  Prince  Suddna  in  Mount  Ban- 
taloJi,  as  described  by  Hwen  Thsang,  with  the  great 
cave  of  Kashmiri-Ghdr,  which  is  just  eight  miles  to 
the  nortli-west  of  Bazftr.  The  Bantalok  range  would, 
therefore,  have  been  on  the  right-hand  of  the  Greeks 

*  Hist.,  xii.  7.    "  Inde  montes  Dtedalos,  regnaque  Cleofidis  regina; 


on  their  marcli  over  the  hills  from  Massaga  in  the 
Sw§,t  valley  to  Bazaria.  From  all  these  concurring 
circumstances,  I  conclude  that  B^z^r  is  almost  cer- 
tainly the  same  place  as  Alexander's  Bazaria,  and 
that  Ohind  was  Embolima,  as  I  have  previously  en- 
deavoured to  show. 

In  proposing  the  ruined  fortress  of  Bdni-gat  as  the 
most  probable  representative  of  the  famous  Aornos,  I 
must  confess  that  the  identification  is  incomplete.  In 
1848,  I  estimated  the  perpendicular  height  of  Eanigat 
as  about  one  thousand  feet  above  the  plain,  and  Mr. 
Loewenthal  has  since  confirmed  my  estimate.  But 
this  height  is  so  insignificant  when  compared  with  the 
11  stadia,  or  6674  feet  of  Arrian,*  that  I  should 
hesitate  to  attempt  the  identification,  did  I  not  believe 
that  the  height  has  been  very  much  exaggerated. 
Philostratusf  calls  it  15  stadia;  and  Diodorus]:  makes 
it  even  greater,  or  16  stadia,  equivalent  to  9708  feet; 
but  as  he  gives  the  circuit  of  the  base  at  only  100 
stadia,  or  just  one-half  of  that  of  Arrian,  I  think  it 
probable  that  his  height  may  have  been  originally  in 
the  same  proportion  which  we  may  obtain  by  simply 
reading  6  stadia  instead  of  16,  or  3640  feet  instead  of 
9708  feet.  It  is  certain  at  least  that  one  of  the  num- 
bers of  Diodorus  must  be  erroneous,  for  as  a  circuit  of 
100  stadia,  or  60,675  feet,  would  give  a  base  diameter 
of  19,200  feet,  or  just  twice  the  recorded  height  of 
9708  feet,  the  slope  would  have  been  exactly  45°,  and 
the  hill  would  have  terminated  in  a  mere  point,  instead 
of  a  large  platform  with  arable  land,  as  described  by 
Arrian.  Where  the  difference  between  the  two  au- 
thorities is  so  great,  and  the  exaggeration  so  apparent, 

*  '  Anabasis,"  iy.  28.      f  Vit.  ApoUonii,  ii.  10.      %  Hist.,  xvii.  44. 



it  is  difficult  to  suggest  any  possible  alteration  that 
\yould  reconcile  tlie  discrepant  measurements,  and  at 
the  same  time  bring  tbem  within  the  range  of  proba- 
bility. I  believe,  however,  that  we  are  quite  safe 
not  only  in  preferring  the  lesser  numbers,  but  also  in 
applying  the  altitude  to  the  slant  height  instead  of  to 
the  perpendicular  height.  But  even  with  these  lesser 
measurements,  the  Indian  Aornos  would  still  be  twice 
the  size,  and  more  than  twice  the  height  of  the  famous 
rock  of  Gibraltar,  which  is  7  miles  in  circuit  at  base, 
and  only  1600  feet  in  height. 

In  the  similar  case  of  the  great  fortress  of  Gwalior, 
we  find  the  usually  accurate  English  traveller,  WilUam 
Finch,  describing  it  as  a  castle  situated  on  a  steep 
craggy  cliff,  "  6  Jcos  in  circuit,  or,  as  some  say,  11  feo*." 
As  Finch  generally  adopts  the  short  imperial  kos  of  1| 
mile,  his  estimate  of  the  circuit  of  Gwalior  will  be 
9  miles,  or  nearly  twice  the  actual  measurement  of  5 
miles,  while  the  popular  estimate  will  be  nearly  four 
times  greater  than  the  truth.  It  is  possible,  however, 
to  reconcile  these  different  numbers  by  supposing  that 
the  larger  refers  to  the  imperial  kos,  and  the  smaller 
to  the  greater  kos  of  Akbar,  which  is  just  double  the 
former.  But  in  this  case  the  estimate  of  the  circuit 
of  the  fort  of  Gwalior  would  be  from  14  to  15  miles, 
or  just  three  times  too  great.  Finch  does  not  mention 
the  height  of  Gwalior,  but  he  notes  that  the  "steep 
ascent "  to  the  castle  of  Nanrar  was  "  rather  more 
than  a  mile  "  in  length,  which  is  just  double  the 
truth.  Here  the  traveller  was  led  to  exaggerate  the 
height  by  the  mere  steepness  of  the  ascent.  But  in 
the  case  of  Aornos,  the  Greeks  had  an  additional  mo- 
tive for  exaggeration  in  the  natural  wish  to  enhance 


their  own  glory.  For  this  reason  I  would  suggest,  as 
a  possible  explanation  of  the  discrepancy  between  the 
16  stadia  of  Diodorus  and  the  11  stadia  of  Arrian, 
that  the  original  authority  of  the  former  may  have 
quadrupled  or  trebled  the  true  measurement,  while 
that  of  the  latter  only  trebled  or  doubled  it.  Under 
this  explanation  the  two  numbers  would  become  either 
4  and  3^  stadia,  or  5^  and  5^  stadia,  or  from  2300  to 
3400  feet,  which  might  be  accepted  as  a  very  pro- 
bable measure  of  the  slant  height;  similarly  the 
circuit  might  be  reduced  to  50  stadia,  which  are  equi- 
valent to  5f  miles  or  30,300  feet,  or  rather  more  than 
the  circuit  of  the  road  around  the  base  of  the  Gwalior 
hill.  A  slant  height  of  2300  feet,  with  a  base  of 
1900  feet,  would  give  a  perpendicular  height  of  1250 
feet,  or  an  ascent  of  2  feet  in  every  3  feet.  I  do  not 
propose  this  mode  of  reduction  as  a  probable  explana- 
tion of  the  discrepancies  in  the  recorded  measure- 
ments, but  I  venture  to  suggest  it  only  as  a  possible 
means  of  accounting  for  the  evident  exaggeration  of 
the  numbers  in  both  of  the  authorities. 

All  the  accounts  of  Aornos  agree  in  describing  it  as 
a  rocky  hill  of  great  height  and  steepness.  Justin 
calls  it  saxum  mircB  asperitaiis  et  altitudinis,  "  an  ex- 
ceedingly rugged  and  lofty  rock."*  Diodorus,  Strabo, 
Arrian,  Curtius,  and  Philostratus,  all  call  it  petra,  or 
a  "  rock  fort."  Its  rocky  ruggedness  was,  therefore, 
a  special  feature  of  Aornos.  According  to  Arrian,  it 
was  "  only  accessible  by  one  difficult  path,  cut  out  by 
hand,  and  it  possessed  a  fine  spring  of  pure  water  on 
the  very  summit,  besides  wood  and  sufficient  arable 
soU  for  the  cultivation  of  one  thousand  men."  The 
*  Hist.,  xii.  7. 


last  expression  is  still  in  common  use  in  India,  under 
tlie  form  of  ploughs  of  land,  and  means  simply  as 
much  land  as  one  man  can  plough  in  a  day.  The 
same  thing  was  expressed  by  the  Greeks  and  Eomans 
by  yokes^  each  being  as  much  as  one  yoke  of  oxen  could 
plough  in  a  single  day.  Now  the  smallest  plough  of 
land  would  not  be  less  than  100  feet  square,  or  10,000 
square  feet,  which  would  give  10,000,000  square  feet 
for  1000  men.  This  would  show  an  area  of  4000  feet 
in  length  by  2500  feet  in  breadth,  or,  making  allow- 
ance for  buildings,  of  one  mile  in  length  by  half  a  mile 
in  breadth,  or  2  miles  in  length  by  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
in  breadth,  which  is  just  the  size  of  Gwalior.  But  if 
such  a  vast  fortress  as  Gwalior  had  ever  existed  on 
the  western  frontier  of  India,  it  would  certainly  not 
have  escaped  the  notice  of  the  early  Muhammadan 
conquerors,  and  it  could  scarcely  have  eluded  the 
searching  inquiries  of  General  Court  and  General 
Abbott.  I,  therefore,  look  upon  the  thousand  ploughs 
of  land  as  another  gross  exaggeration  of  Alexander's 
followers  for  the  sake  of  ministering  to  their  master's 
vanity.  I  accept  the  one  difficult  path  of  access  and 
the  spring  of  pure  water,  as  two  of  the  necessary  pos- 
sessions of  a  strong  military  post,  but  I  unhesitatingly 
reject  the  100  ploughs  of  arable  land,  for  if  such  an 
extensive  tract  as  half  a  square  mile  of  irrigable  land 
had  ever  existed  on  the  top  of  a  hill  in  this  arid  dis- 
trict, I  cannot  believe  that  such  an  important  and 
valuable  site  ever  would  have  been  abandoned. 

In  searching  for  a  position  that  will  answer  the 
general  description  of  Aornos,  it  is  unfortunate  that 
our  range  is  limited  to  the  few  points  which  have  been 
visited  by  Europeans.     The  claims  of  the  Mah^ban 


hill  have  already  been  discussed ;  and  the  only  other 
possible  positions  that  I  know  of  are  the  following : — 

1.  The  ruined  city  of  Takht-i-Bahai. 

2.  The  lofty  isolated  hill  of  Kdramdr. 

3.  The  hill  of  Panjpir. 

4.  The  ruined  fortress  of  Hdnigat. 

The  first  of  these  places  stands  on  an  isolated  hill, 
about  halfway  between  B&z^r  and  Hashtnagar;  Mr. 
Loewenthal  describes  it  as  a  barren  hill  of  no  great 
height,  which  forms  three  sides  of  a  square,  with  the 
open  side  towards  the  north-west.*  By  the  trigonome- 
trical survey  maps,  Takht-i-Bahai  is  only  1859  feet 
above  the  sea,  or  650  feet  above  the  Tusufzai  plain. 
Mr,  Loewenthal  also  describes  the  ascent  as  easy;  and 
as  the  place  is  situated  not  less  than  35  miles  from 
the  nearest  point  of  the  Indus,  I  think  it  may  be  re- 
jected at  once  as  not  answering  the  description  of  lofty 
and  difficult  access,  and  as  being  too  far  from  the  pro- 
bable position  of  Embolima.  The  position  of  the  lofty 
isolated  hill  of  Kdramdr^  which  is  situated  6  miles  to 
the  south  of  Bizar,  and  only  18  miles  to  the  north-north- 
west of  Ohind,  added  to  its  height,  which  is  3480  feet 
above  the  sea,  or  2280  feet  above  the  Yusufeai  plain, 
would  give  it  a  most  prominent  claim  to  notice  if  it 
possessed  any  remains  of  former  occupation.  But  the 
Kdramdr  hill  is  a  mere  bluflf  ridge,  without  ruins  and 
without  a  name  in  the  traditions  of  the  people.  The 
Panjpir  hill  is  a  similar  but  smaller  ridge,  which  rises 
to  the  height  of  2140  feet  above  the  sea,  or  940  feet 
above  the  Yusufzai  plain.  It  is  a  mere  sharp  ridge 
crowned  with  a  single  building,  which  is  now  dedi- 
cated to  the  Panjpir,  or  five  Great  Saints  of  the  Mu- 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  1863,  p.  2. 


hammadans,  of  wliom  tlie  earliest  is  Baha-ud-din 
Zakariya  of  Multan,  commonly  called  Balidwal  Hakk. 
But  the  Hindus  affirm  tliat  the  place  was  originally- 
dedicated  to  the  Panch-Pandu^  or  Five  Pandu  brothers 
of  the  '  Mahahharata.' 

The  last  probable  position  that  I  know  of  is  the  ruined 
fortress  of  Rdnigat.  I  visited  this  place  in  January, 
1848,  and  I  had  intended  revisiting  it  during  my  tour 
in  1863,  but  the  war  on  the  Buner  frontier  most  un- 
fortunately prevented  me  from  carrying  out  my  inten- 
tions. I  can,,  therefore,  add  but  little  to  the  information 
which  I  collected  in  1848;  but  as  that  has  not  been 
made  public,  and  as  no  one  but  Mr.  Loewenthal  would 
appear  to  have  visited  the  place  since  then,  my  account 
will  still  possess  all  the  advantage  of  novelty. 

Pdniffnt  is  situated  on  a  lofty  hill  above  the  vUlage 
of  Nogram,  which  is  just  12  miles  to  the  south-east  of 
Bazar,  and  16  miles  to  the  north  of  Ohind.  Its  posi- 
tion, therefore,  is  strongly  in  favour  of  its  identifica- 
tion with  Aornos.  The  hill  itself  is  the  last  point  of 
one  of  the  long  spurs  of  the  Mahaban  range.  Its  base 
is  rather  more  than  two  miles  in  length  from  north  to 
south  by  about  half  a  mile  in  width,  but  the  top  of  the 
hill  is  not  more  than  1200  feet  in  length  by  800  feet 
in  breadth.  In  1848,  I  estimated  its  height  at  1000 
feet ;  but  from  the  unanimous  assertions  of  the  people 
that  it  is  higher  than  Panjpir,  I  think  that  it  is  pro- 
bably not  less  than  1200  feet.  The  sides  of  the  hill 
are  covered  with  massive  blocks  of  stone,  which  make 
it  exceedingly  rugged  and  inaccessible.  There  is  only 
one  road,  cut  in  the  rock,  leading  to  the  top,  although 
there  are  two,  if  not  more,  rather  difficult  pathways. 
This,   wo  know,  was  also  the  case  with  Aornos,  as 


Ptolemy  succeeded  in  reaching  tlie  top  by  a  "rugged 
and   dangerous  path,*  whilst  Alexander  himself  at- 
tacked the  place  by  one  regular  path  which  was  cut 
out  by  the  hand.t     Hdnigai  may  be  described  as  con- 
sisting of  a  castle,  500  feet  long  by  400  feet  broad, 
surrounded   on   aU   sides   except  the  east,   where  it 
springs  up  from  the  low  spur  of  Mah&ban,  by  a  rocky 
ridge,  which  on  the  north  side  rises  to  an  equal  height. 
On  all  sides  the  castle  rock  is  scarped ;  and  on  two 
sides  it  is  separated  from  the  surrounding  ridge  by 
deep  ravines,  that  to  the  north  being  100  feet  deep, 
and  that  to  the  west  from  50  to  150  feet.     At  the 
north-west  angle  of  the  castle  two  dykes  have  been 
thrown  across  the  ravine,  which  would  appear  to  have 
been  intended  to  arrest  the  flow  of  water,  and  thus  to 
form  a  great  reservoir  in  the  west  hollow.     In  the 
north  ravine,  between  the  castle  and  the  great  isolated 
block  called  'Rdnigat^  there  are  three  square  wells ;  and 
to  the  north-east  lower  down,  I  thought  that  I  could 
trace  another  dyke,  which  was  most  probably  only  the 
remains  of  part  of  the  outer  line  of  defences.     The 
entire  circuit  of  this  outer  line  is  about  4500  feet,  or 
somewhat  less  than  a  mile. 

The  castle  itself  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Loewen- 
thalj  : — "  The  summit  of  the  hill  oflPers  a  flat  plateau 
of  some  size,  which  had  been  very  strongly  fortified  by 
buildings  all  round  the  brow.  These  buildings  are 
constructed  of  large  blocks  of  stone  (conglomerate 
found  on  the  spot)  neatly  hewn,  and  carefully  fitted, 
disposed  with  very  great  regularity,  and  laid  in  a 
cement  of  extraordinary  excellence.     Unavoidable  in- 

*  Arrian,  'Anabasis,'  iv.  29.  f  Ibid.,  iv.  28. 

%  Joura.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  1863,  p.  5. 


terstices  between  the  large  blocks  are  filled  up  by 
layers  of  thin  small  stone  tablets,  this  latter  practice 
being  an  invariable  feature  in  all  the  so-called  Kafir 
buildings  which  I  have  seen  in  the  Trans-Indus 
country."  To  this  description  I  may  add  that  all  the 
stone  blocks  are  laid  most  carefully  as  headers  and 
stretchers,  that  is  alternately  lengthwise  and  breadth- 
wise, which  gives  a  very  pleasing  and  varied  appear- 
ance to  the  massive  walls.  All  the  buildings  are  now 
much  ruined,  but  the  external  walls  are  traceable 
nearly  all  round,  and  on  the  south  and  west  sides  are 
still  standing  to  a  considerable  height,  and  in  very 
good  order.  The  main  entrance,  which  is  at  the 
south-west  corner,  is  formed  in  the  usual  ancient  man- 
ner by  overlapping  stones.  The  passage  is  not  per- 
pendicular to  the  face  of  the  wall,  but  considerably 
inclined  to  the  right  for  a  short  distance.  It  then 
turns  to  the  left  to  a  small  chamber,  and  then  again 
to  the  right  till  it  reaches  what  must  have  been  an 
open  courtyard.  The  whole  of  this  passage  was  ori- 
ginally roofed  in  by  courses  of  stone  with  chamfered 
ends  overlapping  each  other  so  as  to  form  the  two 
sides  of  a  pointed  arch,  but  the  ends  of  the  upper 
course  of  stones  being  left  straight,  the  apex  of  the 
arch  has  the  appearance  of  a  rectangular  cusp.  This 
peculiarity  was  also  noticed  by  Mr.  Loewenthal,  who 
says  that  "the  arch  would  be  pointed,  but  the  centre 
line  is  taken  up  by  a  narrow  rectangular  groove." 
On  the  west  face  I  observed  a  smaller  passage  of  a 
similar  kind,  but  it  was  so  blocked  up  with  rubbish 
that  I  was  quite  unable  to  trace  its  course. 

This  central  castle  or  citadel,  with  its  open  court- 
yard surrounded  by  costly  buildings,  I  take  to  have 


been  the  palace  of  the  king,  with  the  usual  temples 
for  private  worship.  At  the  north  end  I  traced  a 
wide  flight  of  steps  leading  down  to  a  second  plateau, 
which  I  presume  to  have  been  the  outer  court  of  the 
palace  or  citadel.  The  upper  courtyard  is  270  feet 
long  and  100  feet  broad;  and  the  lower  courtyard, 
including  the  steps,  is  just  half  the  size,  or  130  feet 
by  100  feet.  These  open  areas  were  covered  with 
broken  statues  of  all  sizes,  and  in  all  positions.  Many 
of  them  were  figures  of  Buddha  the  Teacher,  either 
seated  or  standing  ;  some  were  of  Buddha  the  Ascetic, 
sitting  under  the  holy  Pipal  tree ;  and  a  few  repre- 
sented May^,  the  mother  of  Buddha,  standing  under 
the  stl  tree.  But  there  were  fragments  of  other 
figures,  which  apparently  were  not  connected  with 
religion,  such  as  a  life-size  male  figure  in  chain 
armour,  a  naked  body  of  a  man  with  the  Macedonian 
chlami/s,  or  short  cloak,  thrown  over  the  shoulders  and 
.fastened  in  front  in  the  usual  manner,  and  a  human 
breast  partly  covered  with  the  Mamys  and  adorned 
with  a  necklace  of  which  the  clasps  are  formed  by  two 
human-headed,  winged,  and  four-footed  animals,  some- 
thing like  centaurs.  All  these  figures  are  carved  in 
a  soft,  dark-blue  clay  slate,  which  is  easily  worked 
with  a  knife.  It  is  exceedingly  brittle,  and  was  there- 
fore easily  broken  by  the  idol-hating  Musalmans.  But 
as  the  surface  was  capable  of  receiving  a  good  polish, 
many  of  the  fragments  are  still  in  very  fine  preserva- 
tion. The  best  piece  that  I  have  seen  was  a  head  of 
Buddha,  with  the  hair  massed  on  the  top  of  the  head, 
and  worked  in  a  peculiar  manner  in  wavy  lines,  in- 
stead of  the  usual  formal  curls.  It  was  found  at  Jamal 
Garhi,  and  is  by  far  the  best  piece  of  Indian  sciilp- 


ture  that  I  have  seen.  The  calm  repose  of  the  finely- 
chiselled  features  is  not  unworthy  of  Grecian  art,  but 
the  striking  beauty  of  the  face  is  somewhat  marred  by 
the  round  projecting  Indian  chin. 

I  have  already  noticed  that  the  ES.nigat  hill  is 
covered  on  all  sides  with  massive  blocks  of  stone, 
which  make  the  approach  very  rugged  and  difficult. 
Numbers  of  these  stones  are  of  very  large  size,  and 
some  of  those  on  the  top  of  the  hill  have  been  hol- 
lowed out  to  form  cells.  Mr.  Loewenthal  notices 
this  as  "one  of  the  most  marked  features"  amongst 
these  remains.  Many  of  the  cells  are  quite  plain  inside, 
whilst  others  have  the  simple  ornament  of  a  niche  or 
two.  The  most  notable  of  these  excavated  blocks  is 
on  the  ridge  to  the  south  of  the  castle.  It  is  called 
Kairi-kor,  or  the  "  Grain  Merchant's  house,"  by  the 
people ;  but  I  observed  nothing  about  the  rock  that 
would  give  any  clue  to  its  original  purpose,  save  the 
smallness  of  the  entrance,  which  was  certainly  better 
suited  for  the  cell  of  a  monk  than  for  the  shop  of  a 
dealer.  Mr.  Loewenthal  notices  that  "the  vegetation 
on  the  hill  is  principally  olive  and  myrtle ; "  but  in 
1848  there  was  a  considerable  number  of  good-sized 
trees  scattered  over  the  summit. 

I  do  not  insist  upon  the  identification,  but  if  we 
admit  that  the  accounts  of  the  historians  are  very 
much  exaggerated,  I  think  that  the  ruins  of  E^ni- 
gat  tally  much  better  with  the  vague  descriptions  of 
Aornos  that  have  come  down  to  us,  than  any  other 
position  with  which  I  am  acquainted.  In  all  essen- 
tial points,  save  that  of  size,  the  agreement  is  won- 
derfully close.  Its  position  between  Bazar  and  Ohind, 
or  Bazaria  and  Embolima,  is  quite  unobjectionable. 


Its  attribution  to  Eaja  Vara  renders  it  probable 
that  the  place  may  have  been  named  after  him, 
which  would  give  a  very  near  approach  to  the  Aor- 
nos  of  the  Greeks.  Its  great  height,  its  ruggedness, 
and  difliculty  of  access,  its  one  path  cut  in  the  rock, 
its  spring  of  water  and  level  ground,  and  its  deep 
ravine  separating  the  outer  works  from  the  castle, 
are  so  many  close  and  striking  points  of  resemblance, 
that,  were  it  not  for  the  great  difference  in  si^e,  I 
should  be  very  much  disposed  to  accept  the  iden- 
tification as  complete.  But  though  in  this  point  it 
does  not  come  up  to  the  boastful  descriptions  of  the 
Greeks,  yet  we  must  not  forget  the  opinion  of  Strabo 
that  the  capture  of  Aornos  was  exaggerated  by  Alex- 
ander's flatterers.  It  must  also  be  remembered  that 
as  the  campaign  against  Assakanus  took  place  "  during 
the  winter,"*  and  the  Macedonians  entered  Taxila  "at 
the  beginning  of  spring,"  the  siege  of  Aornos  must 
have  been  carried  on  during  the  very  depth  of  winter, 
when  the  Mahg,ban  hill,  7471  feet  above  the  sea,  and 
e'very  other  hill  of  the  same  height,  is  usually  covered 
with  snow.  It  is  almost  certain,  therefore,  that  even 
the  lesser  height  of  11  stadia,  or  6674  feet  above  the 
Yusufzai  plain,  equivalent  to  7874  feet  above  the  sea, 
must  be  grossly  exaggerated.  In  this  part  of  the 
country  the  snow  falls  annually  as  low  as  4000  feet 
above  the  sea,  or  2800  above  the  Yusufzai  plain,  and 
as  no  snow  is  said  to  have  fallen  on  Aornos,  although 
the  Greeks  mention  that  they  saw  snow  during  the 
winter,  I  think  that  their  silence  on  this  point  is  ab- 
solutely conclusive  against  the  recorded  height  of 
Aornos,  and  therefore  also  against  the  claims  of  Ma- 
*  Strabo,  Geogr.,  xv.  1,  17. 


haban,  and  of  any  other  hill  exceeding  4000  feet  in 
height.  All  the  ancient  authorities  agree  in  describ- 
ing Aornos  as  a  Trerpa,  or  '  rock,'  with  rugged  and  pre- 
cipitous sides,  and  with  only  a  single  path  cut  by 
hand.  The  Mah^ban  hill  does  not,  therefore,  fulfil 
any  one  condition  of  the  ancient  description.  It  is  a 
huge  mountain  of  comparatively  easy  access,  and  is 
more  than  twice  the  size  of  the  most  exaggerated 
estimate  of  Alexander's  flatterers.  Its  name  also  has 
no  resemblance  to  Aornos ;  whilst  the  traditions  of 
Eaja  Va7-a,  attached  to  Ranigat,  would  seem  to  con- 
nect that  place  directly  with  Aornos. 

ParasZ/mvara,  or  Peskdwar. 

The  great  city  now  called  Peshawar  is  first  men- 
tioned by  Fa-Hian,  in  a.d.  400,  under  the  name  of 
Fo-leu-sha.*  It  is  next  noticed  by  Sung-Yun  in  a.d. 
502,  at  which  time  the  king  of  Gandhara  was  at  war 
with  the  king  of  Kipin,  or  Kophene,  that  is  Kabul 
and  Ghazni,  and  the  sun-ounding  districts.  Sung-Yun 
does  not  name  the  city,  but  he  calls  it  the  capital,  and 
his  description  of  its  great  stupa  of  king  Kia-ni-sse-Jcia, 
or  Kanishka,  is  quite  sufiicient  to  establish  its  iden- 
tity.f  At  the  period  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit,  in  a.d. 
630,  the  royal  family  had  become  extinct,  and  the 
kingdom  of  Gandhara  was  a  dependency  of  Kapisa  or 
Kabul.  But  the  capital  which  Hwen  Thsang  calls 
Pu-hi-.'iha-pii-h,  or  ParasJimmra,  was  still  a  great  city 
of  40  li,  or  6f  miles,  in  extent.j  It  is  next  mentioned 
by  Masudi  and  Abu  Eihan,  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh 

*  Deal's  translation  of  '  Fah-Hian,'  p.  34. 
t  Beal's  translation  of  '  Sung-Yun,'  p.  202. 
X  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  104. 


centuries,  under  the  name  of  Parashdwar,  and  again 
by  Baber,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  it  is  always  called 
by  the  same  name  throughout  his  commentaries.     Its 
present  name  we  owe  to  Akbar,  whose  fondness  for 
innovation  led  him  to  change  the  ancient  Parashdwar^ 
of  which  he  did  not  know  the  meaning,  to  Peshdwar^ 
or  the  "  frontier  town."    Abul  Fazl  gives  both  names.* 
The  great  object  of  veneration  at  Parash^war,  in 
the  first  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  was  the  beg- 
ging pot  of  "Buddha,  which  has  already  been  noticed. 
Another  famous  site  was  the  holy  Pipal  tree,  at  8  or 
9  /f,  or  \\  mile,  to  the  south-east  of  the  city.     The 
tree  was  about  100  feet  in  height,  with  wide  spread- 
ing branches,  which,  according  to  the  tradition,  had 
formerly  given  shade  to  Sakya  Buddha  when  he  pre- 
dicted the  future  appearance  of  the  great  king  Ka- 
nishka.     The  tree  is  not  noticed  by  Fa-Hian,  but  it 
is  mentioned  by  Sun- Yung  as  the  Vho-tJd,   or  Bodhi 
tree,  whose  "  branches  spread  out  on  all  sides,  and 
whose  foliage  shuts  out  the  sight  of  the  sky."    Beneath 
it  there  were  four  seated  statues  of  the  four  previous 
Buddhas.     Sung-Yun  further  states  that  the  tree  was 
planted  by  Kanishka   over   the   spot  where  he   had 
buried  a  copper  vase  containing  the  pearl  tissue  lattice 
of  the  great  stupa,  which  he  was  afraid  might  be  ab- 
stracted from  the  tope  after  his  death.     This  same 
tree  would  appear  to  have  been  seen  by  the  Emperor 
Baber  in  a.d.  1505,  who   describes  it  as    the  "stu- 
pendous tree "   of  Begr^m,  which  he  "  immediately 
rode  out  to  see."f     It  must  then  have  been  not  less 
than  1500  years  old,  and  as  it  is  not  mentioned  in 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  341. 

t  '  Memoirs,  translated  by  Leyden  and  Erskine,'  p.  157. 



A.D.  1594  by  Abul  Fazl,*  in  Ms  account  of  the  Gor- 
Katri  at  Peshawar,  I  conclude  that  it  had  previously 
disappeared  through  simple  old  age  and  decay. 

The  enormous  stupa  of  Kanishka,  which  stood  close 
to  the  holy  tree  on  its  south  side,  is  described  by  all 
the  pilgrims.  In  a.d.  500  Fa-Hian  says  that  it  was 
about  400  feet  high,  and  "  adorned  with  all  manner  of 
precious  things,"  and  that  fame  reported  it  as  supe- 
rior to  all  other  topes  in  India.  One  hundred  years 
later,  Sung-Yun  declares  that  "amongst  the  topes  of 
western  countries  this  is  the  first."  Lastly,  in  a.d. 
630,  Hwen  Thsang  describes  it  as  upwards  of  400 
feet  in  height  and  1\  li,  or  just  one  quarter  of  a  mile, 
in  circumference.  It  contained  a  large  quantity  of 
the  relics  of  Buddha.  No  remains  of  this  great  stupa 
now  exist. 

To  the  west  of  the  dupa  there  was  an  old  monastery, 
also  built  by  Kanishka,  which  had  become  celebrated 
amongst  the  Buddhists  through  the  fame  of  Arya- 
Pdrsioika,  Manorhita,  and  Vasu-bandhu^  three  of  the 
great  leaders  and  teachers  of  Buddhism  about  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Christian  era.  The  towers  and  pavi- 
lions of  the  monastery  were  two  stories  in  height,  but 
the  building  was  already  much  ruined  at  the  time  of 
Ilwen  Thsang's  visit.  It  was,  however,  inhabited  by 
a  small  number  of  monks,  who  professed  the  "  Lesser 
Yehicle  "  or  exoteric  doctrines  of  Buddhism.  It  was 
still  flourishing  as  a  place  of  Buddhist  education  in 
the  ninth  or  tenth  centuryj-  when  Vira  Deva  of  Ma- 
gadha  was  sent  to  the  "  great  Vihara  of  Kanishka 
where  the  best  of  teachers  were  to  be  found,  and  which 
was  famous  for  the  quietism  of  its  frequenters,"    I  be- 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  165.        t  Jour.  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  1849,  i.  494. 


lieve  that  this  great  monastery  was  still  existing  in 
the  times  of  Baber  and  Akbar  under  the  name  of  Gor- 
Katri^  or  the  Baniya's  house. 

The  former  says,  "  I  had  heard  of  the  fame  of 
Gurh-Katri,  which  is  one  of  the  holy  places  of  the 
Jogis  of  the  Hindus,  who  come  from  great  distances 
to  cut  off  their  hair  and  shave  their  beards  at  this 
Gurh-Katri.^''  Abul  Fazl's  account  is  still  more  brief. 
Speaking  of  Peshawur  he  says,  "here  is  a  temple, 
called  Gor-Katri,  a  place  of  religious  resort,  particu- 
larly for  Jogis."  According  to  Erskine,  the  grand 
caravansara  of  Peshawur  was  built  on  the  site  of  the 

7.    UDYANA,    OE    SWAT. 

On  leaving  Utakhanda  Hwen  Thsang  travelled  about 
600  //,  or  iOO  miles,  towards  the  north,  to  U-chanff-na^ 
or  Udydna,  which  was  situated  on  the  river  8u-po-fa- 
su-tu,  the  Subhavastu  and  Suvastu  of  Sanskrit,  the 
Suastus  of  Arrian,  and  the  Swdi  or  8udt  river  of  the 
present  day.  It  is  called  U-chang  by  the  earlier  pil- 
grims Fa-Hian  and  Sung-yun,  which  is  a  close  tran- 
script of  Ujjdna,  the  Pali  form  of  Udyana.  The 
country  is  described  as  highly  irrigated,  and  very 
fertile.  This  agrees  with  all  the  native  accounts,  ac- 
cording to  which  Swat  is  second  only  to  the  far-famed 
valley  of  Kashmir.  Hwen  Thsang  makes  it  5000  li,  or 
833  miles,  in  circuit,  which  must  be  very  near  the 
truth,  if,  as  was  most  probably  the  case,  it  included 
all  the  tributaries  of  the  Sw^t  river.  TJdydna  would 
thus  have  embraced  the  four  modern  districts  of  Panj- 
kora,  Bij^war,  Sw§,t,  and  Bunir,  which  have  a  circuit 
of  only  500  miles,  if  measured  on  the  map  direct,  but 



of  not  less  than  800  miles  by  road  measurement.  Fa- 
Hian  mentions  Su-Jio-to  as  a  small  district  to  the  south 
of  Udy^na.  This  has  generally  been  identified  with 
the  name  of  Sw^t ;  but  from  its  position  to  the  south 
of  TJdyana,  and  to  the  north  of  Parashawar,  it  cannot 
have  been  the  large  valley  of  the  Swat  river  itself, 
but  must  have  been  limited  to  the  smaller  valley  of 
Bunir.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  legend  told  by  Fa- 
Hian  of  the  hawk  and  pigeon ;  in  which  Buddha,  to 
save  the  pigeon,  tears  his  own  flesh  and  ofi'ers  it  to 
the  hawk.  The  very  same  legend  is  related  by  Hwen 
Thsang,  but  he  places  the  scene  at  the  north-west 
foot  of  the  Mahdban  mountain,  that  is,  in  the  actual 
valley  of  Bunir.  He  adds  that  Buddha  was  then  a 
king,  named  8hi-pi-kia,  or  Sivika,  which  may,  perhaps, 
be  the  true  form  of  Fa-Hian's  Suhoto. 

The  capital  of  TJdyana  was  called  Mung-Me-li^  or 
Mangala^  which  is  probably  the  Mangora  of  Wilford's 
surveyor,  Mogal  Beg,  and  the  Manglora  of  General 
Court's  map.  It  was  16  or  17  //,  about  2f  miles,  in 
circuit,  and  very  populous.  At  250  or  260  li,  about 
42  miles,  to  the  north-east  of  the  capital  the  pilgrim 
reached  the  source  of  the  Suhhavastu  river,  in  the 
fountain  of  the  Naga  king  Apaldla  ;  and  at  750  li,  or 
125  miles,  further  in  the  same  direction,  after  crossing 
a  mountain  range  and  ascending  the  Indus,  he  arrived 
at  Tha-li-lo,  or  Bdrel,  which  had  been  the  ancient 
capital  of  Udyana.  Ddrel  is  a  valley  on  the  right  or 
western  bank  of  the  Indus,  now  occupied  by  Bdrdiis, 
or  Ddrdx,  from  whom  it  received  its  name.  It  is 
called  To-li  by  Fa-Hian,  who  makes  it  a  separate 
kingdom.  The  Dards  are  now  usually  divided  into 
three  separate  tribes,  according  to  the  dialects  which 


they  speak.  Those  who  use  the  Arniya  dialect  occxipy 
the  north-western  districts  of  Yasan  and  Chitrdl ;  those 
who  speak  the  Khajunah  dialect  occupy  the  north-east 
districts  of  Hunza  and  Nager ;  and  those  who  speak 
the  Shina  dialect  occupy  the  valleys  of  Gilgit,  ChilS,s, 
Darel,  Kohli,  and  Palas,  along  the  banks  of  the  Indus. 
In  this  district  there  was  a  celebrated  wooden  statue 
of  the  future  Buddha  Maitreya,  which  is  mentioned 
by  both  of  the  pilgrims.  According  to  Fa-Hian  it 
was  erected  300  years  after  the  Nirvana  of  Buddha, 
or  about  B.C.  243,  that  is,  in  the  reign  of  Asoka,  when 
the  Buddhist  religion  was  actively  disseminated  over 
India  by  missionaries.  Hwen  Thsang  describes  the 
statue  as  100  feet  in  height,  and  states  that  it  was 
erected  by  Madliydntiha.*  The  name  and  the  date 
mutually  support  each  other,  as  Madhydntika,  or  Maj- 
jhima  in  Pali,  was  the  name  of  the  Buddhist  teacher, 
who,  after  the  assembly  of  the  Third  Synod  in  Asoka's 
reign,  was  sent  to  spread  the  Buddhist  jEaith  iu  Kash- 
mir and  the  whole  Himavanta  country.-)-  This  is  most 
probably  the  period  alluded  to  by  Hwen  Thsang  when 
Ddrel  was  the  capital  of  UdyS,na. 

8.    BOLOR,    OR   BALTI. 

From  Darel  Hwen  Thsang  travelled  500  A',  or  83 
mil«s,  over  a  mountain  range,  and  up  the  valley  of 
the  Indus  to  Po-lu-lo,  or  Bolor.  This  district  was 
4000  li,  or  666  miles,  in  circuit;  its  greatest  length 
being  from  east  to  west.  It  was  surrounded  by  snowy 
mountains,  and  produced  a  large  quantity  of  gold. 
This  account  of  the  route,  compared  with  the  bearing 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  168.    But  he  fixes  the  date  at  only  50 

years  after  Buddha,  for  which  we  should  most  probably  read  250  years. 

t  Tumour's  '  Mahawanso,'  p.  71 ;  see  also  my  '  BLilsa  Topes,'  p.  120. 



and  distance,  show  that  Po-lu-lo  must  be  the  modern 
Balii,  or  Little  Tibet,  which  is  undoubtedly  correct, 
as  the  people  of  the  neighbouring  D^rdu  districts  on 
the  Indus  know  Balti  onlj'  by  the  name  of  Palolo* 
Balti  also  is  still  famous  for  its  gold  washings.  The 
name,  too,  is  an  old  one,  as  Ptolemy  calls  the  people 
BiiXrai,^  or  Byltm.  Lastly,  both  in  size  and  position 
Balti  corresponds  exactly  with  the  account  of  the 
Chinese  pilgrim,  as  the  length  of  the  province  is  along 
the  course  of  the  Indus  from  east  to  west  for  150 
miles,  and  the  breadth  about  80  miles  from  the  moun- 
tains of  Deoseh  to  the  Karakoram  range,  or  altogether 
460  miles  in  circuit,  as  measured  direct  on  the  map, 
or  about  600  miles  by  road  measurement. 

9.    FALIXA,    OR   BANU. 

The  name  of  Fa-la-na  is  mentioned  only  by  Hwen 
Thsang,  who  places  the  coimtry  to  the  south-east  of 
Ghazni,  and  at  fifteen  days'  journey  to  the  south  of 
Lamghan.t  It  was  4000  //,  or  666  miles,  in  circuit, 
and  was  chiefly  composed  of  mountains  and  forests. 
It  was  subject  to  Kapisene,  and  the  language  of  the 
people  had  a  slight  resemblance  to  that  of  Central 
India.  Prom  the  bearing  and  distance,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  Banii  was  the  district  visited  by  Hwen 
Thsang,  from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  its  ori- 
ginal name  was  Varana,  or  Barna.  This  is  confirmed 
by  Fa-Hian,  who  calls  the  country  by  the  shorter 
Yoruacular  name  of  Po-na,  or  Bona,  which  he  reached 
in  thii'teen  days  from  IS'agarahara  in  going  towards  the 
south.  Pona  also  is  said  to  be  three  days'  journey 
to  the  west  of  the  Indus,  which  completes  the  proof 
of  its  identity  with  Banu,   or  the  lower  half  of  the 

*  'HioiienThsang.'ii.  150;  andmy'Ladak.'p.  31.     f  H.  Tli.,  i.  265. 


valley  of  the  Kuram  river.  In  the  time  of  Fa-Hian 
the  kingdom  of  Banu  was  limited  to  this  small  tract, 
as  he  makes  the  upper  part  of  the  Kuram  valley  a 
separate  district,  called  Lo-i,  or  Boh.*  But  in  the 
time  of  Hwen  Thsang,  when  it  had  a  circuit  of  more 
than  600  miles,  its  boundaries  must  have  included 
the  whole  of  the  two  large  valleys  of  the  Kuram  and 
Gomal  rivers,  extending  from  the  Safed  Koh,  or 
"  Little  Snowy  Mountains  "  of  Fa-Hian,  to  Sivastan 
on  the  south,  and  from  the  frontiers  of  Ghazni  and 
Kandahar  on  the  west  to  the  Indus  on  the  east. 

I  think  it  not  improbable  that  the  full  name  of  this 
district,  Falana  or  Barana,  may  have  some  connection 
with  that  of  the  great  division  of  the  Ghilji  tribe 
named  Burdn,  as  the  upper  valleys  of  both  the 
Kuram  and  Gomal  rivers,  between  Ghazni  and  the 
Sulimani  mountains,  are  now  occupied  by  the  nume- 
rous clans  of  the  Sulimani  Khel,  or  eldest  branch  of 
the  Burgins.  Iryub,  the  elder  son  of  Buran,  and  the 
father  of  Suliman,  is  said  to  have  given  his  name  to 
the  district  of  Haryuh  or  Irydb,  which  is  the  upper 
valley  of  the  Kuram  river. 

M.  Vivien  de  St.  Martin"]'  identifies  Falana  with 
Vdneh,  or  Wanneh,  of  Elphinstone. :]:  But  Vdtia,  or 
Wdna,  as  the  Afghans  call  it,  is  only  a  petty  little 
tract  with  a  small  population,  whereas  Banu  is  one  of 
the  largest,  richest,  and  most  populous  districts  to  the 
west  of  the  Indus.  Yana  lies  to  the  south-south-east, 
and  Banu  to  the  east-south-east  of  Ghazni,  so  that 
either  of  them  will  tally  very  well  with  the  south-east 
direction  noted  by  Hwen  Thsang ;  but  V^na  is  from 

*  Seal's  Translation,  c.  14,  p.  50.      t  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  appendice  iii. 
X  Elphinstone 's  '  Kabul,'  ii.  156,  158. 


20  to  25  days'  journey  to  the  south  of  Lamghan,  while 
Banu  is  just  15  days'  journey  as  noted  hy  the  pilgrim. 
As  Fa-Hian's  notice  of  Banu  dates  as  high  as  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  I  think  that  it  may  he 
identified  with  the  Banagara  of  Ptolemy,  which  he 
places  in  the  extreme  north  of  Indo-Scythia,  and  to 
the  south-south-east  of  Nagara^  or  Jalalab&d.  A 
second  town  in  the  same  direction,  which  he  names 
Andrapana,  is  probably  Drdhand  or  Berdband,  near 
Dera  Ismail  Khan. 

Hwen  Thsang  mentions  a  district  on  the  western 
frontier  of  Palana,  named  Ki-kiang-na,  the  position  of 
which  has  not  yet  been  fixed.  M.  Vivien  de  St. 
Martin  and  Sir  H.  Elliot  have  identified  it  with  the 
KaiJcdndn,  or  KiJcdn,  of  the  Arab  historians  of  Sindh  ;* 
but  unfortunately  the  position  of  Kaikdndn  itself  is 
still  undetermined.  It  is,  however,  described  as  lying 
to  the  north  or  north-east  of  Eachh  Gandava,  and  as 
Kikiangna  was  to  the  west  of  Falana  or  Banu,  it  appears 
probable  that  the  district  intended  must  be  somewhere 
in  the  vicinity  of  PisJiin  and  Kwetta ;  and  as  Hwen 
Thsang  describes  it  as  situated  in  a  valley  under  a 
high  mountain,  I  am  inclined  to  identify  it  with  the 
valley  of  Pishin  itself,  which  lies  between  the  Khoja 
Amran  hills  on  the  north,  and  the  lofty  Mount  Takatu 
on  the  south.  This  position  agrees  with  that  of  Kai- 
Icdn,  Jjitj  given  by  Biladuri,t  who  says  that  it 
formed  part  of  Sindh  in  the  direction  of  Khorasan. 
This  is  further  confirmed  by  the  statement  that  Kai- 
Icdn  was  on  the  road  from  Multan  to  Kabul,  as  the 
usual  route  between  these  places  lies  over  the  Sakhi 

*  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  iii.  185  ;  Dowson's  edition  of  Sir  H.  Elliot's 
'  Muhammadan  Historians,'  i.  381. 

!   Eeinaud's  'Fragments  Arabes,  etc.,'  p.  184. 


Sarwar  Pass  in  tlie  Sulimani  mountains,  and  across 
the  PisWn  valley  to  Kandahar.  A  shorter,  but  more 
difficult,  route  is  by  the  valley  of  the  Gomal  river 
to  Ghazni.  But  as  the  valley  of  the  Gomal  belonged 
to  Falana,  it  follows  that  the  district  of  KiUangna 
must  have  been  somewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Pisltin;  and  as  this  valley  is  now  inhabited  by  the 
tribe  of  Khakas,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  name  of 
Kikdn,  or  Kaikdn,  may  have  been  derived  from  them. 


0-po-kien  is  mentioned  only  once  by  Hwen  Thsang 
in  a  brief  paragraph,  which  places  it  between  Falana 
and  Ghazni,  to  the  north-west  of  the  former,  and  to 
the  south-east  of  the  latter.     From  this  description  it 
would  appear  to  be  the  same  as  the  Lo-i  of  Fa-Hian, 
and  the  Boh  of  the  Indian  historians.     Perhaps  the 
name  of  Opohlen  may  have  some  connection  with  Vorgun 
or   Verghin^  which  Wilford's   surveyor,    Mogal  Beg, 
places  near  the  source  of  the  Tunchi,  or  Tochi  branch 
of  the  Kuram  river.     In  the  map  attached  to  Burnes's 
Travels  by  Arrowsmith  the  name  is  written  Borghoon. 
I  am,  however,  inclined  to  identify  Opokien,  or  Avakan, 
as  it  is  rendered  by  M.  Julien,  with  the  name  of  Af- 
ghan, as  I  find  that  the  Chinese  syllable  Men  represents 
ghan  in  the  word  Ghanta.     From  the  cursory  notice 
of  the  district  by  Hwen  Thsang,  I  infer  that  it  must 
have  formed  part  of  the  province  of  Falana.     It  was 
certainly  a  part   of  the  mountainous   district  called 
Boh  by  Abul  Fazl  and  Ferishta,*   or   south-eastern 
Afghanistan,   which  would  appear  to  have  been  one 
of  the  original  seats  of  the  Afghan  people.     Major 
*  Briggs's  '  Ferishta,'  i,  p.  8. 


Eaverty*  describes  Eoli  as  "  the  mountainous  district 
of  Afghanistan  and   part   of  Bilnchistan,"  or   "the 
country   between    Ghazni    and    Kandahar    and    the 
Indus."     The  people  of  this  province  are  called  Ro- 
hilas,   or   Eohila  Afghans,   to   distinguish   them  from 
other  Afghans,   such  as  the   Ghori  Afghans  of  Ghor 
between  Balkh  and  Merv.    There  is,  however,  a  slight 
chronological   difficulty  about  this   identification,  as 
the  Afghans  of  Khilij,  Ghor,  and  Kabul  are  stated  by 
Ferishta  to  have  subdued  the  province  of  Eoh  so  late 
as  A.H.  63,  or  a.d.  682,  that  is  about  thirty  years  later 
than  the   period  of  Hwen   Thsang's  visit.     But  I 
think  that  there  are  good  grounds  for  doubting  the 
accuracy  of  this  statement,  as  Hwen  Thsang  describes 
the  language  of  Falana  as  having  but  little  resem- 
blance to  that  of  Central  India.     The  inhabitants  of 
Eoh  could  not,  therefore,  have  been  Indians;  and  if 
not  Indians,  they  must  almost  certainly  have  been 
Afghans.     Ferishtaf   begins  his   account  by  saying 
that   the   Muhammadan   Afghans   of  the  mountains 
"invaded  and  laid  waste  the  inhabited  countries,  such 
as  Kirman,  Shivaran,  and  Peshawar;"  and  that  seve- 
ral battles  took  place  between  the  Indians  and  Afghans 
"  on  a  plain  between  Kirman  and  Peshawar."    The 
Kirman  here  mentioned  is  not  the  great  province  of  Ku- 
man,  or  Karmania,  on  the  shore  of  the  Indian  Ocean, 
but  the  Kirman,   or  Kirmdsh,  of  Timur's  historians, 
which  is  the  valley  of  the  Kui-am  river.     The  dif- 
ficulty may  be  explained  if  we  limit  the  part  of  Kir- 
mfm  that  was  invaded  to  the  lower  valley,  or  plains 
of  the  Kuram  river,  and  extend   the  limits  of  the 
Afghan  country  beyond  Ghazni  and  Kabul,  so  as  to 

*  Puslitu  Dictionary,  in  voce.  f  Briggs's  Translation,  i.  7. 


embrace  the  upper  valley,  or  mountain  region  of  tlie 
Kuram  river.  Politically  the  ruler  of  Peshawar  has 
always  been  the  ruler  of  Kohat  and  Banu,  and  the 
ruler  of  Kabul  has  been  the  lord  of  the  upper  Kuram 
valley.  This  latter  district  is  now  called  Khost ;  but 
it  is  the  Irydb  of  Timur's  historians,  and  of  Wilford's 
surveyor,  Mogul  Beg,  and  the  Haryub  of  Elphinstone. 
Now  the  Sulimda-K/iel  of  the  Burdn  division  of  the 
Ghiljis  number  about  three-fourths  of  the  whole  horde. 
I  infer,  therefore,  that  the  original  seat  of  the  Ghiljis 
must  have  included  the  upper  valleys  of  the  Kuram 
and  Gomal  rivers  on  the  east,  with  Ghazni  and  Kelat- 
i-Ghilji  on  the  west.  Haryub  would  thus  have  formed 
part  of  the  Afghan  district  of  Khilij,  or  Ghilji,  from 
which  the  southern  territories  of  Peshawar  were  easily 

But  whether  this  explanation  of  Ferishta's  state- 
ment be  correct  or  not,  I  feel  almost  certain  that  Hwen 
Thsang's  0-po-kien  must  be  intended  for  Afghan.  Its 
exact  equivalent  would  be  Jvaffhan,  which  is  the 
nearest  transcript  of  Afghan  that  the  Chinese  syllables 
are  capable  of  making.  If  this  rendering  is  correct, 
it  is  the  earliest  mention  of  the  Afghans  that  I  am 
aware  of  under  that  name. 

II.  Kingdom  of  KLishmir. 

In  the  seventh  century,  according  to  the  Chinese 
pilgrim,  the  kingdom  of  Kashmir  comprised  not  only 
the  valley  of  Kashmir  itself,  but  also  the  whole  of  the 
hilly  country  between  the  Indus  and  the  Chenab  to 
the  foot  of  the  Salt  range  in  the  south.  The  different 
states  visited  by  Hwen  Thsang  were  TJrasa^  to  the 
west  of  Kashmir ;  J'axila  and  Sinhajjura,  to  the  south- 


■west;  and  Punach  and  Eajaori  to  the  soutli.  The 
other  hill-states  to  the  east  and  south-east  are  not 
mentioned;  but  there  is  good  reason  for  believing 
that  they  also  were  tributary,  and  that  the  dominions 
of  Kashmir  in  the  seventh  century  extended  from  the 
Indus  to  the  Eavi.  The  petty  independent  state  of 
Kullu,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Bias  river,  was  saved 
by  its  remoteness  and  inaccessibility ;  and  the  rich 
state  of  Jdlandhar,  on  the  lower  Bias,  was  then  sub- 
ject to  Harsha  Vardhana,  the  great  king  of  Kanoj.  But 
towards  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  the  Kangra  valley 
was  conquered  by  Sankara  Yarmma,  and  the  sovereign 
power  of  Kashmir  was  extended  over  the  whole  of  the 
Alpine  Panjab  from  the  Indus  to  the  Satlej.* 

Hwen  Thsang  describes  Kashmir  as  surrounded  on 
all  sides  by  lofty  mountains,  which  is  a  correct  de- 
scription of  the  valley  itself ;  but  when  he  goes  on  to 
say  that  its  circuit  is  7000  li,  or  1166  miles,  he  must 
refer  to  the  extended  kingdom  of  Kashmir,  and  not 
to  the  valley,  which  is  only  300  miles  in  circuit. 
But  the  extent  of  its  political  boundary,  from  the 
Indus  on  the  north  to  the  Salt  range  on  the  soutli, 
and  from  the  Indus  on  the  west  to  the  Eavi  on  the 
east,  cannot  be  estimated  at  less  than  900  miles,  and 
may  very  probably  have  reached  the  amount  stated 
by  the  pilgrim. 

1.    XASHMIE. 

H^ven  Thsang  entered  the  valley  of  Kashmir  from 
the  west  in  September,  a.d.  631.  At  the  entrance 
there  was  a  stone  gate,  where  he  was  met  by  the 
younger  brother  of  the  king's  mother ;  and  after  pay- 

*  '  Eaja  Taracgini,'  v.  144. 


ing  his  devotions  at  the  sacred  monuments,  he  went 
to  lodge  for  the  night  in  the  monastery  of  Hu-se-kia-lo, 
or  Hushkara.*  This  place  is  mentioned  by  Abu 
Eihan,!  who  makes  Ushkara  the  same  as  Bardmula, 
which  occupied  both  sides  of  the  river.  In  the  '  Eaja 
Tarangini  'J  also  Hushhapura  is  said  to  be  near  Vardha, 
or  Vardhamula,  which  is  the  Sanskrit  form  of  Bard- 
mula.  Hushkara  or  Uskar  stiU  exists  as  a  village  on 
the  left  or  eastern  bank  of  the  Behat,  two  miles  to  the 
south-east  of  Baramula.  The  Kashmiri  Brahmans  say 
that  this  is  the  Hushkapura  of  the  '  Eaja  Tarangini,' 
which  was  founded  by  the  Turushka  king  Hushka, 
about  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 

According  to  the  chronology  of  the  '  Eaja  Tarangini,' 
the  king  of  Kashmir  in  A.n.  631  was  Pratapaditya ; 
but  the  mention  of  his  maternal  uncle§  shows  that 
there  must  be  some  error  in  the  native  history,  as 
that  king's  father  came  to  the  throne  in  right  of  his 
wife,  who  had  no  brother.  Pratapaditya's  accession 
must,  therefore,  have  taken  place  after  Hwen  Thsang's 
departure  from  Kashmir  in  a.d.  633,  which  makes  an 
error  of  three  years  in  the  received  chronology.  But 
a  much  greater  difference  is  shown  in  the  reigns  of 
his  sons  Chandrapida  and  Muktapida,  who  applied  to 
the  Chiaese  emperor  for  aid  against  the  Arabs.  ||  The 
date  of  the  first  application  is  a.d.  713,  while,  accord- 
ing to  the  native  chronology,  Chandrapida  reigned 
from  A.D.  680  to  688,  which  shows  an  error  of  not 
less  than  twenty-five  years.  But  as  the  Chinese 
annals  also  record  that  about  a.d.  720  the  emperor 
granted  the  title  of  king  to  Chandrapida,  he  must 

*  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  90.      \  Eeinaud,  '  Fragments  Arabes,'  p.  116. 
+  B.  Tii.  1310  and  1313.  §  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  90. 

II  Kemusat,  '  Nouveaux  Melanges  Asiatiques,'  i.  197. 



have  been  living  as  late  as  the  previous  year  a.d.  719, 
which  makes  the  error  in  the  Kashmirian  chronology 
amount  to  exactly  thirty-one  years.  By  applying  this 
correction  to  the  dates  of  his  predecessors,  the  reign 
of  his  grandfather,  Durlahha,  will  extend  from  a.b. 
625  to  661.  He,  therefore,  must  have  been  the  kirig 
who  was  reigning  at  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's 
arrival  in  Kashmir  in  a.d.  631.  Durlabha,  who  was 
the  son-in-law  of  his  predecessor,  is  said  to  have  been 
the  son  of  a  Niiga,  or  Dragon ;  and  the  dynasty  which 
he  founded  is  called  the  Nuga  or  KarJcota  dynasty. 
By  this  appellation  I  understand  that  his  family  was 
given  to  ophiolatry,  or  serpent-worship,  which  had 
been  the  prevailing  religion  of  Kashmir  from  time  im- 
memorial. Hwen  Thsang  designates  this  race  as  Ki- 
li-to^  which  Professor  Lassen  and  M.  Stanislas  Julien 
render  by  Kriiya  and  Kritiya.  They  were  extremely 
hostile  to  the  Buddhists,  who  had  frequently  deprived 
them  of  power,  and  abolished  their  rights  ;  on  which 
account,  says  the  pilgrim,  the  king,  who  was  then 
reigning,  had  but  little  faith  in  Buddha,  and  cared 
only  for  heretics  and  temples  of  the  Brahmanical  gods. 
This  statement  is  confirmed  by  the  native  chronicle, 
which  records  that  the  queen,  Ananga-Iekha,  built  a 
Vihdra,  or  Buddhist  monastery,  named  after  herself, 
Anangahhavana ;  while  the  king  built  a  temple  to 
Vishnu,  called  after  himself,  Burlahha-sivdmina*  I 
infer  from  this  that  the  queen  still  adhered  to  the 
Buddhist  faith  of  her  family,  and  that  the  king  was, 
in  reality,  a  Brahmanist,  although  he  may  have  pro- 
fessed a  lukewarm  attachment  to  Buddhism. 

The  people  of  Kashmir  are  described  as  good  look- 

*  '  Raja  Tarangiui,'  iy.  3  aud  5. 


ing,  easy  and  fickle  in  manner,  effeminate  and  cowardly 
in  disposition,  and  naturally  prone  to  artifice  and 
deceit.  This  character  they  still  bear;  and  to  it  I 
may  add  that  they  are  the  dirtiest  and  most  immoral 
race  in  India.  Hwen  Thsang  states  that  the  neigh- 
bouring kings  held  the  base  Kashmiris  in  such  scorn 
that  they  refused  all  alliance  with  them,  and  gave 
them  the  name  of  Ki-li-to  or  Krityas,  which  would 
appear  to  be  a  term  of  contempt  applied  to  evil-minded 
and  mischievous  persons,  as  enemies,  traitors,  assas- 
sins, etc.  The  term  which  1  have  heard  used  is  Kh^- 
Mlechchhas,  or  the  "  Barbarian  Kiras,"  and  "Wilson 
gives  Kira  as  a  name  of  the  valley  of  Kashmir,  and 
Kiruh  as  the  name  of  the  people. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  capital  of  the  country 
was  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river,  and  about  10  li, 
or  less  than  2  miles,  to  the  north-west  of  the  ancient 
capital.  Abu  Eihan*  calls  the  capital  Adishtdn,  which 
is  the  Sanskrit  JdMsthdna,  or  "chief  town."  This  is 
the  present  city  of  Srinagar,  which  was  built  by  Raja 
Pravarasena  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century, 
and  was,  therefore,  a  new  place  at  the  time  of  Hwen 
Thsang's  visit.  The  "old  capital"  I  have  abeady 
identified  with  an  old  site,  2  miles  to  the  south-east 
of  the  Takht-i-Suliman,  called  Pundrethdn,  which  is 
the  corrupt  Ka'shmirian  form  of  Purdnddhisthdna,  or 
"the  old  chief  city."  Pdn  is  the  usual  Kashmiri 
term  for  "  old,"  as  in  Pdn  Drds,  or  "old  Dras,"  to 
distinguish  it  from  the  new  village  of  Dras,  which  is 
lower  down  the  river,  t     Near  the  old  capital  there 

*  Eeinaud, '  Fragments  Arabes,  eto.,'  p.  116. 

t  Wilson  altered  this  spelling  to  Payin  Dras,  wliioh  in  Persian 
signifies  "  Lower  Dras,"  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  PiU  Drds  is  higher 
up  the  river. 


was  a  famous  stupa,  which,  in  a.d.  631  enshrined  a 
tooth  of  Buddha;  hut  before  Hwen  Thsang's  return 
to  the  Panjab  in  a.d.  643  the  sacred  tooth  had  been 
given  up  by  the  Eaja  to  Harsha  Varddhana,  the  power- 
ful king  of  Kanoj,  who  made  his  demand  at  the  head 
of  an  army  on  the  frontier  of  Kashmir.*  As  Eaja 
Durlabha  was  a  Brahmanist,  the  sacrifice  of  the  Bud- 
dhist tooth  was  a  real  gain  to  his  religion. 

From  the  earliest  times  Kashmir  has  been  divided 
into  the  two  large  districts  of  Kamrdj  and  Meraj\  the 
former  being  the  northern  half  of  the  valley,  below 
the  junction  of  the  Sindh  river  with  the  Behat,  and 
the  latter  the  southern  half  above  that  junction.  The 
smaller  divisions  it  is  unnecessary  to  mention.  But 
I  may  note  the  curious  anomaly  which  a  change  of 
religious  belief  has  produced  in  the  use  of  two  of  the 
most  distinctive  Hindu  terms.  By  the  Hindu  who 
Avorships  the  sun,  the  cardinal  points  are  named  with 
reference  to  the  east,  as  para,  the  "  front,"  or  the 
"  east,"  to  which  he  turns  in  his  daily  morning  wor- 
ship ;  apara,  "behind,"  or  the  "west;"  vama,  the 
"left"  hand,  or  the  "north;"  and  dakshim,  the 
"right"  hand,  or  the  "south."  By  the  Muhamma- 
dan,  who  turns  his  face  to  the  west,  towards  Mecca, 

these  terms  are  exactly  reversed,  and  dachin,  which 
still  means  the  "  right "  hand  in  Kashmiri,  is  now 
used  to  denote  the  "north,"  and  kdwar,  or  the  "left" 
hand  to  denote  the  "south."  Thus,  on  the  Lidar 
riA'cr  there  is  the  subdivision  of  Dachinpdra  to  the 
north  of  the  stream,  and  Kmoarpdra  to  the  south  of 
it.  On  the  Behat  river  also,  below  Barahmula,  the 
subdivision  of  Dachin  lies  to  the  north,  and  that  of 

*  Compare  '  Hiouen  Thsaiig,'  ii.  180  with  i.  251. 


Kdwar  to  the  south  of  the  stream.  This  change  in 
the  meaning  of  Dachin  from  "  south  "  to  "  north  " 
must  have  taken  place  before  the  time  of  Akbar,  as 
Abul  Fazl*  describes  Z>acAm/iffm  as  "  situated  at  the 
foot  of  a  mountain,  on  the  side  of  Great  Tibet,"  that 
is  to  the  north  of  the  river  Lidar. 

The  principal  ancient  cities  of  Kashmir  are  the  old 
capital  of  Srinagari,  the  new  capital  called  Pravarasena- 
pura ;  Khdgendra-pura  and  Khunamusha,  built  before 
the  time  of  Asoka;  Vijipdra  and  Pdntasok^  which  are 
referred  to  Asoka  himself ;  Surapura,  a  restoration  of 
the  ancient  Kdmhuva ;  Kanishkapura,  Hushkapura, 
and  Jushkapura,  named  after  the  three  Indo-Scythian 
Princes  by  whom  they  were  founded  ;  Parihdsapura, 
built  by  Lalitaditya ;  Padmapura,  named  after  Padma, 
the  minister  of  Eaja  Vrihaspati ;  and  Avantipura, 
named  after  Haja  Avanti  Yarmma. 

Srinagari,  the  old  capital  of  Kashmir  prior  to  the 
erection  of  Pravarasenapura,  is  stated  to  have  been 
founded  by  the  great  Asoka, f  who  reigned  from  e.g. 
263  to  226.  It  stood  on  the  site  of  the  present  Pdn- 
drethdn,  and  is  said  to  have  extended  along  the  bank 
of  the  river  from  the  foot  of  the  TakJd-i-Sulimdn  to 
Pdntasok,  a  distance  of  more  than  three  miles.  The 
oldest  temple  in  Kashmir,  on  the  top  of  the  Takht-i- 
Suliman,  is  identified  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  all 
the  Brahmans  of  the  valley  with  the  temple  of  Jyeshta 
Budra,  which  was  built  by  Jaloka,  the  son  of  Asoka, 
in  Srinagari.;]:  This  identification  is  based  on  the  fact 
that  the  hill  was  originally  called  Jyesldeswara.  The 
old  bridge  abutments  at  the  village  of  Pantasok  are 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  130.  J  '  Eaja  Tarangini,'  i.  124. 

t  'Kaja  Tarangini,'  i.  101. 


also  attributed  to  Asoka ;  and  the  other  ruins  at  the 
same  place  are  said  to  be  the  remains  of  the  tAvo  Jsok- 
eswara  temples  which  are  noted  in  the  native  chronicle 
of  Kashmir.  Srinagari  was  still  the  capital  of  the 
valley  in  the  reign  of  Pravarasena  I.,  towards  the  end 
of  the  fifth  century,  when  the  King  erected  a  famous 
symbol  of  the  god  Siva,  named  after  himself  Pravares- 
loara.  This  city  still  existed  in  a.d.  631,  when  the 
Chinese  pilgrim  arrived  in  Kashmir,  although  it  was 
no  longer  the  capital  of  the  valley.  He  speaks  of  the 
capital  of  his  time  as  the  "  new  city,"  and  states  that 
the  "  old  city  "  was  situated  to  the  south-east  of  it,  at 
a  distance  of  ten  li^  or  nearly  two  miles,  and  to  the 
south  of  a  high  mountain.  This  account  describes  the 
relative  positions  of  Pandrethan  and  the  present 
capital  with  the  lofty  hill  of  Takht-i-Suliman  so 
exactly,  that  there  can  be  no  hesitation  in  accepting 
them  as  the  representatives  of  the  ancient  places.  The 
old  city  was  still  inhabited  between  a.d.  913  and  921, 
when  Meru,  the  minister  of  Eaja  Partha,  erected  in 
Purunadhisthdna,  that  is  in  the  "  old  capital,"  a  temple 
named  after  himself  Meru-  Varddha7ia-sivdmi.  This 
building  I  have  identified  with  the  existing  temple  of 
Pandrethan,  as  Kallian  Pandit  relates*  that,  when  Eaja 
Abhimanyu  set  fire  to  his  capital,  all  the  noble  build- 
ings "from  the  temple  of  Varddliana  iSwdmi,  as  far  as 
BhikshuJcipdraka''^  (or  the  asylum  of  mendicants)  were 
destroyed.  I  attribute  the  escape  of  the  limestone 
temple  to  its  fortunate  situation  in  the  midst  of  a  tank 
of  water.  To  this  catastrophe  I  would  assign  the  final 
desertion  of  the  old  capital,  as  the  humble  dwellings  of 
the  people  could  not  possibly  have  escaped  the  destruc- 

*  See  my  '  Temples  of  Kashmir,'  p.  41;  and  '  Eaja  Tarangini.'.vi.  191. 


tive  fire  which  consumed  all  the  "  noble  edifices  "  of 
the  city. 

Pravarasenapura,  or  the  new  capital,  was  built  by 
Eaja  Pravarasena  II.  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
century.  Its  site,  as  already  noted,  was  that  cif  the 
present  capital  of  Srinagar.  This  is  determined  beyond 
all  possibility  of  doubt  by  the  very  clear  and  distinct 
data  furnished  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen  Thsang, 
and  by  the  Hindu  historian  Kalhan  Pandit.  The 
statements  of  the  first  have  already  been  quoted  in 
my  account  of  the  old  capital ;  but  I  may  add  that 
Hwen  Thsang  resided  for  two  whole  years  in  Kash- 
mir, in  the  Jayendra  Vihdra^*  or  Buddhist  monastery, 
built  by  Jayendra,  the  maternal  uncle  of  Pravarasena. 
The  Hindu  author  describes  the  city  as  situated  at  the 
confluence  of  two  rivers,  and  with  a  hill  in  the  midst 
of  it.  This  is  an  exact  description  of  the  present 
Srinagar,  in  the  midst  of  which  stands  the  hill  of  Hari 
Parbat,  and  through  which  flows  the  river  Hara,  or 
Ara,  to  join  the  Behat  at  the  northern  end  of  the 

The  question  now  arises,  how  did  the  new  city  of 
Prmarasenapura  lose  its  own  name,  and  assume  that 
of  the  old  city  of  Srinagari  ?  I  think  that  this  diffi- 
culty may  perhaps  be  explained  by  the  simple  fact 
that  the  two  cities  were  actually  contiguous,  and,  as 
they  existed  together  side  by  side  for  upwards  of  five 
centuries,  the  old  name,  as  in  the  case  of  Delhi,  would 
naturally  have  remained  in  common  use  with  the 
people,    in    preference    to    the    new  name,    as    the 

*  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  96. 

t  '  Moorcroft's  Travels,'  ii.  276.  I  speak  also  from  personal  know- 
ledge, as  I  have  twice  visited  Kashmir. 



cnstomnr}'  designation  of  the  capital.  The  old  name 
of  Dcllii  is  exactly  a  case  in  point.  There,  new  city 
after  new  city  was  built  by  successive  kings,  each 
with  the  distinctive  name  of  its  founder ;  but  as  they 
were  all  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Delhi  itself,  the 
old  familiar  name  still  clung  to  the  capital,  and  each 
new  appellation  eventually  became  absorbed  in  the 
one  general  name  of  "Delhi."  In  the  same  way  I 
believe  that  the  old  familiar  name  of  Srinagar  eventually 
swamped  the  name  of  the  new  city  of  Pravarasenapura. 

The  names  of  Khdr/ipura  and  Kfiunamusha  are  referred 
by  Kalhan  Pandit*  to  Eaja  Khagendra^  who,  as  the 
sixth  predecessor  of  Asoka,  must  have  reigned  about 
400  B.C.  Wilson  and  Troyer  have  identified  these 
two  places  with  the  Kdkajnir  and  Gauinoha  of  Muham- 
madan  wiiters.  The  first  is  certain,  as  Kdkapur  still 
exists  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Behat,  at  10  miles  to 
the  south  of  the  Takht-i-Suliman,  and  5  miles  to 
the  south  of  Pampur.  But  the  identification  of  Gau- 
moha,  wherever  that  may  be,  is  undoubtedly  wrong,  as 
Khunamusha  is  now  represented  by  the  large  village  of 
Khunamoh,  which  is  situated  under  the  hills  at  4  miles 
to  the  north-east  of  Pampur. 

The  old  town  of  Bij  Bidra,  or  Vijipdra,  is  situated 
on  both  banks  of  the  Behat,  at  25  miles  to  the  south- 
east of  the  capital.  The  original  name  was  Vijnya- 
pdra,  so  called  altci'  the  ancient  temple  of  Vijagesa, 
which  still  exists,  although  its  floor  is  14  feet  below 
the  present  level  of  the  surrounding  ground.  This 
difference  of  level  shows  the  accumulation  of  ruins 
since  the  date  of  its  foundation.  The  people  refer  its 
erection  to  Asoka,  B.C.  250,  who  is  stated  by  Kalhan 

*  'Eaja  Tarangini,'  i.  90. 


Pandit*  to  have  pulled  down  the  old  brick  temple  of 
Vijayesa^  and  to  have  rebuilt  it  of  stone.  This  is  ap- 
parently the  same  temple  that  is  mentioned  in  the 
reign  of  Arya  Eaja,  some  centuries  after  Christ,  t 

Snrapura^  the  modern  Supur  or  Sopur,  is  situated 
on  both  banks  of  the  Behat,  immediately  to  the  west 
of  the  Great  "Wular  Lake.  It  was  originally  called 
Kumbuva,  and  under  this  name  it  is  mentioned  in  the 
chronicles  of  Kashmir  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth  century.  J  It  was  rebuilt  by  Sura,  the  minister 
of  Avanti  Yarmma,  between  a.d.  854  and  883,  after 
whom  it  was  called  SArapura.  From  its  favourable 
position  at  the  outlet  of  the  Wular  Lake,  I  think  it 
probable  that  it  is  one  of  the  oldest  places  in  Kashmir. 

Kanishkapura  was  built  by  the  Indo-Scythian  prince 
Kanishka,§  just  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
era.  In  the  spoken  dialects  of  India  it  is  called 
Kanikhpur,  which  in  Kashmir  has  been  still  further 
corrupted  to  Kdmpur.  It  is  situated  10  miles  to  the 
south  of  Srinagar,  on  the  high-road  leading  to  the  Pir 
Panchal  Pass.  It  is  a  small  village  with  a  sarai  for 
travellers,  and  is  now  generally  known  as  Kdvipur 
Sarai.  In  the  large  map  of  Kashmir  by  Captain 
Montgomerie  the  name  is  erroneously  given  as 

Hushkapura,  which  was  founded  by  the  Indo- 
Scythian  prince  Hushka,  or  Huvishka,  the  brother  of 
Kanishka,  would  appear  to  have  been  the  same  place 
as  the  well-known  Vardhamula,  or  Bardhmula,  on  the 
Behat.     Abu  Eihan||  calls  it  "  UsJikar,  which  is  the 

*  'Eaja  Tarangini,'  i.  105.        t  Hid.,  ii.  123.        %  Ibid.,  iii.  237. 
§  Ibid.,  i.  168.  ||  Reinaud,  'Fragments  Arabes,  etc.,'  p.  116. 


town  of  Banmula,  built  on  botli  banks  of  the  river." 
It  is  noted  under  tbe  same  name  by  the  Chinese  pil- 
grim Hwen  Thsang,  who  entered  the  valley  from  the 
west  by  a  stone  gate,  and  halted  at  the  monastery  of,  or  Hushkara.      The  name  of  Bardhmula 
has  now  eclipsed  the  more  ancient  appellation,  which, 
however,    still    exists    in    the    village    of    Uskara,    2 
miles  to  the  south-east  of  the  present  town,  and  im- 
mediately under  the  hills.    The  place  has  been  visited, 
at  my  request,  by  the  Eev.  G.  W.  Cowie,  who  found 
there  a  Buddhist  stupa  still  intact.     This  is  probably 
the  same  monument  that  is  recorded  to  have  been 
erected  by  Eaja  Lalitaditya*  between  a.d.  723  and 
760.     It  is  again  mentioned  in  the  native  chronicle| 
as  the  residence  of  the  Queen  Sugandha  in  a.d.  913. 
From  all  these  notices,  it  is  certain  that  the  town  still 
bore  its  original  name  down  to  the  beginning  of  the 
eleventh  century,   when   Abu    Eihan  mentions  both 
names.     But  after  this  time  the  name  of  Vardhamula 
alone  is  found  in  the  native  chronicles,  in  which  it 
is  mentioned  during  the  reigns  of  Harsha  and  Sussala, 
early  in   the  twelfth  century.     I  think  it   probable 
that   the    main   portion   of  the  town  of  Hushkapiira 
was  on  the  left,  or  south  bank  of  the  river,  and  that 
Yarahamula  was    originally  a  small  suburb    on    the 
right  bank.     On  the  decline  of  Buddhism,  when  the 
monastic  establishment  at  Hushkapura  was  abandoned, 
the  old  town  also  must  have  been  partially  deserted, 
and  most  probably  it  continued  to  decrease  until  it 
was  supplanted  by  the  Brahmanical  suburb   of  Yara- 

Jushkopura  was  founded  by  the  Indo- Scythian  prince 

*  '  Eaja  Tavangini,'  iv.  188.  \  Ibid.,  v.  258. 


Jushka,    a   brother  of  Kanishka  and  Huslika.     The 
Brahmans  of  Kashmir  identify  the  place  with  Zuhru, 
or  Zukur,  which  is  still  a  considerable  village,  4  miles 
to  the  north  of  the  capital.     This  is  evidently  the 
"  SchecroJi^  ville  assez  considerable,"  which  Troyer  and 
"Wilson*  have  identified  with  Hushkapura.     I  visited 
the  place  in  November,  1847,  but  the  only  traces  of 
antiquity  that  I  could  discover  were  a  considerable 
number  of  stone  pillars  and  mouldings  of  the  style  of 
architecture  peculiar  to  Kashmir,  all   of  which  had 
been  trimmed  and   adapted  to  Muhammadan  tombs 
and  Masjids.     Parihdsapura  was  built  by  the  great 
Eaja  Lalitaditya,f   who    reigned   from   a.d.    723    to 
760.     It  was  situated  on  the  right,  or  eastern  bank  of 
the  Behat,  near  the  present  village  of  Sumbal.     There 
are  still  many  traces  of  walls  and  broken  stones  on 
the  neighbouring   mounds,  which   show  that  a  city 
must  once  have  existed  on  this  spot ;  but  the  only 
considerable  remains  are  a  bridge  which  spans   tlio 
Behat,  and  a  canal  which  leads  direct  towards  Supur, 
to  avoid  the  tedious  passage  by  the  river  through  the 
Wular    Lake.      As    Pari/idsripura   is   not   mentioned 
again  in  the  native  chronicle,  it  must  have  been  neg- 
lected very  soon  after  its  founder's  death.     His  own 
grandson,  Jayapida,  built  a  new  capital  named  Jaya- 
pura,  in  the  midst  of  a  lake,  with  a  citadel,  which  he 
named   Sri-dtodravati,  but  which  the  people  always 
called  the  "  Inner  Fort."!     The  position  of  this  j)lace 
is  not  known,  but  I  believe  that  it  stood  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Behat,  immediately  opposite  to  Parihdsa- 
pura, where  a  village  named  Jnfar-kof^  or  the  "  Inner 

*  'Eaja  Tarangini,'  i.  370;  Asiat.  Kes.  xv.  23. 

t  '  Eaja  Tarangini,'  iv.  194  %  Ibid.,  iv.  505,  510. 


Fort,"  exists  to  this  day.  The  final  destruction  of 
this  city  is  attributed  by  the  people  to  Sangkara 
Varmma,  who  reigned  from  a.d.  883  to  901.  He  is 
said  to  have  removed  the  stones  to  his  own  new  city 
of  Sangharapura^  which  still  exists  as  PaiJian,  7  miles 
to  the  south-west  of  the  Sumbal  bridge.  The  great 
temple  at  Parikisa  was  destroyed  by  the  bigoted  Si- 
kandar,  who  reigned  from  1389  to  1413,  a.d.  Of  this 
temple  a  curious  story  is  told  by  the  Muhammadan 
historians.  Speaking  of  Pdrispur,  Abul  Fazl*  says, 
"here  stood  a  lofty  idolatrous  temple  which  was 
destroyed  by  Sikandar.  In  the  ruins  was  found  a 
plate  of  copper  with  an  inscription  in  the  Indian  lan- 
guage purporting  that  after  the  expiration  of  1100 
years  the  temple  would  be  destroyed  by  a  person 
named  Sikandar."  The  same  story  is  told  by  Ferishta,-]" 
with  the  addition  of  the  name  of  the  Eaja,  whom  the 
translator  calls  Balnat,  which  is  probably  a  mistake 
for  Laldil,  the  usual  contracted  form  of  Lalitaditya 
among  the  Kashmiris.  As  the  difference  of  time 
between  this  prince  and  Sikandar  is  barely  700  years, 
it  is  strange  that  the  tradition  should  preserve  a  date 
which  is  so  much  at  variance  with  the  chronology  of 
their  own  native  chronicles. 

Padmapura,  now  called  Pdinpur,  was  founded  by 
Padma,  the  minister  of  Raja  Yrihaspati,  who  reigned 
from  A.D.  832  to  844. i}:  It  is  situated  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Behat,  8  miles  to  the  south-east  of  the 
capital,  and  about  midway  on  the  road  to  Avautipura. 
The  place  is  still  Avell  inhabited,  and  its  fields  of 
saffron  are  the  most  productive  in  the  whole  valley. 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,"  ii.  135.  f  Briggs's  '  Ferishta,'  iv.  465. 

X  '  Eaja  Tarangini,'  iv.  69-1. 


Avaniipura  was  founded  by  Eaja  Avanii-Varmma* 
who  reigned  from  a.d.  854  to  833.  It  is  situated  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Behat,  17  miles  to  the  south- 
east of  the  present  capital.  There  is  now  only  a  small 
village  called  Wafitipur ;  but  the  remains  of  two  mag- 
nificent temples,  and  the  traces  of  walls  on  all  sides, 
show  that  it  must  have  been  once  an  extensive  city. 
The  name  of  No-naff ar,  or  the  "  New  Town,"  which  is 
now  attached  to  the  high  tract  of  alluvial  table-land 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  is  universally  al- 
lowed by  the  people  to  refer  to  Avantipura  itself,  which 
is  said  to  have  occupied  both  banks  of  the  river  ori- 

2.    UEASA. 

Between  Taxila  and  Kashmir  Hwen  Thsang  places 
the  district  of  U-la-shi,  or  Urasa,  which,  from  its  po- 
sition, may  at  once  be  identified  with  the  Varsa  Begio  of 
Ptolemy,  and  with  the  modern  district  oiBa-sh^  in  Dhan- 
tawar,  to  the  west  of  MuzafarabS,d.  It  is  mentioned 
in  the  native  chronicle  of  Kashmirf  as  a  mountainous 
district  in  the  vicinity  of  the  valley,  where  Eaja  Sani/- 
kara  Varmma  received  his  death  wound  in  a.d.  901. 
It  corresponds  exactly  with  the  Pakhali  of  Abul  Fazl, 
which  included  all  the  hilly  country  between  the 
Indus  and  Kashmir,  as  far  south  as  the  boundary  of 
Attak.  At  the  present  day  the  principal  towns  of  the 
district  are  Manser a^  in  the  north-east;  Noshahra^  in 
the  middle  ;  and  Kishangarh^  or  Haripur^  in  the  south- 
west. In  Hwen  Thsang's  time  the  capital  is  said  to 
have  been  either  300  or  500  U,  that  is,  50  or  83  miles, 
distant  from  Taxila.     This  difference  in  the  distance 

*  'Eaja  Tarangini,'  v.  44.  t  Ibid.,  t.  216. 


makes  it  impossible  to  identify  tlie  actual  position  of 
the  capital  in  the  seventh  century ;  but  it  seems  pro- 
bable that  it  must  have  been  at  Mdngali,  which  is  said 
by  the  people  to  have  been  the  ancient  capital  of  the 
district.  This  place  stands  midway  between  Noshahra 
and  Mansera,  and  about  50  miles  to  the  north-east  of 

According  to  Hwen  Thsang,  Urasa  was  2000  li,  or 
333  miles,  in  circuit,  which  is  probably  correct,  as  its 
length  from  the  source  of  the  Kunihar  river  to  the 
Gandgarh  mountain  is  not  less  than  100  miles,  and  its 
breadth  from  the  Indus  to  the  Behat,  or  Jhelam,  is  55 
miles  in  its  narrowest  part.  Its  distance  from  Kash- 
mir is  stated  at  1000  li,  or  167  miles,  which  would 
place  the  capital  somewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Noshahra,  and  within  a  few  miles  of  Mangala,  which 
was  the  ancient  capital  according  to  the  traditions  of 
the  people. 


The  position  of  the  celebrated  city  of  Taxila  has 
hitherto  remained  unknown,  partly  owing  to  the  erro- 
neous distance  recorded  by  Pliny,  and  partly  to  the 
want  of  information  regarding  the  vast  ruins  Avhich 
still  exist  in  the  vicinity  of  Shah-dheri.  All  the  copies 
of  Pliny  agree  in  stating  that  Taxila  Avas  only  60 
Eoman,  or  55  English,  miles  from  Peucola'itis,  or 
Hashtnagar,  which  would  fix  its  site  somewhere  on 
the  Haro  river,  to  the  west  of  Hasan  Abdal,  or  just 
two  days'  march  from  the  Indus.  But  the  itineraries 
of  the  Chinese  pilgrims  agree  in  placing  it  at  three 
days'  journey  to  the  east  of  the  Indus,*  or  in  the  im- 

*  'Fa-Iiian,'  c.  xi.,  Beal's  translation,  makes  it  seven  days' journey 
from  Peshawar,  that  is,  four  days  to  (he  Indus  plus  three  days  to  Taxila- 

runnuigKojii  del"* 

A.  Ciintuii^i^jTi  del* 


mediate  neighbourhood  of  Kala-ka-sarai,  which  was 
the  third  halting-place  of  the  Mogul  emperors,  and 
which  is  still  the  third  stage  from  the  Indus,  both  for 
troops  and  baggage.  Now  as  Hwen  Thsang,  on  his 
return  to  China,  was  accompanied  by  laden  elephants, 
his  three  days'  journey  from  Takhshasila  to  the  Indus 
at  Utakhanda,  or  Ohind,  must  necessarily  have  been  of 
the  same  length  as  those  of  modern  days,  and,  conse- 
quently, the  site  of  the  city  must  be  looked  for  some- 
where in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kdla-Jca-sardi.  This 
site  is  found  near  Shah-dheri,  just  one  mile  to  the 
north-east  of  K^la-ka-sarai,  in  the  extensive  ruins  of  a 
fortified  city,  around  which  I  was  able  to  trace  no  less 
than  55  stupas,  of  which  two  are  as  large  as  the  great 
Manikyala  tope,  twenty-eight  monasteries,  and  nine 
temples.  Now  the  distance  from  Shah-dheri  to  Ohind 
is  36  miles,  and  from  Ohind  to  Hashtnagar  is  38 
more,  or  altogether  74  miles,  which  is  19  in  excess  of 
the  distance  recorded  by  Pliny  between  Taxila  and 
Peukelaotis.  To  reconcile  these  discrepant  numbers 
I  would  suggest  that  Pliny's  60  miles,  or  LX.,  should 
be  read  as  80  miles,  or  LXXX.,  which  are  equivalent 
to  73^  English  miles,  or  within  half  a  mile  of  the  actual 
distance  between  the  two  places. 

The  classical  writers  are  unanimous  in  their  ac- 
counts of  the  size  and  wealth  of  Taxila.  Arrian  de- 
scribes it  as  "a  large  and  wealthy  city,  and  the  most 
populous  between  the  Indus  and  Hydaspes."*  Strabo 
also  declares  it  to  be  a  large  city,  and  adds,  that  the 

Sung-yun  (Beal's  translation,  p.  200)  places  it  three  days  to  the  east 
of  the  Indus.     Hiouen  Thsang  makes  it  three  days'  journey  to  the 
south-east  of  the  Indus  (Julien's  translation,  i.  263).    See  Maps  Nos. 
IV.,  v.,  and  VI.  for  the  position  of  Shah-dheri  or  Taxila. 
*  '  Anabasis,'  v.  8  :  ttoKiv  fxiyaXrjv  Koi  ivhaifiova. 


neighbouring  country  was  "  crowded  with,  inhabitants, 
and  very  fertile."*  Pliny  calls  it  "a  famous  city,  si- 
tuated on  a  low  but  level  plain,  in  a  district  called 
AmandaP^  These  accounts  agree  exactly  with  the 
position  and  size  of  the  ancient  city  near  Shah-dheri, 
the  ruins  of  which  are  spread  over  several  square  miles. 

About  fifty  years  after  Alexander's  visit,  tlie  people 
of  Taxila  rebelled  against  Bindmdra,  king  of  Magadha, 
Avho  sent  his  eldest  son  Susima  to  besiege  the  place. 
On  his  failure,  the  siege  was  entrusted  to  his  younger 
son,  the  celebrated  Asoka ;  but  the  people  came  out 
2^  yojanas^  or  17|-  miles,  to  meet  the  young  prince 
and  ofi'er  their  su.bTi!ission.J  At  the  time  of  Asoka's 
accession  the  wealth  of  Taxila  is  said  to  have  amounted 
to  36  hotis^  or  360  millions  of  some  unnamed  coin, 
which,  even  if  it  A\'as  the  sih^er  tmigha^  or  sixpence, 
would  have  amounted  to  nine  karors  of  rupees,  or 
£9,000,000.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  coin 
intended  by  the  Indian  writer  was  a  gold  one,  in 
which  case  the  wealth  of  this  city  would  have 
amounted  to  about  90  or  100  millions  of  pounds.  I 
quote  this  statement  as  a  proof  of  the  great  reputed 
wealth  of  Taxila  within  fifty  years  after  Alexander's 
expedition.  It  was  here  that  Asoka  himself  had  re- 
sided as  Yiceroy  of  the  Panjab  during  his  father's 
lifetime ;  and  here  also  resided  his  own  son  Kundla, 
or  the  "fine-ejred,"  who  is  the  hero  of  a  very  curious 
Buddhist  legend,  which  will  be  described  hereafter. 

Just  before  the  end  of  the  third  century  b.c.  the 

*  Geojrr.  XT.  i.  17  ;  xv.  i.  2S. 

t  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  23.     "  Taxillaj,  cum  urbe  pclcbri,  jam  in  plana  de- 
misso  tractu,  cui  univcrso  nomen  Amaudaj. 

X  Burnouf,  'latroduction  a  I'llistoire  du  Buddlusme  IndicD,'p.  361. 


descendants  of  the  Maurya  kings  must  have  come  in 
contact  with  the  Bactrian  Greeks  under  Demetrius, 
the  son  of  Enthydemus,  and  in  the  early  part  of  the 
following  century  Taxila  must  have  formed  part  of 
the  Indian  dominions  of  Eilkratides.  In  126  B.C.  it 
was  wrested  from  the  Greeks  by  the  Indo-Scythian 
Sus  or  J&ars,  with  whom  it  remained  for  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  century,  when  it  was  conquered  by  the 
later  Indo-Scythians  of  the  Kuslidn  tribe,  under  the 
great  Kanishka.  During  this  period  Parshawar  would 
appear  to  have  been  the  capital  of  the  Indo-Scythian 
dominions,  while  Taxila  was  governed  by  satraps. 
Several  coins  and  inscriptions  of  these  local  governors 
have  been  found  at  Shah-dheri  and  Manikyala.  Of 
these  the  most  interesting  is  the  copper  plate  obtained 
by  Mr.  Eoberts,  containing  the  name  of  Takhasila,  the 
Pali  form  of  Tahnhasila^  from  which  the  Greeks  ob- 
tained their  Taxila.* 

During  the  reign  of  the  Parthian  Bardanes,  a.d.  42 
to  45,  Taxila  was  visited  by  ApoUonius  of  Tyana  and 
his  companion,  the  Assyrian  Damis,  whose  narrative 
of  the  journey  Philostratus  professes  to  have  followed 
in  his  life  of  Apollonius.  His  account  is  manifestly 
exaggerated  in  many  particulars  regarding  the  acts 
and  sayings  of  the  philosopher,  but  the  descriptions  of 
places  seem  to  be  generally  moderate  and  truthful.  If 
they  were  not  found  in  the  narrative  of  .Damis,  they 
must  have  been  taken  fi-om  the  journals  of  some  of 
Alexander's  followers;  and  in  either  case  they  are 
valuable,   as   they  supply  many  little   points  of  in- 

*  See  translation  by  Professor  J.  Dowson  in  Journ.  Koyal  Asiat. 
See,  XX.  221 ;  see  also  notes  on  the  same  inscription  by  the  author, 
Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1863,  p.  139. 


formation  that  are  wanting  in  the  regular  histories. 
According  to  Philostratus,  Taxila  was  "not  unlike 
the  ancient  Ninus^  and  was  walled  in  the  manner  of 
other  Greek  towns."*  For  Niniis,  or  Nineveh^  we  must 
read  Babylon,  as  we  have  no  description  of  the  great 
Assyrian  city,  which  was  destroyed  nearly  two  cen- 
turies before  the  time  of  Herodotus.  Now  we  know 
from  Curtius  that  it  was  the  "  symmetry  as  well  as  the 
antiquity  "  of  Babylon  that  struck  Alexander  and  all 
who  beheld  it  for  the  first  time.f  I  conclude,  there- 
fore, that  Taxila  must  have  reminded  the  Greeks  of 
Babylon  by  its  symmetry^  as  Philostratus  goes  on  to 
say,  that  the  city  was  "  divided  into  narrow  streets 
with  great  regularity."  He  mentions  also  a  temple 
of  the  sun,  which  stood  outside  the  walls,  and  a  palace 
in  which  the  usurper  was  besieged.  He  speaks  also 
of  a  garden,  one  stadium  in  length,  with  a  tank  in 
the  midst,  which  was  filled  by  "  cool  and  refreshing 
streams."  All  these  points  will  be  noticed  in  a  sejia- 
rate  work  when  I  come  to  describe  the  existing  ruins 
of  this  ancient  city. 

"We  now  lose  sight  of  Taxila  until  a.d.  400,  when  it 
was  visited  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Fa- Hi  an  ^  who 
calls  it  Cfiu-sJta-^Jii-lo^  or  the  "severed  head;"  and 
adds,  that  "  Buddha  bestowed  his  head  in  alms  at 
this  place,  and  hence  they  gave  this  name  to  the 
country.:}:  The  ti'anslation  shows  that  the  original 
Sanskrit  name  must  have  been  Cliuiyasira^  or  the 
"fallen  head,"  which  is  a  synonym  of  Taksha-slra,  or 
the  "severed  head,"  the  usual  name  by  which  Taxila  was 

*  Vita  Apolloti.,  ii.  20. 

t  Vita  Alex.,  v,  1 :   "  Puk'liriludo  no  vetiistMs." 

1  Deal's  Translation,  e.  xi. 


known  to  the  Buddhists  of  India.  In  a.d.  502,  "  the 
place  where  Buddha  made  an  alms-gift  of  his  head  " 
was  visited  by  Sung-yim,  who  describes  it  asbeing  three 
days'  journey  to  the  east  of  the  river  Sin-tu,  or  Indus.* 
We  now  come  to  Hwen  Thsang,  the  last  and  best 
of  the  Chinese  pilgrims,  who  first  visited  Ta-cha-shi-lo^ 
or  TaJcshasila,  in  a.d.  630,  and  again  in  ad.  643,  on 
his  return  to  China.  He  describes  the  city  as  about 
10  li,  or  If  mile,  in  circuit.  The  royal  family  was 
extinct,  and  the  province,  which  had  previously  been 
subject  to  Kapisa,  was  then  a  dependency  of  Kashmir. 
The  land,  irrigated  by  numbers  of  springs  and  water- 
courses, was  famous  for  its  fertility.  The  monasteries 
were  numerous,  but  mostly  in  ruins  ;  and  there  were 
only  a  few  monks  who  studied  the  Mahdydnu^  or  eso- 
teric doctrines  of  Buddhism.  At  12  or  13  li^  or  2 
miles,  to  the  north  of  the  city  there  was  a  stupa  of 
King  Asoka,  built  on  the  spot  where  Buddha  in  a 
former  existence  had  made  an  alms-gift  of  his  head ; 
or,  as  some  said,  of  one  thousand  heads  in  as  many 
previous  existences.  This  was  one  of  the  four  great 
stupas  that  were  famous  all  over  north-west  India  ;f 
and  accordingly  on  his  return  journey  Hwen  Thsang 
specially  notes  that  he  had  paid  his  adorations,  for  the 
second  time,  to  the  "stupa  of  the  alms-gift  of  one 
thousand  heads.J  The  present  name  of  the  district  is 
Chach-Hazdra,  which  I  take  to  be  a  corruption  of 
Sirsha-sahasra,  or  the  "thousand  heads."  In  the 
Taxila  copper-plate  of  the  Satrap  Liako  Kujuluka,  the 
name   is   written    Chhahara-Chukhsa^    which    appears 

*  Seal's  Translation,  p.  200. 

t  '  Fak-Hian,'  (Seal's  translation)  e.  xi. 

J  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  262. 


to  me  to  be  only  another  form  of  the  same  appella- 

From  these  accounts  of  the  Chinese  pilgrims,  we  see 
that  Taxila  was  specially  interesting  to  all  Buddhists 
as  the  legendary  scene  of  one  of  Buddha's  most  meri- 
torious acts  of  alms -giving,  when  he  bestowed  his 
head  in  charity.  The  origin  of  this  legend  I  think 
may  be  certainly  traced  to  the  name,  which  as  Takslia- 
sila  means  simply  the  "cut  rock;"  but  with  a  slight 
alteration,  as  Taksha-sira  means  the  "  severed  head." 
Jut  ex  re  nomen,  aut  ex  vocabulo  fahula*  either  the 
name  sprang  from  the  legend,  or  the  legend  was  in- 
vented to  account  for  the  name."  In  this  case  we 
may  be  almost  certain  that  the  latter  was  the  process, 
as  the  Greeks  have  preserved  the  spelling  of  the  ori- 
ginal name  before  Buddhism  had  covered  the  land 
with  its  endless  legends  of  Sakya's  meritorious  acts  in 
previous  births.  It  is  nowhere  stated  to  whom  Bud- 
dha presented  his  head,  but  I  believe  that  it  was  of- 
fered to  the  hungry  tiger  whose  seven  cubs  were  saved 
from  starvation  by  a  similar  offering  of  his  blood.\  I 
am  led  to  this  belief  by  the  fact  that  the  land  imme- 
diately to  the  north  of  the  ruined  city  is  still  called  Ba- 
har  Khctna,  or  the  "  Tiger's  House,"  a  name  which  is  as 
old  as  the  time  of  Mahmud,  as  Abu  Eihan  speaks  of 
Baharkdn  as  being  halfway  between  the  Indus  and 
the  Jhelam,:{:  a  description  which  is  equally  applicable 
to  the  Baljarkhana  of  the  ancient  Taxila.  The  name  is 
a  Turki  one,  and  is,  therefore,  probably  as  old  as  the 

*  Pomponius  Mela,  iii.  7. 

t  Sung-yun  inentions  that  the  liead  was  offered  "  for  the  sake  of  a 
man  ;"  that  is,  Buddha  offered  his  own  life  to  save  that  of  another  man. 
(Seal's  translation,  p.  200.) 

X  Eeinaud's  '  Fragments  Arabes,  etc.,'  p.  116. 


time  of  Kanishka.  From  the  continued  cxistonfie  of 
this  name,  I  infer  that,  in  the  immediate  neighbour- 
hood of  the  great  stupa  of  the  "head-gift,"  there  was 
most  probably  a  temple  enshrining  a  group  in  which 
Buddha  was  represented  offering  his  head  to  the  tiger. 
This  temple  the  Turks  would  naturally  have  called 
the  Babar-KJiuna^  or  "  Tigers'-house ;"  and  as  Taxila 
itself  decayed,  the  name  of  the  temple  would  gradually 
have  superseded  that  of  the  city.  The  remembrance 
of  this  particular  act  of  Buddha's  extreme  charity  is, 
I  believe,  preserved  in  the  name  of  Mdrgala,  or  the 
"beheaded,"  which  is  applied  to  the  range  of  hills 
lying  only  two  miles  to  the  south  of  Shah-dheri.  Mdr- 
gala  means  literally  "decollated,"  from  gala-mdrna^ 
which  is  the  idiomatic  expression  for  "  cutting  the 
neck,"  or  beheading. 

The  ruins  of  the  ancient  city  near  Shah-dheri,  which 
I  propose  to  identify  with  Taxila,  ar«  scattered  over  a 
wide  space  extending  about  3  miles  from  north  to 
south,  and  2  miles  from  east  to  west.  The  remains  of 
many  stupas  and  monasteries  extend  for  several  miles 
further  on  all  sides,  but  the  actual  ruins  of  the  city 
are  confined  within  the  limits  above-mentioned.  These 
ruins  consist  of  several  distinct  portions,  which  are 
called  by  separate  names  even  in  the  present  day.* 
The  general  direction  of  these  different  works  is  from 
south-south-west  to  north- north-east,  in  which  order 
I  will  describe  them.  Beginning  at  the  south,  their 
names  are : — 

1.  Bir  or  Fher. 

2.  Ilatidl. 

3.  Sir-Kap-ka-kot. 
*  See  Map  No.  IV. 


4.  KacJia-kot. 

5.  Babar  Khdna. 

6.  Sir-Suk-ka-kot. 

Tlie  most  ancient  part  of  these  ruins,  according  to 
the  belief  of  the  people,  is  the  great  mound  on  which 
stands  the  small  village  of  Bir  or  Pher.  The  mound 
itself  is  4000  feet  in  length  from  north  to  south,  and 
2600  feet  in  breadth,  with  a  circuit  of  10,800  feet,  o- 
rather  more  than  two  miles.  On  the  west  side  towa^  ,1 
the  rock-seated  village  of  Shah-dheri,  the  Bir  m .';.  a 
has  an  elevation  of  from  15  to  25  above  the  fie^  '  jOsb 
by ;  but  as  the  ground  continues  to  slo-  >  ivards 
Shah-dlieri,  the  general  elevation  is  no+  1;  ■  ^nan  from 
25  to  35  feet.  On  the  east  side,  'iii  ^diately  above 
the  Tabrd,  or  Tamrd  Nala^  it  t'  j:0  feet  above  the 
fields,  and  G8  feet  above  thr  of  the  stream.     The 

remains  of  the  walls  c  ■■^  traced  only  in  a  few 
places  both  on  the  ea^ ,  .d  west  sides ;  but  the  whole 
surface  is  covered  1  broken  stones  and  fragments 
of  bricks  and  po  j.  Here  the  old  coins  are  found 
in  greater  nm.  .s  than  in  any  other  part  of  the 
ruins  ;  and  here,  also,  a  single  man  collected  for  me, 
in  about  two  hours,  a  double  handful  of  bits  of  lapis 
lazuli,  which  are  not  to  be  seen  elsewhere.  Judging 
from  the  size  of  the  place,  I  take  it  to  be  the  site  of 
the  inhabited  part  of  the  city  in  the  time  of  Havbu 
Thsaijg,  Avho  describes  it  as  being  only  10  li,  or  If  mile, 
in  circuit.  This  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the  posi- 
tion of  the  great  ruined  stupa  in  the  midst  of  the  Bahar- 
khdna  land,  which  is  8000  feet  north-north-east  from 
the  near  end  of  the  Bir  mound,  and  10,000  feet,  or 
just  2  miles,  from  the  main  entrance  to  the  middle  of 


the  old  city.  As  Hwen  Tlisang  describes  the  position 
of  the  stupa  of  the  "  Head  Gift "  as  being  12  or  13  li, 
or  rather  more  than  2  miles,  to  the  north  of  the  city,* 
I  think  that  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  city  of 
his  time  was  situated  on  the  mound  of  Bir.  I  traced 
the  remains  of  three  small  topes  on  the  north  and  east 
sides  of  the  mound,  all  of  which  had  been  opened  pre- 
viously by  the  villagers,  who,  however,  stoutly  denied 
the  fact,  and  attributed  the  explorations  to  General 
Abbott  and  Major  Pearse. 

liatidl  is  a  strong  fortified  position  on  the  west  end 
of  a  spur  of  the  Mdrgala  range,  and  immediately  to 
the  north-east  of  the  Bir  mound,  from  which  it  is 
separated  by  the  Tabrd  Nala.  About  half  a  mile  from 
Bir  the  spur  is  divided  into  two  nearly  parallel  ridges, 
about  1500  feet  apart,  which  run  almost  clue  west  to 
the  bank  of  the  Tabra,  where  they  are  joined  by  a 
high  earthen  rampart.  The  clear  space  thus  enclosed 
is  not  more  than  2000  feet  by  1000  feet,  but  thcAvhole 
circuit  of  the  defences,  along  the  hill-ridges  and  the 
artificial  ramparts,  is  about  8100  feet,  or  upwards  of 
1^  mile.  At  the  east  end  the  two  parallel  ridges 
are  joined  by  stone  walls,  15  feet  4  inches  thick,  with 
square  towers  at  intervals,  all  of  which  are  still  in 
very  good  order.  The  crest  of  the  south  or  main  ridge 
is  291  feet  above  the  general  level  of  the  fields,  but 
the  north  ridge  has  an  elevation  of  only  163  feet. 
Between  these  two  there  is  a  small  rocky  ridge,  206 
feet  in  height,  crowned  by  a  large  bastion  or  tower, 
which  the  people  look  upon  as  a  stupa  or  tope.  Thei-e 
is  a  similar  tower  on  the  crest  of  the  north  ridge, 
which  I  Avas  induced  to  excavate  by  the  report  of  a 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Tlisang,'  ii.  153. 



villager  named  iV?«-,  who  informed  me  tliat  he  had 
found  a  copper  coin  at  each  of  the  four  corners  of  the 
basement,  which  he  considered  as  a  certain  sign  that 
the  building  was  a  tope.  I  knew  also  that  it  was  the 
custom  in  Barma  to  erect  a  stupa  in  each  of  the  corner 
bastions  of  their  square  fortified  cities.  But  my  ex- 
cavation, which  was  carried  down  to  the  bare  rock,  a 
depth  of  26  feet,  showed  only  regular  courses  of  large 
rough  blocks,  which  were  extracted  with  much  diffi- 
culty. Close  to  the  west  of  this  tower  I  traced  the 
remains  of  a  large  enclosure,  163  feet  long  by  151-|^ 
feet  broad,  divided  into  rooms  on  all  four  sides,  from 
which  I  at  first  thought  that  the  building  was  a  mo- 
nastery. But  the  subsequent  discovery  of  a  large 
quantity  of  burnt  clay  pellets  of  a  size  well  adapted 
for  slingers  led  me  to  the  conclusion  that  the  i^lace 
was  most  probably  only  a  guard-house  for  soldiers. 
The  two  ridges  fall  rapidly  t(_)wards  the  west  for  about 
1200  feet,  till  they  meet  the  general  slope  of  the  inter- 
vening ground,  and  at  these  points  are  the  two  gateways 
of  the  fort,  the  one  being  due  north  of  the  other.  The 
north  ridge  then  rises  again,  and  running  to  the  west- 
south-west  for  2000  feet,  terminates  in  a  square-topped 
mound,  130  feet  high.  This  part  of  the  ridge  is  en- 
tirely covered  with  the  remains  of  buildings,  and  near 
its  cast  end  the  villager  Nm-  discovered  some  copper 
coins  in  a  ruined  tope.  Of  the  name  of  Ilaiial  1  could 
obtain  no  information  whatever ;  but  it  is  probably  old, 
as  I  think  it  may  possibly  be  identified  with  llattidr- 
Lcuilc^  Avhich  Abul  Fazl  places  in  the  Sindh-Sagar 
Doab.  The  spelling  of  the  name  would  refer  it  to 
Tlatti,  a  shop,  and  Hatti-dla  would  then  be  the  market- 
place or  bazaar.     But  the  liatidl  fort  is  so  evidently 


the  stronghold  or  citadel  of  this  ancient  place  that  I 
look  upon  this  derivation  as  very  doubtful. 

The  fortified  city  of  Sir -hap  is  situated  on  a  large 
level  mound  immediately  at  the  north  foot  of  Ilatial, 
of  which  it  really  forms  a  part,  as  its  walls  are  joined  to 
those  of  the  citadel.  It  is  half  a  mile  in  length  from 
north  to  south,  with  a  breadth  of  2000  feet  at  the 
south  end,  but  of  only  1400  feet  at  the  north  end. 
The  circuit  of  Sirkap  is  8300  feet,  or  upwards  of  1^ 
mile.  The  walls,  which  are  built  entirely  of  squared 
stone,  are  14  feet  9  inches  thick,  with  square  towers 
of  30  feet  face,  separated  by  curtains  of  140  feet.  The 
east  and  north  walls  are  straight,  but  the  line  of  west 
wall  is  broken  by  a  deep  recess.  There  are  two  large 
gaps  in  each  of  these  walls,  all  of  which  are  said  to  be 
the  sites  of  the  ancient  gates.  One  of  these  in  the 
north  face  is  undoubted,  as  it  lies  due  north  of  the 
two  gateways  of  the  Hatidl  citadel,  and  due  south  of 
the  three  ruined  mounds  in  the  Babar-Mdna.  A 
second  in  the  east  face  is  equally  undoubted,  as  parts 
of  the  walls  of  the  gateway  still  remain,  with  j)ortions 
of  paved  roadway  leading  directly  up  to  it.  A  third 
opening  in  the  west  face,  immediately  opposite  the 
last,  is  almost  equally  certain,  as  all  the  old  founda- 
tions inside  the  city  are  carefully  laid  out  at  right 
angles  due  north  and  south.  The  position  of  Sirkap 
is  naturally  very  strong,  as  it  is  well  defended  on  all 
sides, — by  the  lofty  citadel  of  Hatial  on  the  south,  by 
the  Tahrd  Nala  on  the  west,  and  by  the  Gau  Nala  on 
the  east  and  north  sides.  The  entire  circuit  of  the 
walls  of  the  two  places  is  14,200  feet,  or  nearly  2f 

KacJia-lcot,  or  the  "  mud  fort,"  lies  to  the  north  of 

I  2 


Sirkap,  in  a  strong  isolated  position  formed  by  the 
doubling  round  of  the  Tabra  Nala  below  the  junction 
of  the  Gau  Nala,  which  together  surround  the  place 
on  all  sides  except  the  east.  The  ramparts  of  Kacha- 
kot,  as  the  name  imports,  are  formed  entirely  of  earth, 
and  rise  to  a  height  of  from  30  to  50  feet  above  the 
stream.  On  the  east  side  there  are  no  traces  of  any 
defences,  and  inside  there  are  no  traces  of  any  build- 
ings. It  is  difficult  therefore  to  say  for  what  j)urpose 
it  was  intended ;  but  as  the  Gau  Nala  runs  through 
it,  I  think  it  probable  that  Kacha-kot  was  meant  as  a 
place  of  safety  for  elephants  and  other  cattle  during  a 
time  of  siege.  It  is  6700  feet,  or  upwards  of  Ij  mile 
in  circuit.  The  people  usually  called  it  Kot,  and  this 
name  is  also  apj^lied  to  Sir-kap,  but  "\^'hcn  they  "flish 
to  distinguish  it  from  the  latter  they  call  it  Kaclia-hot. 
Now  this  name  is  found  both  in  Baber's  '  Memoirs,'  and 
in  the  'Ay in  Akbari.'  In  the  former  the  Haro  river 
is  called  the  river  of  Kacha-kot,  which  therefore  must 
have  been  some  large  place  near  the  banks  of  that 
stream,  but  I  suspect  that  it  ought  rather  to  be  looked 
for  near  Hasan  Abdal,  or  even  lower  down. 

Bahar  Khcina  is  the  name  of  the  tract  of  land  lying 
between  the  Lundi  Nala  on  the  north  and  the  Tabra 
and  Gau  ISTalas  on  the  south.  It  includes  Kacha-kot, 
and  extends  about  one  mile  on  each  side  of  it  to  the 
cast  and  Avcst,  embracing  the  great  mound  of  Srri-ki- 
Pind  on  the  north-west,  and  the  Gangu  group  of  topes 
and  other  ruins  on  the  east.  In  the  very  middle  of  this 
tract,  where  the  Lundi  and  Tabra  Nalas  approach  one 
another  within  one  thousand  feet,  stands  a  lofty  mound, 
45  feet  in  height,  called  Jhandidla  Plnd^  after  a  small 
hamlet  close  by.     To  the  west  of  the  Plnd^  or  mound. 


there  is  another  mass  of  ruins  of  greater  breadth,  but 
only  29  feet  in  height,  which  is  evidently  the  remains 
of  a  large  monastery.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  road 
which  runs  through  the  two  gateways  of  the  Ilatidl 
citadel,  and  through  the  north  gateway  of  Sirkap, 
passes  in  a  direct  line  due  north  between  these  two 
mounds  until  it  meets  the  ruins  of  a  large  stupa,  on 
the  bank  of  the  Lundi  river,  1200  feet  beyond  the 
Jhandiala  Find.  This  last  I  believe  to  be  the  famous 
"Headgift  Stupa''''  which  was  said  to  have  been 
erected  by  Asoka  in  the  third  century  before  Christ.  I 
have  already  alluded  to  its  position  as  answering  al- 
most exactly  to  that  described  by  Hwen  Thsang  ;  and 
I  may  now  add  as  a  confirmation  of  this  opinion  that 
the  main  road  of  the  city  of  Taxila  was  laid  in  a  direct 
line  running  due  north  upon  the  Jhandiala  stupa,  a 
fact  which  proves  incontestably  the  very  high  estima- 
tion in  which  this  particular  monument  must  have 
been  held.  This  is  further  confirmed  by  the  vicinity 
of  another  mound,  3600  feet  to  the  north-west,  called 
Seri-ki-pind,  or  Siri-ki-pind,  which  would  appear  to 
refer  directly  to  the  "  Head  Gift,"  as  the  Sirshd-ddnam, 
or  Sir-ddn  of  Buddha.  Taking  all  these  points  into 
consideration,  I  think  that  there  are  very  strong 
grounds  for  identifying  the  great  ruined  tope  of 
Babar-khdna  with  the  famous  stupa  of  the  "  Head 
Gift "  of  Buddha. 

The  large  fortified  enclosure  called  Sir-Suk  is  situ- 
ated at  the  north-east  corner  of  the  Babar-khana, 
beyond  the  Lundi  Nala.  In  shape  it  is  very  nearly 
square,  the  north  and  south  sides  being  each  4500 
feet  in  length,  the  west  side  3300  feet,  and  the  east 
side  3000  feet.    The  whole  circuit,  therefore,  is  15,300 


feet,  or  nearly  3  miles.  The  south  face,  which  is  pro- 
tected by  the  Lundi  Nala,  is  similar  in  its  construc- 
tion to  the  defences  of  Sir-hap.  The  walls  are  built 
of  squared  stones,  smoothed  on  the  outer  face  only, 
and  are  18  feet  thick,  with  square  towers  at  intervals 
of  120  feet.  The  towers  of  this  face  have  been  very 
carefully  built  with  splayed  foundations,  all  the  stones 
being  nicely  bevelled  to  form  a  smooth  slope.  The 
tower  at  the  south-east  corner,  which  is  the  highest 
part  now  standing,  is  10  feet  above  the  interior 
ground,  and  25  feet  above  the  low  ground  on  the 
bank  of  the  stream.  Towards  the  west  end,  where 
the  stones  have  been  removed,  the  south  wall  is  not 
more  than  2  or  3  feet  in  height,  about  the  interior 
ground.  Of  the  east  and  west  faces,  about  one- half 
of  the  walls  can  still  be  traced,  but  of  the  north  face 
there  is  but  little  left  except  some  mounds  at  the  two 
corners.  Inside  there  are  three  villages  named  Mir- 
pur,  Tupkia,  and  Find,  with  a  large  ruined  mound, 
called  Pindora,  Avhich  is  COO  square  feet  at  base.  To  the 
south  of  Pindora,  and  close  to  the  village  of  Tupkia, 
there  is  a  K/iaii(/dk,  or  shrine  of  a  Muhammadan  saint, 
on  a  small  mound.  An  this  is  built  of  squared  stones, 
I  presume  that  the  Ivhangrdi  represents  the  positidu  of 
a  stupa  or  tope  which  must  have  given  its  name  to  the 
village  of  Tupkia,  and  that  the  great  Pindora  mound 
is  the  remains  of  a  very  large  monastery.  I  found 
two  massive  channelled  stones,  or  spouts,  which,  from 
from  their  size,  could  only  have  been  used  for  convey- 
ing the  rain-A\'ater  from  a  courtyard  to  the  outside  of 
the  walls.  At  half  a  mile  to  the  AA'cst  there  is  an 
outer  line  of  high  earthen  mounds  running  due  north 
and  south  for  upwards  of  2000  feet,  when  it  bends  to 

NORTHERN   INDIA.  ]  1 9 

the  east-north-east.  Beyond  this  the  line  is  only 
traceable  by  a  broad  belt  of  broken  stones,  extending 
for  3500  feet,  when  it  tnrns  to  the  south-east  for 
about  1200  feet  and  joins  the  north  face  of  Sir-Suk. 
These  external  lines  would  appear  to  be  the  remains 
of  a  large  outwork  which  once  rested  its  north-west 
angle  on  the  Lundi  Nala.  The  entire  circuit  of  Sir- 
Suk  and  its  outwork  is  about  20,300  feet,  or  nearly 
5  miles. 

I  have  now  described  all  the  different  parts  of  this 
great  city,  the  ruins  of  which,  covering  an  area  of  six 
square  miles,  are  more  extensive,  more  interesting,  and 
in  much  better  preservation  than  those  of  any  other 
ancient  place  in  the  Panjab.  The  city  of  Sirkap,  with 
its  citadel  of  Ilatidl,  and  its  detached  works  of  £ir 
and  Kac/ia-/cot,  has  a  circuit  of  4f  miles  ;  and  the  large 
fort  of  Sir-Suk^  with  its  outwork,  is  of  the  same  size, 
each  of  them  being  nearly  as  large  as  Shah  Jahan's 
imperial  city  of  Delhi.  But  the  number  and  size  of 
the  stupas,  monasteries,  and  other  religious  buildings 
are  even  more  wonderful  than  the  great  extent  of  the 
city.  Here  both  coins  and  antiquities  are  found  in  far 
greater  numbers  than  in  any  other  place  between  the 
Indus  and  Jhelam.  This  then  must  be  the  site  of 
Taxila,  which,  according  to  the  unanimous  testimony 
of  ancient  writers,  was  the  largest  city  between  the 
Indus  and  Hydaspes.  Strabo  and  Hwen  Thsang  both 
speak  of  the  fertility  of  its  lands,  and  the  latter  spe- 
cially notices  the  numbers  of  its  springs  and  water- 
courses. As  this  description  is  applicable  only  to  the 
rich  lands  lying  to  the  north  of  the  Tabr^  Nala,  which 
are  amply  irrigated  by  numerous  channels  drawn  from 
the  Haro  river,  the  proof  of  my  identification  is  com- 


plete.  Burnes  crossed  this  tract  in  1832,  wlien  he 
encamped  at  Usman  Khatar,  3  miles  to  the  north  of 
Shah-dheri,  and  about  1  mile  to  the  south  of  the  Haro 
river.  He  describes  the  village  as  standing  "  on  a 
plain  at  the  mouth  of  a  valley  close  to  the  base  of  the 
outlying  hills."*  This  agrees  most  exactly  with  the 
accounts  of  Strabo  and  Pliny,  who  describe  Taxila  as 
situated  in  a  level  country  where  the  hills  unite  with 
the  plains.  Of  Usman,  Burnes  goes  ou  to  say  that 
"its  meadows  are  watered  by  the  most  beautiful  and 
crystal  rivulets  that  flow  from  the  mountains."  In 
the  first  part  of  this  statement  he  is  quite  correct ;  but 
in  the  latter  part  he  is  undoubtedly  wrong,  as  every 
rill  of  water  that  passes  through  Usman  is  drawn  by 
artificial  means  from  the  Haro  river.  Two  miles  to 
the  south,  towards  the  ruins  of  the  old  city,  the  irri- 
gation is  carried  on  by  cuts  from  the  Lundi  Nala,  but 
as  the  main  body  of  water  in  this  stream  is  artificially 
obtained  from  the  Haro,  the  whole  of  the  ii-rigation 
may  be  truly  said  to  be  derived  from  that  river. 

The  district  of  Taxila  is  described  by  Hwen  Thsang 
as  being  200  //,  or  333  miles,  in  circuit.  It  was 
bounded  by  the  Indus  on  tbe  west,  by  the  district  of 
Urasa  on  the  north,  by  the  Jhelam  or  Behat  river  on 
the  east,  and  by  the  district  of  Sinhapura  on  the  south. 
As  the  capital  of  the  last  was  in  the  Salt  range  of 
mountains,  either  at  or  near  Ketus,  the  boundary  of 
Taxila  on  that  side  was  most  probably  defined  by  the 
Suhan  river  to  the  south-west,  and  by  the  Bakrala 
range  of  hills  to  the  south-east.  Accepting  these 
limits  as  nearly  correct,  the  frontier  lines  of  the  Indus 
and  Jhelam  A\'ill  be  respectively  80  miles  and  50  miles 

*  '  TraTcls,'  ii.  01. 



in  length,  and  those  of  the  northern  and  southern 
boundaries  60  and  120  miles,  or,  all  together,  310 
miles,  which  accords  very  nearly  with  the  measurement 
given  by  Hwen  Thsang. 


The  great  stupa  or  Buddhist  monument  of  Mani- 
kyala,  was  first  made  Imown  by  the  journey  of  El- 
phinstone,*  and  has  since  been  explored  by  Generals 
Ventura  and  Court.  The  name  is  said  to  have  been 
derived  from  Eaja  Mdn^  or  Mdnik,-\  who  erected  the 
great  stupa.  This  tradition  is  probably  correct,  as  I 
discovered  a  coin  and  relic  deposit  of  the  Satrap  Jiho- 
niya,  or  Zeionises,  the  son  of  Manigal^  in  a  small  tope 
to  the  east  of  the  village.  The  old  town,  which  is 
usually  called  Mdnikpur^  or  Mdniknagar^  is  the  scene 
of  the  curious  legend  of  Easalu,  who  expelled  the 
HdksJiasas,  or  Demons,  and  delivered  the  people  from 
the  tyranny  of  Sir-knp,  the  "  decapitator,"  and  his 

The  name  of  Manikyala  is  not  mentioned  by  any 
of  the  Chinese  pilgrims,  although  every  one  of  them 
has  described  the  situation  of  the  place.  Fa-Hian 
merely  states  that  at  two  days'  journey  to  the  east  of 
Taxila  is  the  spot  where  Buddha  "  gave  his  body  to 
feed  a  starving  tiger."|  But  S;ing-yun  fixes  the  scene 

*  '  Cabul,'  i.  106.  Stupa  is  the  Sanskrit  term  for  a  mound  or  bar- 
row, either  of  masonry  or  of  earth  ;  see  Colebroke,  '  Amara  Eosha,'  in 
voce.  The  Pali  form  is  Tlmpo  ;  see  Turnour  '  Mahawanso,'  and  also 
Thupa,  or  Tliuva,  in  the  early  Arian  inscriptions  from  the  Punjab. 
The  term  now  used  is  Tliup  for  a  tolerably  perfect  building,  and  Thwpi 
for  a  ruined  mound.  It  is,  therefore,  very  much  to  be  regretted  that  wo 
should  have  adopted  the  word  Tope,  which  preserves  neither  the  spell- 
ing nor  the  pronunciation  of  the  native  word. 

t  Moorcroft,  'Travels,'  ii.  311. 

X  Seal's  translation  of  '  Fa-Hian,'  c.  xi.  p.  32. 


of  this  exploit  at  eiglit  da3's'  journey  to  the  soutli-east 
of  the  capital  of  Gandhara,*  which  is  a  very  exact 
description  of  the  bearing  and  distance  of  Manikyala, 
either  from  Peshawar  or  from  Hashtnagar.  Lastly, 
Hwen  Thsang  places  the  site  of  the  "  Body- 6ffering  " 
at  200  li,  or  nearly  34  miles,  to  the  south-east  of 
Taxila,f  which  are  the  exact  bearing  and  distance  of 
Manikyala  from  Shah-dheri ;  but  his  statement  that 
he  crossed  the  Sin-tit,  or  Indus,  is  a  simple  mistake 
for  the  SuJuiii  or  SMh  river,  which  flows  between  the 
two  places.  J 

The  great  stupa  of  the  "Body-offering"  I  have 
identified  with  the  monument  that  was  opened  by 
General  Court,  §  which,  according  to  the  inscription 
found  inside,  was  built  in  the  year  20,  during  the 
reign  of  the  great  Indo-Scythian  prince  Kanishka, 
shortly  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 
Manikyala  was,  therefore,  one  of  the  most  famous 
places  in  the  Panjab  at  a  veiy  early  period ;  but  I 
think  that  it  must  have  been  the  site  of  a  number  of 
large  religious  establishments  rather  than  that  of  a 
great  city.  General  Abbott,  when  he  examined  the 
ruins  around  the  Manikyala  tope  in  1853,  could  "not 
see  any  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  city.  The  area 
occupied  by  submergt-d  ruins  A^'ould  not  ha\-c  com- 
prised a  very  considerable  village,  while  the  compara- 
tively large  number  of  wrought  stones  denotes  some 
costly  structure  which  might  have  occupied  the  entire 
site. "II    In  1834,  General  Court  described  "the  ruins 

*  Seal's  translation  of  '  Sung-yun,"  p.  193. 

t  J  alien's  '  Hiouen  Tbsanf!;,'  ii.  164. 

X   See  Maps  Nos.  V.  and  VI.. 

§  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1834,  p.  562. 

il  Ibid.,\%5-i,  p.  570. 


of  the  town  itself  as  of  very  considerable  extent,  mas- 
sive walls  of  stone  and  lime  being  met  with  every- 
where, besides  a  great  number  of  wells."  After  a 
careful  examination  of  the  site,  I  have  come  to  the 
same  conclusion  as  General  Abbott,  that  there  are  no 
traces  of  a  large  city ;  and  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  all 
the  massive  walls  of  cut  stone,  which  General  Coui't 
truly  describes  as  being  met  with  everywhere,  must 
have  belonged  to  costly  monasteries  and  other  large  re- 
ligious edifices.  Doubtless,  a  few  private  houses  might 
be  built  of  squared  stones  even  in  a  village,  but  these 
massive  edifices,  with  their  thickly  gilded  roofs,  which 
still  repay  the  labour  of  disinterment,  are,  I  think,  too 
numerous,  too  large,  and  too  scattered  to  be  the  re- 
mains of  private  buildings  even  of  a  great  city.  The 
people  point  to  the  high  ground  immediately  to  the 
west  of  the  great  tope,  as  the  site  of  the  Eaja  Man's 
palace,  because  pieces  of  plaster  are  found  there  only, 
and  not  in  other  parts  of  the  ruins.  Here  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  satraps  of  Taxila  may  have  taken  up 
their  residence  when  they  came  to  pay  their  respects 
at  the  famous  shrine  of  the  "  Body-gift  "  of  Buddha. 
Here,  also,  there  may  have  been  a  small  town  of 
about  1500  or  2000  houses,  which  extended  to  the 
northward,  and  occupied  the  whole  of  the  rising 
ground  on  which  the  village  of  Manikyala  now  stands. 
I  estimate  the  entire  circuit  of  the  space  that  may 
have  been  occupied  by  the  town  as  about  one  mile 
and  a  half,  which,  at  500  square  feet  per  man,  would 
give  a  population  of  12,500  persons,  or  just  six  persons 
to  each  house. 

The  people  are  unanimous  in  their  statements  that 
the  city  was  destroyed  by  fire ;  and  this  belief,  whether 


based  on  tradition  or  conviction,  is  corroborated  by 
the  quantities  of  charcoal  and  ashes  which  are  found 
amongst  all  the  ruined  buildings.  It  M'as  also  amply 
confirmed  by  the  excavations  which  I  made  in  the 
great  monastery  to  the  north  of  General  Court's  Tope. 
I  found  the  plaster  of  the  walls  blackened  by  fire,  and 
the  wrought  blocks  of  kankar  limestone  turned  into 
quicklime.  The  pine  timbers  of  the  roofs  also  were 
easily  recognized  1)y  their  charred  fragments  and 
ashes.  Unfortunately,  I  discovered  nothing  during 
my  researches  that  offered  any  clue  to  the  probable 
period  of  the  destruction  of  these  buildings,  but  as 
this  part  of  the  country  had  fallen  into  the  power  of 
the  Kashmirian  kings,  even  before  the  time  of  Hwcn 
Thsang,  I  am  inclined  to  attribute  their  destruction 
rather  to  Brahmanical  malignity  than  to  Muhammadan 

4.    SINGHAPUEA,    OR    KETAS. 

According  to  Hwen  Thsang,  the  capital  of  the  king- 
dom of  8e-)iff-ho-pu-lo,  or  Singliapura^  was  situated  at 
700  //,  or  117  miles,  to  the  south-east  of  Taxila.  The 
bearing  points  to  Jhelam,  near  which  is  the  town  of 
Sanr/oM^  which  has  been  noted  by  M.  Yivien  de  St. 
Martin  as  the  possible  rcprcscntati\'e  of  Singhapura. 
But  Sangohi  stands  on  an  open  plain,  instead  of  on  a 
high  mountain  of  difficult  access,  as  described  by  the 
pilgrim.  The  vicinity  of  ten  pools  of  limpid  water, 
with  surrounding  temples  and  sculptures,  points  to 
the  holy  tanks  of  Ketdksh^  or  Kheids,  which  are  still 
visited  by  crowds  of  pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  India. 
I  thinlc  also  that  the  name  of  Ketds  is  only  a  slightly 
altered  form  of  the  Sanskrit  Swetavdm,  or  the  "  White 

NOHTHEKN    INDIA.  l-i-'j 

Eobes,"  which  Hwen  Thsang  mentions  as  the  title  of 
the  chief  religious  sect  then  resident  near  Singhapura. 
In  the  western  countries,  where  the  compound  sw  is 
changed  to  kh,  the  name  would  have  been  pronounced 
Khetavdsa,  or  by  a  slight  contraction,  Khetds*  The 
Brahmans  of  course  refer  the  name  to  their  own  reli- 
gion, and  say  that  the  place  was  called  Katdkslta^  or 
the  "  Eaining  Eyes,"  because  the  tears  literally  rained 
from  Siva's  eyes  when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  his 
wife  Sati.  But  as  their  own  spelling  of  the  name 
Ketuksh,  Avhich  I  received  from  themselves,  is  at 
variance  with  the  meaning  which  they  give  to  it,  I 
am  inclined  to  adopt  the  etymology  that  I  have  already 
suggested  as  S%ueta-vdsa,  or  the  "White  Eobes,"  This 
sect  would  appear  to  have  belonged  to  the  Sioeidmhara^ 
or  "  "White-robed"  division  of  the  Jains,  while  another 
sect  at  the  same  place,  who  are  described  by  Hwen 
Thsang  as  going  naked,  must  be  the  Dic/dnibara^  or 
"unclothed"  (literally  "sky-clad")  division  of  the 
Jains.  Their  books  also  are  stated  to  have  been  chiefly 
copied  from  the  Buddhist  literature,  while  the  statue 
of  their  god  resembled  that  of  Buddha  himself.  From 
these  curious  details  it  seems  almost  certain  that  this 
heretical  sect  must  have  been  Jains,  whose  religion 
has  much  in  common  with  Buddhism,  while  their 
statues  are  frequently  mistaken  for  those  of  Buddha. 
Kdds  is  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the  Salt  Eange, 
at  16  miles  from  Find  Dadan  Khan,  and  18  miles  from 
Chakowal,  but  not  more  than  85  miles  from  Shah- 
dheri,  or  Taxila.  Now  the  distance  of  Singhapura 
from  Taxila  is  given  at  700  U^  or  117  miles,  which  is 

*  Thus  tlie  Sanskrit  Saraswati  became  tlie  Zend  Rarahhaiti,  and 
the  Greek  Arahhotos. 


certainly  too  great,  as  it  would  place  the  capital  about 
30  miles  beyond  tlie  most  distant  point  of  tlie  hills 
in  any  direction  between  the  south  and  east.  Swr/ha- 
pura  is  described  as  situated  on  the  top  of  a  high  hill 
of  diiScult  access ;  and  as  the  climate  is  said  to  be 
very  cold,  it  is  certain  that  the  place  must  have  occu- 
pied one  of  the  isolated  j^eaks  either  of  the  Salt  Eange 
on  the  south-south-east,  or  of  the  Baluath  Eange  on 
the  east-south-east.*  But  as  there  are  no  clear  pools 
swarming  with  fish  in  the  Balnath  Eange,  I  have  little 
hesitation  in  identifying  the  place  described  by  Hwen 
Thsang  with  the  beautiful  limpid  pool  of  Ketds^  which 
has  been  esteemed  holy  from  time  immemorial. 

The  capital  of  Siiirjliapura  was  situated  at  from  40 
to  50  A",  or  7  to  8  miles,  to  the  north-west  of  the 
sacred  tanks  ;  but  I  know  of  no  place  that  corresponds 
with  this  bearing  and  distance.  ]\lalot  was  the  capital 
of  the  JanjuJias  at  a  very  early  period ;  but  its  bearing 
is  south-east,  and  its  distance  1 2  miles.  If  we  might 
read  4  to  5  //,  instead  of  40  to  50,  the  capital  might 
at  once  be  identified  with  the  ruined  fort  of  Kofera, 
which  is  situated  on  a  steep  hill  to  the  west,  about 
200  feet  in  height,  that  overhangs  the  town  and  holy 
pools  of  Ketds.  This  is  called  the  ancient  town.  It 
consists  of  an  upper  fort,  1200  feet  long,  by  300 
broad,  and  of  a  lower  fort.  800  feet  long,  by  450 
broad,  the  circuit  of  the  two  being  about  3600  feet, 
or  less  than  tliree-quarters  of  a  mile.  But  the  whole 
circuit  of  Ketds,  including  the  modern  town  on  both 
biuiks  of  the  stream,  both  above  and  below  the  fort, 
is  about  2  miles.  This  is  ratlu^r  smaller  than  the 
capital  described   by  Hwen  Thsang,  which  Avas   14 

*  Sc6  Maps  Nos.  V.  and  TI. 


or  15  //,  or  21  to  2^  miles,  in  circuit.  But  as  it  cor- 
responds in  all  other  material  particulars,  I  think  that 
Ketds  has  a  very  good  claim  to  be  identified  with  the 
capital  of  Singhapura. 

According  to  Hwen  Thsang,*  the  district  was  3600 
li,  or  600  miles,  in  cu-cuit.  On  the  west  it  was 
bounded  by  the  Indus,  on  the  north  by  the  southern 
frontier  of  Taxila,  120  miles  in  length,  and  on  the 
south  by  the  Jhelam  and  the  northern  frontier  of  Tdki^ 
or  the  plains  of  the  Panjab.  It  cannot  therefore  have 
extended  much  beyond  the  foot  of  the  Salt  Eange. 
This  limit  would  make  the  Indus  frontier  about  60 
miles  in  length,  the  Jhelam  frontier  about  50  miles, 
and  the  northern  and  southern  frontiers  each  120 
miles,  or  altogether  .350  miles.  The  only  explanation 
that  occurs  to  me  of  the  diiference  between  this  num- 
ber and  that  of  Hwen  Thsang,  is  the  probability  that 
the  ancient  kos  of  the  Panjab  was  the  same  as  the  mo- 
dern one,  that  is,  a  short  kos  of  1-^  mile,  or  1  mile  and 
2;J-  furlongs,  and  that  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  ignorant 
of  the  difference,  made  his  calculations  in  the  common 
Indian  kos  of  about  two  miles.  This  would  reduce  his 
numbers  by  very  nearly  one-third,  and  at  the  same 
time  bring  them  into  close  accordance  with  the  actual 
measurements  of  our  maps.  Thus,  Hwen  Thsang's 
3600  li,  or  600  miles,  for  the  circuit  of  Singhapura, 
would  become  400  miles,  which  is  within  50  miles  of 
the  actual  measurement  already  given.  Great  accuracy 
cannot  be  expected  in  these  estimates  of  frontier  dis- 
tances, as  the  pilgrim  had  no  means  of  checking  the 
numbers  of  his  informants.  "With  the  road  distances 
which  he  had  himself  travelled  it  was  different,  as 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  162. 


he  could  test  them  by  his  own  knowledge  of  the  time 
occupied,  as  well  as  by  the  number  of  journeys  between 
any  two  points.  In  the  present  instance  of  Singha- 
pura  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  frontier  distance  is 
exaggerated,  as  the  boundary  of  Tselcia^  or  Taki,  is 
also  said  to  have  extended  to  the  Indus,  which  could 
not  have  been  the  case  if  the  frontier  of  Singhapura 
had  stretched  further  to  the  south  than  I  have  placed  it. 

5.    PUNACHA,    OE   PUNACH. 

The  district  of  Puan-nu-tso,  or  Ftinacha,  is  placed  by 
Hwen  Thsang  at  700  li,  or  117  miles,  to  the  south- 
west of  Kashmir.*  It  is  called  Funais  by  the  Kash- 
miris, who  have  adopted  a  soft  pronunciation  of  the 
c/.,  as  in  Pir  Pantsal  for  Panchdl  of  the  Panjabis. 
Moorcroftf  spells  the  name  Primch,  or  Pruntz,  accord- 
ing to  the  Kashmiris.  General  Court  also  has  PruncJi ; 
but  it  is  called  Punje  by  Wilford's  surveyor,  Mirza 
Mogal  Beg,  and  Punch  by  Vigne,  both  of  whom  actu- 
ally visited  the  place.  Its  distance  from  Kashmir,  as 
measured  on  the  map  via  Barahmula  and  Uri  is  75 
miles,  which  is  equal  to  about  100  miles  of  actual 
road  distance.! 

Hwen  Thsang  describes  Punach  as  2000  //,  or  333 
miles,  in  circuit,  which  is  just  about  twice  its  actual 
size.  On  the  west  it  is  boimded  by  the  Jhelam,  on 
the  north  by  the  Pir  Panchal  range,  and  on  the  east 
and  south-east  by  the  small  state  of  Rajaori.  But  these 
limits,  which  include  the  potty  state  of  Kotali,  are  not 
more  than  170  miles  in  circuit ;  and  even  if  the  tract  at 
the  source  of  the  Punach  river  be  included,  the  frontier 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,"  ii.  187.  t  '  Travels,'  ii.  298. 

X  See  Maps  Nos.  V.  and  VI. 


will  not  be  more  than  200  miles  in  circuit.  But  as 
the  distances  in  the  mountain  districts  were  most  pro- 
bably estimated  by  the  lengths  of  the  roads,  the  circuit 
of  the  frontier  line  may  be  taken  as  equivalent  to 
about  300  miles  in  road  distance. 

In  the  seventh  century  Punach  was  without  a  king, 
and  subject  to  Kashmir ;  but  in  later  times  it  had  a 
chief  of  its  own,  whose  descendants.  Shir  Jang  Khan 
and  Shams  Khan,  were  put  to  death  by  Gulab  Singh,  of 
Jammu,  and  this  petty  sovereignty  once  more  forms 
part  of  the  kingdom  of  Kashmir. 


Prom  Punach,  Hwen  Thsang  proceeded  to  the  south- 
east for  400  li,  or  67  miles,  to  Ko-lo-she-pu-lo^  or  Md- 
japura*  which  I  long  ago  identified  with  the  petty 
chief  ship  of  Eajaori,  to  the  south  of  Kashmir.  The 
circuit  of  the  district  is  described  as  4000  /«',  or  667 
miles,  which  is  about  double  the  true  amount,  unless, 
as  is  not  improbable,  the  whole  of  the  hill-states  as 
far  as  the  Eavi  be  included  within  its  boundaries. 
From  the  native  chronicle  of  Kashmir  we  learn  that 
the  petty  chiefships  of  the  hills  to  the  south  and 
south-east  of  the  valley  were  generally  subject  to 
Kashmir ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  they 
were  independent  at  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit. 

The  district  of  Eajaori  proper  is  nearly  a  square  of 
about  40  miles  each  side,  bounded  on  the  north  by 
the  Pir  Panchal,  on  the  west  by  Punach,  on  the  south 
by  Bhimbar,  and  on  the  east  by  Eihasi  and  Aknur.f 
By  extending  its  boundary  on  the  east  to  the  Chenab, 

*  Julieu's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  188. 
t  See  Maps  Nos.  V.  and  VI. 



and  on  the  south  to  the  plains,  it  would  include  all 
these  petty  places ;  even  then  its  frontier  would  not 
be  more  than  240  miles,  or  by  road  about  320  miles. 
But  if  the  frontier  of  these  hill-states  subject  to  Kash- 
mir be  extended  to  the  Eavi  on  the  east,  the  circuit 
would  be  about  420  miles  measured  on  the  map,  or 
not  less  than  560  miles  by  road. 

Eajapuri  is  frequently  mentioned  during  the  me- 
dieval period  of  Kashmirian  history,  but  chiefly  in 
the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  when  it  was  an 
independent  state  under  its  own  rajas.  In  the  fifteenth 
century  the  Hindu  family  was  dispossessed  in  favour 
of  a  son  of  the  Muhammadan  king  of  Kashmir ;  and 
his  descendant  was  so  reduced  by  Gulab  Singh  that 
in  184G  he  was  glad  to  accept  an  estate  in  the  British 
district  of  Kangra  in  exchange  for  his  petty  chiefship 
of  Eajaori. 


As  the  Chinese  pilgrim  has  noticed  so  few  of  the 
many  hill-states  of  the  Panjab,  I  will  here  add  a  brief 
outline  of  the  information  which  I  have  myself  been 
able  to  collect  regarding  them. 

According  to  popular  opinion  the  petty  states  of  the 
Alpine  Panjab,  at  the  present  time,  consist  of  twenty- 
two  Muhammadan  and  twenty-two  Hindu  chiefships, 
the  former  lying  to  the  west,  and  the  latter  to  the 
east  of  the  Chenab  river.  An  older  classification 
divides  them  into  three  groups,  each  named  after  the 
most  powerful  state  which  formed  the  head  of  the 
confederation.  These  were  Kashmir,  Dogra,  and  Tri- 
gartta.  The  first  consisted  of  the  rich  valley  of  Kash- 
mir, and  all  the  petty  states  between  the  Indus  and 
Jehlam;  the  second  included  Jammu,  and  the  other 


petty  states  between  the  Jehlam  and  the  Eavi ;  the 
third  comprised  Jalandhar,  and  the  A'arious  small  states 
between  the  Eavi  and  the  Satlej. 

This  division  into  three  groups  most  probably  ex- 
isted prior  to  the  seventh  century,  as  we  find  that 
the  states  to  the  east  of  the  Eavi  were  quite  indepen- 
dent of  Kashmir,  while  those  of  Urasa,  Punach,  and 
Eajapuri  are  spoken  of  in  such  a  way  as  to  show  that 
they  had  kings  of  their  ovsm  previous  to  their  sub- 
jection by  Kashmir.  Trigartta  is  repeatedly  mentioned 
in  the  chronicles  of  Kashmir  as  an  independent  king- 
dom ;  and  its  own  history  shows  that  one-half  of  the 
present  petty  states  of  the  Jalandhar  hills  have  sprung 
from  the  division  of  the  possessions  of  a  single  family. 

The  following  list  gives  the  names  and  possessions 
of  the  various  states  attached  to  Kashmir,  or  the 
western  division  of  the  Alpine  Panjab  : — 

1.  Kashmir. 

2.  Gingal,  on  the  Behat  E. 

3.  Muzafarabad       ,, 

4.  Khagan,  on  the  Kunihar  E. 

6.  Garhi,  ,, 
f  6.  Eash,  on  Pakhli  E. 

7.  Dhantawar  on  Dor  E. 

8.  Gandgarh,  ,, 

9.  Darband,  on  the  Indus  E. 
JO.  Torbela,  „ 

[11.  Pharwala,  near  Behat  E. 

Gakars 12.  Sultanpur,  on  Behat  E. 

[l3.  Khanpur,  on  Haro  E. 

■  The  Klidlca-Bamha  chiefs  hold   the  valley  of  the 
Behat  river  below  Barahmula,  and  the  whole  course 


KhS^ka  Bambas 



of  the  Ivunihar  river  to  the  north-west  of  Kashmir. 
They  are  all  Muhammadans,  and  are  most  probably 
the  descendants  of  the  early  inhabitants  of  the  country, 
who  retired  to  their  present  position  on  the  advance  of 
the  Afghan  invaders. 

The  Afghan  chiefs  hold  the  valleys  of  the  Pakhli 
and  Dor  rivers,  to  the  south- vrest  of  Kashmir.  They 
are  all  Muhamniadans,  and  their  settlement  in  this 
part  of  the  country  is  of  recent  date.  Abul  Fazl  men- 
tions that  before  the  time  of  Akbar,  the  raja  of  Pakhli 
was  a  tributary  of  Kashmir.  He  also  states  that 
Timur  left  a  small  body  of  troops  in  this  district, 
whose  descendants  were  still  there  in  his  time.* 

The  Gakar  chiefs  hold  the  lower  valley  of  the 
Jhelam,  and  the  upper  course  of  the  Haro  river  to  the 
south-west  of  Kashmir.  They  are  all  Muhammadans  ; 
but  their  conversion  is  comparatively  recent,  as  their 
names  were  Indian  down  to  the  invasion  of  Timur. 
Their  occupation  of  these  districts  is  of  very  early 
date ;  but  they  are  Turanians^  and  not  Arians,  as  none 
but  a  Gakar  will  intermarry  with  a  Gakar,  a  practice 
that  is  utterly  repugnant  to  Hinduism,  which  permits 
no  man  to  marry  one  of  his  own  tribe.  The  Gakars 
also  occupy  several  portions  of  the  eastern  Doab,  as 
Guliana,  near  Gujar  Khan,  and  Bugial,  under  the 
lofty  hill  of  Balnath.  But  these  districts  do  not  pro- 
perly belong  to  the  hills,  although  they  were  subject 
to  Kashmir  at  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit  in 
the  seventh  century. 

The  following  list  gives  the  names  and  positions  of 
the  various  states  attached  to  the  central,  or  Jammu 
division  of  the  Alpine  Panjab  :  — 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  155. 




Muhammadans . 


1.  Jammu,  to  east  of  Chenab  R. 

2.  Btao,  „ 

3.  Eihasi,  on  Chenab  E. 

4.  Aknur,  ,, 

5.  Punach,  on  Punacli  E. 

6.  Eajaori,  on  ToM  E. 

7.  Kotali,  on  Punach  E. 

8.  Bhimbar,  at  foot  of  hills. 

9.  Khariali,  near  Bhimbar. 

10.  Kashtwar,  on  upper  Chenab  E. 

vll.  Bhadrwar,  to  south  of  Kastwar. 

12.  Chaneni,  to  west  of  Bhadrwar. 

13.  Bandralta,  to  south  of  Chaneni. 

14.  Samba,  to  S.W.  of  Bandralta. 

15.  Jasrota,  to  south  of  Bandralta. 

16.  Tirikot,  near  Jasrota. 

17.  Mankot,  to  south  of  Bandralta. 

18.  Badwal,  or  Yaddiwasa. 
,19.  Ballawar,  or  Bisohli. 

The  towns  of  Jammu  and  Bhao,  which  were  founded 
by  two  brothers,  are  situated  on  opposite  banks  of  the 
Tohi,  a  small  stream  that  joins  the  Chenab  at  the  foot 
of  the  hills.  Jammu  is  mentioned  several  times  in 
Muhammadan  history,  from  the  time  when  Timur 
forcibly  converted  the  Eaja  down  to  the  end  of  the 
last  century.  The  three  famous  brothers  of  Eanjit 
Singh's  court — Gulab  Singh,  Dhyan  Singh,  and  Suchet 
Singh,  belonged  to  a  younger  branch  of  this  family, 
and  the  son  of  Gulab  Singh  now  rules  over  Kashmir 
and  the  whole  of  the  states  in  the  western  and  central 
divisions  of  the  Alpine  Panjab. 

The  petty  chiefs  of  Rihdsi  and  Aknur  were  branches 


of  the  Jammu  family,  on  wliicli  they  were  generally 
dependent.  Punach  was  sometimes  independent ;  but 
its  proximity  to  Kashmir  placed  it  at  the  mercy  of  its 
more  powerful  neighbour.  Bajaori  and  Kotali  were 
held  in  later  times  by  two  branches  of  the  royal  family 
of  Kashmir,  to  which  they  were  usually  tributary. 
But  in  the  middle  ages,  under  the  Hindu  rulers,  Ko- 
tali formed  part  of  Punach,  to  which  it  naturally  be- 
longed as  part  of  the  same  valley.  Bldmhar  and 
KharicUi  were  divisions  of  the  Chibh,  or  Chibhan, 
branch  of  the  Somvansi  Eajas  of  Kangra  and  Jalan- 
dhar.  In  early  times  the  name  of  Bhimbar  was  little 
used,  the  common  appellation  being  Chibhan^  which 
is  found  in  Sharifuddin's  history  of  Timur,  under 
the  form  of  Jibhdl.  The  conversion  of  the  family 
to  Muhammadanism  is  probably  of  late  date,  as  Fe- 
rishta  mentions  IIoiviis  Eaja  of  Bhimbar  in  a.h.  891, 
or  A.D.  I486.*  But  so  many  of  these  hill  chiefs  re- 
tained their  Hindu  names  after  they  became  Muliam- 
madans,  that  the  Hindu  name  alone  cannot  be  taken  as 
a  decisive  proof  of  his  being  unconverted.  Kdshtwdr 
and  Bhadrwdr  are  situated  on  opposite  banks  of  the 
ujjper  Chenab  river,  to  the  south-east  of  Kashmir,  to 
which  they  were  generally  subject.  These  nine  chief- 
ships  of  the  central  division,  added  to  the  thirteen  of 
the  western  division,  form  the  twenty-two  Muham- 
madan  states  which  the  popular  belief  assigns  to  the 
western  half  of  the  Alpine  Panjab. 

Of  the  eight  remaining  chiefships  of  this  division  I 
am  not  able  to  give  much  information,  as  many  of 
them  became  extinct  during  the  early  period  of  Sikh 
rule,  and  all  of  them  are  now  absorbed  by  the  Jammu 

*  13riggs,  '  Foriskta,'  iv.  483. 


family  in  the  great  kingdom  of  Kashmir.  Jasrota,  in 
the  outer  range  of  hills,  was  once  of  some  importance, 
and  its  chiefs  intermarried  with  the  other  Eajput 
families  of  the  Alpine  Panjab;  but  I  can  find  no 
mention  of  it  in  any  of  the  histories.  Balldwar  and 
Badwdl  were  certainly  at  one  time  under  a  single 
chief,  as  Kalasa,  the  son  of  Tukka,  who  is  twice  men- 
tioned in  the  '  Eaja  Tarangini  '*  as  lord  of  Valktpura 
between  1028  and  1801,  is  found  in  the  genealogical 
lists  of  both  families.  It  is  true  that  Vaddivdsa  is 
noticed  in  the  same  chroniclef  as  a  separate  district  at 
an  earlier  date,  but  as  there  is  no  mention  of  any 
chief,  it  may  be  inferred  that  it  formed  part  of  the 
small  kingdom  of  Vallapura.  As  the  names  in  the  two 
genealogical  lists  differ  from  Kalasa  downwards,  it 
seems  probable  that  the  state  may  have  been  dismem- 
bered after  his  death.  It  is  certain  that  he  was  mixed 
up  with  Kashmirian  politics ;  and  as  the  contemporary 
Eaja  of  the  neighbouring  state  of  Chamba  was  put  to 
death  by  Ananta  of  Kashmir,  I  conclude  that  BallS,- 
war  must  have  been  subjected  at  the  same  time. 

I  may  remark  that  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Central 
Division,  whose  genealogies  I  possess,  trace  their 
origin  to  the  Surajuansi,  or  Solar  Eace,  with  the  single 
exception  of  the  intrusive  Chibhdn  of  Bhimbar.  The 
chiefs  of  Jammu,  Jasrota,  and  Ballawar,  with  their 
offshoots,  amounting  together  to  eight  of  these  petty 
states,  all  assert  their  descent  from  the  Sun,  a  claim 
which  is  admitted  by  their  Eajput  neighbours. 

The  following  list  gives  the  names  and  positions  of 
the  various  states  attached  to  the  eastern,  or  JMand- 
har  division  of  the  Alpine  Panjab. 

*  '  Eaja  TaraDgini,'  vii.  220,  589,         t  Hid.,  vi.  318,  Nandigupta. 




Surajvansi  . 

Pundir,  or  Pandayas. 

1.  K^ngra,  or  Katoch. 

2.  Guler,  to  S.W.  of  Kangra. 

3.  Jaswal,  on  Suhan  E. 

4.  Datarpur,  on  lower  Bias  E. 

5.  Siba,  do. 
Chamba,  on  Eavi  E. 
KuUu,  on  upper  Bias  E. 
Mandi,  on  middle  Bias  E. 
Sukhet,  to  south  of  Mandi. 
Nurpur,  between  Eavi  and 

Bias  E. 
Kotila,  to  E.  of  Nurpur. 


^  8 




Of  these  twelve  states  no  less  than  five  are  mere 
subdivisions  of  the  once  rich  kingdom  of  Jalandhar, 
which  embraced  the  whole  of  the  Doab,  or  plain 
country,  between  the  Bias  and  Satlej,  and  all  the  hill 
country  lying  between  the  Eavi  and  the  frontiers  of 
Mandi  and  Sukket,  to  the  south  of  the  Dhaola-dhar 
mountains.  This  included  Xurpur,  Kotila,  and  Kotle- 
har  ;  and  as  Mandi  and  Sukhet  were  at  first  under  one 
rule,  there  were  originally  only  four  chiefships  in  the 
eastern  division  of  the  Alpine  Panjab,  namely,  Jalan- 
dhar, Chamba,  Kullu,  and  Mandi. 


Since  the  occupation  of  the  plains  by  the  Muham- 
madans,  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Jalandhara  has  been 
confined  almost  entirely  to  its  hill  territories,  which 
were  generally  known  by  the  name  of  Kdngra^  after 
its  most  celebrated  fortress.  The  district  is  also  called 
Katoch^  the  meaning  of  which  is  unknown,  and  Tr>- 


gartla^*  which  is  the  usual  Sansltrit  name  found  in 
the  Pur^nas,  and  in  the  native  chronicle  of  Kashmir. 

In  the  seventh  century  Jdlandhara  is  described  by 
the  Chinese  pilgrimf  as  about  1000  li,  or  167  miles 
in  length  from  east  to  west,  and  800/2,  or  133  miles 
in  breadth  from  north  to  south.  If  these  dimensions 
are  even  approximately  correct,  JMandhar  must  then 
have  included  the  state  of  Chamba  on  the  north,  with 
Mandi  and  Sukhet  on  the  east,  and  Satadru  on  the 
south-east.  As  the  last  is  the  only  district  to  the  east 
of  the  Satlej,  which  is  included  ia  N.  India,  I  infer 
that  it  must  have  belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  Jdlan- 
dhar.  With  the  addition  of  these  districts  the  size  of 
the  province  will  agree  very  well  with  the  dimensions 
assigned  to  it  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim. 

At  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit,  Jalandhar 
itself  was  the  capital,  which  he  describes  as  from  12 
to  13  li,  or  upwards  of  2  miles  in  circuit.  Its  anti- 
quity is  undoubted,  as  it  is  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  as 
Kulindrine^  or  KtuUndrine,  which  should  probably  be 
corrected  to  SuUndrine,  as  tlie  K  and  5  are  frequently 
interchanged  in  Greek  manuscripts.  According  to  the 
Padma  Purina,  J  the  city  of  Jdlandhara  was  the  capital 
of  the  great  Daitya  king  Jalandhara^  who  became  so 
powerful  by  virtue  of  his  austerities  as  to  be  invin- 
cible. At  last,  however,  he  was  overcome  by  Siva, 
through  a  disgraceful  fraud,  and  his  body  was  de- 
voured by  the  yoginis^  or  female  demons.  But  the 
conclusion   of  the  legend  is  differently  given  in  the 

*  '  HemaKoaha.'  Jalandhards  Trigarttasyuh — "  Jalandhara,  that 
is  Trigartta."  t  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  202. 

X  Uttara  Khanda  of  the  Padma  Puiana.  Kennedy's  '  Hindu  Mytho- 
logy,' p.  456. 


local  Purana,*  wliicli  states  that  he  was  overwhelmed 
and  crushed  to  death  by  a  mass  of  mountains  which 
Siva  placed  upon  him.  Flames  then  sprang  out  of  his 
mouth,  which  was  under  Jwdla-mukhi ;  his  back  was 
under  the  upper  part  of  the  Doab,  which  is  still  called 
Jdlandhara-pitha,  or  Jdlandhar-pith,  by  the  people ;  and 
his  feet  were  under  the  lower  part  of  the  Doab  at 
Multan.  Akbar  partially  adopted  this  version  of  the 
legend  when  he  named  the  different  Doabs  after  the 
enclosing  rivers,  by  calling  the  land  between  the 
Satlej  and  Bias  the  Bodb-i-Bist  Jdlandhm\  or  Bit  Jd- 
landhar^  instead  of  the  Sab  Doab,  which  it  should 
have  been  if  he  had  placed  the  initial  of  the  eastern 
river  first,  as  he  did  in  the  names  of  the  Bari  and 
Chaj  Doabs. 

The  royal  family  of  Jakndhara  and  Kaiigra  is  one  of 
the  oldest  in  India,  and  their  genealogy  from  the  time  of 
the  founder,  Sasarma  Chandra,  appears  to  me  to  have  a 
much  stronger  claim  to  our  belief  than  any  one  of  the 
long  strings  of  names  now  shown  by  the  more  power- 
ful families  of  Rajputaua.  All  the  different  scions  of 
this  house  claim  to  be  of  Somavansi  descent ;  and  they 
assert  that  their  ancestors  held  the  district  of  Mul- 
tan and  fought  in  the  Great  War  on  the  side  of 
Duryodhan  against  the  five  Pandu  brothers.  After 
the  war  they  lost  their  country,  and  retii'ed  under  the 
leadership  of  Susarma  Chandra  to  the  Jalandhar  Doab, 
where  they  established  themselves,  and  built  the 
stronghold  of  Kangra.  The  expedition  of  Alexander 
terminated  on  the  banks  of  the  Hyphasis,  or  Bias ; 
but  he  received  the  submission  of  Phe(jela!s\  or  Pke- 

*  Jalaudliara  Purana. 

t  Diudorus,  xvii.  51,  "  Pliegfcus."    Curtius,  ix.  1,  3,  "  Phegelas  erat 
goiitis  proximas  rex." 


gceus^  the  king  of  the  district,  beyond  the  river,  that 
is  of  the  Jalandhar  Doab.  Towards  the  end  of  the  fifth 
century,  the  kingdom  of  Trigartta  was  presented  to 
Pravaresa  by  the  Eaja  of  Kashmir.*  In  the  seventh 
century,  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  Hwen  Thsang,  was  cour- 
teously entertained  for  a  whole  month  by  Eaja  U-ti-io^ 
or  UdUa,'\  whom  I  would  identify  with  Adima  of  the 
genealogical  lists.  One  hundred  and  sixty  years  later, 
in  an  inscription  dated  a.d.  804,  the  Eaja  of  Jaland- 
hara  is  named  Jaya  Chandra,  who  is  the  Jaya  Malla 
Chandra  of  the  lists,  the  seventh  in  descent  from  Adi- 
ma. Lastly,  Avanta,  king  of  Kashmir,  from  a.d.  1028 
to  1081,  married  two  daughters  of  Indu  Chandra,  J 
Eaja  of  J§,landhara,  who  is  the  Indra  Chandra  of 
the  genealogical  lists  of  K^ngra.  These  instances  are 
sufficient  to  show  that  Jdlandliara  existed  as  an  inde- 
pendent State  for  many  centuries  before  the  Muham- 
madan  conquest. 

The  smaller  chiefships  of  Guler,  Jaswal,  Datarpur, 
and  Siba,  are  offshoots  fi'om  the  parent  stem  of 
K8,ngra.  The  independence  of  Gider^  or  Haripur,  was 
established  by  Hari  Chandra,  about  a.d.  1400,  when 
he  yielded  Kangra  to  his  younger  brother,  Karmma 
Chandra.  The  date  of  the  foundation  of  the  other 
principalities  is  unknown,  but  I  believe  that  they 
were  always  ti'ibutary  to  the  parent  state  until  the 
time  of  the  Muhammadans,  when  the  capture  of 
Kangra  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  afforded  them  an  op- 
portunity of  asserting  their  independence. 

The  French  traveller  Thevenot,§  in  his  account  of 
the  dominions   of  the  Emperor  of  Delhi,  mentions 

*  'Eaja  Tarangini,'  iii.  100.       f  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  261. 
X  '  Eaja  Tarangini,'  vii.  150.  §  '  Travels,'  part  iii.  c.  37. 


that  "  there  are  many  Eajas  who  own  not  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Great  Mogul."  But  the  territories  of  these 
Eajas  must  have  been  far  in  the  interior  of  the  hills, 
as  we  know  that  the  chiefs  of  all  the  outer  hills  were 
subjected  by  the  Mogul  emperors.  Thevenot  specially 
mentions  the  province  of  "  Ayoud,  or  Ilaoud"  as  con- 
taining "  the  most  northern  countries  that  belong  to 
the  Great  Mogul,  as  Caucares,  Bankish,  Nagarcut,  Siha, 
and  others."  The  Caucares  must  be  the  Gakars  who 
hold  the  lower  hills  to  the  west  of  the  Jhelam.  Terry* 
calls  them  Kakares^  and  their  principal  cities  Bekalee 
and  Furhola  (or  Dangali  and  Pharwila).  The  Bankish 
are  the  Banchish  of  Terry, I  whose  "  chief  city,  called 
Blshur  (Peshawar)  lyeth  east  (read  west)  somewhat 
southerly  from  Chishmere,  from  which  it  is  divided  by 
the  river  Indus."  Naff ar cut  is  Kangra  or  Nagarkot, 
which  is  mentioned  under  the  same  name  by  Abu 
Kihan,j  who  was  present  at  its  capture  by  Mahmud 
of  Ghazni.  Siba  is  not  as  we  might  suppose,  the 
small  state  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kangra,  but  a  dis- 
trict on  the  Ganges,  of  which  the  chief  city,  according 
to  Terry,  was  "  Hardware  (or  Haridwara),  where  the 
river  Ganges,  passing  through  or  amongst  large  rocks, 
makes  presently  after  a  pretty  full  current."  From  these 
accounts  it  is  clear  that  the  whole  of  the  states  in  the 
lower  hills,  from  Peshawar  on  the  west  to  the  Ganges 
on  the  east,  were  subject  to  the  emperor  of  Delhi. 
Regarding  the  general  name  of  Ayoud^  or  TIaoud,  which 
Thevenot  applies  to  them,  I  can  only  conjecture  that 
it  may  be  some  corrupt  form  of  Himavat,  or  Ilimwat, 

*  '  A^oyage  to  East  India,'  p.  88. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  81 :  London,  1655. 
X  '  Fragments  Arabes,  etc.,'  149. 


one  of  the  well-known  names  of  the  Hmdlaya  moun- 
tains, which  the  Greeks  have  preserved  under  the 
two  different  forms  of  Emddos  and  Iiiidus. 

Champa^  or  Chamba. 

Chamba  is  a  large  district,  which  includes  the  val- 
leys of  all  the  sources  of  the  Eavi,  and  a  portion  of 
the  upper  valley  of  the  Chenab,  between  Lahul  and 
Kashi  r^r.  It  is  not  mentioned  by  Hwen  Thsang, 
and  w««  '  -p'^fore,  probably  included  by  him  within 
the  limits  '^f  ^'ashmir.  The  ancient  capital  was  Varm- 
viapuri  oi  barmawar,  on  the  Budhil  river,  where 
many  fin,  ni  ii'is,  and  a  brazen  bull,  of  life  size,  still 
exist  to  I  tt  *■  '  e  wealth  and  piety  of  its  early  rulers. 
AccordL.^  uu  i'le  inscriptions  these  works  belong  to 
the  nix^th  -rd  tenth  centuries.  The  country  is  fre- 
quently me'^.ti  i?d  in  the  native  chronicle  of  Kashmir, 
under  tte  raiiie  of  Champa,  and  each  notice  is  con- 
firmed by  the  local  genealogies.  Between  a.d.  1028 
and  1031  tue  dLtrict  was  invaded  by  Ananta  of  Kash- 
mir,* when  '.he  native  Eaja,  named  Sella,  was  defeated 
and  put  to  death.  His  son  founded  a  new  capital, 
Champi  mra,  called  after  the  goddess  Champdvati  Devi  \ 
which,  under  the  name  of  Chamba,  is  still  the  chief 
place  in  the  district.  The  Eajas  of  Kashmir  after- 
wards intermarried  with  the  Chamba  family  ;f  and 
during  the  troubles  that  followed  the  Muhainmadan 
invasions  this  petty  state  became  independent,  and  re- 
mained so  until  reduced  by  Gulab  Singh,  early  in  the 
present  century. 

*  Briggs's  'Ferishta,'  i.  283.  The  Gakara  inhabited  the  banks  of 
the  Nilab  (or  Indus)  up  to  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Siwalik. 

t  'Eaja  Tarangini,"  vii.  218.  \  Ibid.,  vii.  589,  1520;  riii.  1092. 

h2  the  ancient  geography  oe  india. 


The  kingdom  of  Kiu-Iu-to  is  placed  by  Hwen  Thsang 
at  700  A',  or  117  miles,  to  the  north-east  of  Jalandhar,* 
which  corresponds  exactly  with  the  position  of  the 
district  of  Ktillii,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Eyas 
river.  The  Vishnu  Puranaf  mentions  a  people  called 
Uhiia,  or  Kuhita,  who  are  most  probably  the  same  as  the 
Kaulutas  of  the  '  Eamayana'  and  the  '  Brihat  Sanhita.'| 
As  this  form  of  the  word  agrees  precisely  with  the 
Chinese  Kiuluto,  I  conclude  that  the  modern  Kullu, 
must  be  only  an  abbreviation  of  the  ancient  name. 
The  district  is  stated  to  be  3000  li,  or  500  miles,  in 
circuit,  and  entirely  surrounded  by  mountains.  The 
size  is  very  much  exaggerated  for  the  present  restricted 
limits  of  Kullu ;  but  as  the  ancient  kingdom  is  said 
by  the  people  themsel'ves  to  have  included  Mandi  and 
Sulthet  on  the  west,  and  a  large  tract  of  territory  to 
the  south  of  the  Satlej,  it  is  probable  that  the  frontier 
measurement  of  500  miles  may  be  very  near  the  truth 
if  taken  in  road  distance. 

The  present  capital  of  the  valley  is  Sultanpur ;  but 
the  old  capital  of  Makarsa  is  still  called  Nagar,  or  the 
city,  by  which  name  it  is  most  generally  known. 
Hwen  Thsang  states  that  gold,  silver,  and  copper  are 
all  found  in  the  district,  which  is  only  partially  true, 
as  the  amount  of  gold  to  be  obtained  by  washing  is 
very  small,  and  the  silver  and  copper  mines  have  long 
been  abandoned. 

To  the  north-east  of  Kullu  Hwen  Thsang  places 
the  district  of  Lo-hu-lo,  which  is  clearly  the  Lho-yal  of 

*  Julicn's  '  Hiouon  Thsang,'  ii.  203. 

\  Wilson's  'Vishnu  Purana,'  edited  by  Hall,  ii.  3,  vol.  ii.  p.  171. 

%  Kern's  '  Brihat  Sanhita,'  xiv.  29. 


tlie  Tibetans,  and  the  Ldhul  of  the  people  of  KuUu  and 
other  neighbonring  states.  Still  further  to  the  north 
he  places  the  district  of  Mo-lo-so,  which,  from  his 
position,  must  certainly  be  Ladak.  I  would,  there- 
fore, alter  the  Chinese  name  to  Mo-lo-po,  which  is  an 
exact  transcript  of  Mar-po,  the  actual  name  of  the 
province  of  Ladak,  as  Mar-po-i/ul,  or  the  "Eed  dis- 
trict," in  allusion  to  the  general  appearance  of  its  soil 
and  mountains.  The  Chinese  syllables  so  and  po  are 
so  much  alike  that  they  are  frequently  interchanged, 
as  in  the  well-known  name  of  Salatura,  the  birth-place 
of  Panini,  which  is  given  in  the  original  Chinese  of 
Hwen  Thsang's  travels  as  Po-lo-lu-lo,  or  Falatura. 

Mandi  and  SuJchet. 
The  petty  chiefships  of  Mandi  and  SuHet  were  ovigi- 
nally  a  single  state,  bounded  by  Kangra  on  the  west 
and  Kullu  on  the  east,  and  by  the  Dhaoladhar  moun- 
tains on  the  north  and  the  Satlej  on  the  south.  Mandi 
means  the  "market;"  and  its  favourable  position  on 
the  Bias  river,  at  the  junction  of  the  two  roads  fi-om 
the  west  and  south,  must  have  ensured  its  early  occu- 
pation, which  was  rendered  prosperous  and  lasting  by 
the  existence  of  valuable  mines  of  iron  and  black  salt 
in  its  immediate  vicinity. 

Nurp'kr,  or  Failidniya. 
The  town  of  Nurpur  derives  its  name  from  the  cele- 
brated Nur  Jahan,  the  wife  of  the  emperor  Jahanjir. 
Its  original  name  was  Dahmari,  or  Bahndla ;  or  as 
Abul  Fazl  writes,  Dahmahri,  although  he  mentions  no 
fort.  The  people  pronounce  the  name  as  if  written  Dah- 
meri.  In  the  '  Tarikh-i-Alfi. '  it  is  called  Damdl,  an  dis 
described  as  "situated  on  the  summit  of  a  high  hill, 


on  the  borders  of  Hindustan."  The  fort  was  taken 
after  a  long  siege  by  Ibrahim  Ghaznavi.  The  name 
of  the  district  is  Pathdwat,  and  the  old  capital  in  the 
plains  was  called  Pathidn,  or  Pathidnkot,  which  is  now 
slightly  altered  to  Pathdnhot.  But  the  name  is  derived 
from  the  Pathan  tribe  of  Hindu  Eajputs,  and  not  from 
the  well-known  Muhammadan  Pathans,  or  Afghans. 
The  Eaja  was  imprisoned  in  1815  by  Eanjit  Singh, 
who  took  possession  of  his  country. 

The  petty  chief  of  Kotila,  to  the  east  of  Nurpur, 
who  was  a  scion  of  the  Pathaniya  family,  was  seized 
about  the  same  time,  and  his  estate  incorporated  with 
the  Sikh  dominions. 

Kotlehar  is  a  petty  state  in  tlie  Jaswal  Dun,  to  the 
south-east  of  Jwala-Mukhi.  It  was  generally  a  de- 
pendency of  Kangra. 


The  district  of  She-to-tu-lo^  or  Satadru,  is  described 
by  the  Chinese  pilgrim*  as  2000  li,  or  333  miles  in 
circuit,  with  a  large  river  forming  its  western  boun- 
dary. The  capital  is  placed  at  700  //,  or  117  miles, 
to  the  south  of  EuUu,  and  800  li,  or  133  miles,  to  the 
north-east  of  Baii'at.  But  there  is  a  mistake  in  one 
of  these  numbers,  as  the  distance  between  the  capital 
of  KuUu  and  Bairat  is  336  miles,  measured  direct  on 
the  map,  or  not  less  than  360  miles,  by  road.  There 
is  a  deficiency,  therefore,  in  one  of  the  distances  of 
about  110  miles,  or  nearly  700  li,  in  a  direct  line 
between  the  two  places,  or  of  about  150  miles,  or 
nearly  1000  li,  in  the  detour,  as  shown  by  his  bear- 
ings.    Now  it  is  remarkable  that  there  is  a  deficiency 

*  Julien'e  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  205. 


of  about  tlie  same  amount  in  the  return  journey  along 
a  parallel  line  of  road,  from  Mathura  to  Thanesar, 
wMcli  the  pilgrim  makes  only  500  li,  or  83  miles,* 
instead  of  1200  li,  or  200  miles,  the  actual  distance 
being  199  miles.  As  it  would  seem  that  both  routes, 
for  some  unknown  reason,  had  been  subjected  to  the 
same  amount  of  curtailment,  it  is  probable  that  the 
deficiency  in  the  western  line  will  lie  in  the  southern 
portion  between  Satadru  and  Baixat,  which  is  con- 
tiguous to  the  parallel  line  between  Mathura  and 
Thanesar.  I  would,  therefore,  increase  the  distance 
between  the  two  former  places  by  150  miles,  or  in 
round  numbers  1000  li,  which  would  make  the  total 
distance  283  miles,  or  nearly  1800  li,  instead  of  800 
li.  Taking  this  corrected  distance  from  Bairat,  and 
the  recorded  distance  of  117  miles  south  from  KuUu, 
the  position  of  Satadru  will  correspond  almost  exactly 
with  the  large  city  of  Sarhind,  which  both  history  and 
tradition  affirm  to  be  the  oldest  place  in  this  part  of 
the  country. 

The  present  ruins  of  Sarhind  consist  almost  entirely 
of  Muhammadan  buildings  of  a  late  period ;  but  it 
must  have  been  a  place  of  some  consequence  in  the 
time  of  the  Hindus,  as  it  was  besieged  and  captured 
by  Muhammad  Ghori,  the  first  Mussulman  king  of 
Delhi. f  The  name  of  Sarhind,  or  "  frontier  of  Hind" 
is  popularly  said  to  haye  been  given  to  the  city  at  an 
earlier  period,  when  it  was  the  boundary  town  be- 
tween the  Hindus  and  the  later  Muhammadan  king- 
dom of  Ghazni  and  Labor.     But  the  name  is  probably 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  104,  and  ii.  211. 
t  Dowson's  edition  of  Sir  H.  Elliot's  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of 
India,' ii.  295. 



much  older,  as  the  astronomer  Yaraha  Mihira  men- 
tions the  Sairind/uiH*  immediately  after  the  Kulutas, 
or  people  of  KuUu,  and  just  before  Brakniapura,  which, 
as  we  learn  from  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  Avas  the  capital 
of  the  hill  country  to  the  north  of  Ilaridwar.  The 
Sairindhas,  or  people  of  Sirindha,  must,  therefore,  have 
occupied  the  very  tract  of  country  in  which  the  pre- 
sent Sarhind  is  situated,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  two  names  are  the  same.  But  the  geographi- 
cal list  of  Varaha  Mihira  is  copied  almost  verbatim 
from  that  of  the  still  earlier  astronomer  Parasara,  who 
is  believed  to  have  flourished  not  later  than  the  first 
century  after  Christ. "f 

If  we  apply  the  correction  of  110  miles,  or  about 
700  li,  to  the  northern  half  of  the  line  between  KuUu 
and  Satadru,  the  position  of  the  latter  will  be  brought 
down  to  Hansi,  which  is  an  ancient  fortified  city  of 
even  greater  strength  and  reputation  than  Sarhind. 
But  as  Hwen  Thsang  specially  notes  that  the  territory 
of  Satadru  was  only  2000  /«,  or  333  miles,  in  circuit, 
and  that  it  was  bounded  on  the  west  by  a  great  river, 
Avhich  can  only  be  the  Satlej  or  Satadru,  it  is  quite 
impossible  that  Hansi  could  be  the  place  intended,  as 
it  is  upwards  of  130  miles  distant  from  the  nearest 
point  of  that  river. 

The  position  of  the  celebrated  fortress  of  Bhatner 
would  suit  the  description  of  a  small  district  bounded 
on  the  west  by  the  Satlej,  and  would  also  agree  with 
the  corrected  distance  from  Kullu :  but  the  direction 
is  south-west  instead  of  south,  and  the  distance  from 
Bairat  is  upwards  of  200  miles,  instead  of  800  //,  or 

■    Dr.  Kern's  edition  of  the  '  Brihat  Sanhita,'  b.  siv.  29,  30. 
t  Kern's  Preface  to  the  '  Brihat  Sanhita,'  p.  32. 


133  miles,  as  stated  by  the  pilgrim.  The  bearing  of 
Bair^t  is,  however,  in  favour  of  Bhatner,  as  the 
pilgrim's  south-west  is  certainly  a  mistake  for  south- 
east, otherwise  the  distance  of  Bairat  from  Mathura 
would  be  nearly  1600  //,  or  250  miles,  instead  of  500 
//,  or  83  miles,  as  recorded.  If  we  might  read  1500 
li  instead  of  500  //,  the  relative  positions  of  Bhatner 
and  Bairat  would  correspond  very  well  with  the  pil- 
grim's account,  as  the  road  distance  between  the  two 
places,  via  Hansi,  is  about  250  miles.  It  is  quite 
possible  also  that  there  may  be  a  mistake  in  the  initial 
Chinese  character.  She  or  8a^  which  is  very  much  like 
Po  or  Bha  ;  and  if  so,  the  Chinese  syllables 
would  represent  Bhatasthala,  or  Bhatner.  The  latter 
name  means  the  "  fortress  of  the  Bhatis,"  but  the 
town  itself  was  called  Band,  or  Bando,  which  was  pro- 
bably the  contracted  form  of  Bhatasthala,  just  as  Mdru 
is  now  the  common  contracted  form  of  Marusthala. 
But  in  spite  of  these  plausible  agreements  both  in 
name  and  in  position,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
Sarhind  must  be  the  place  indicated  by  the  pilgrim  as 
the  capital  of  the  ancient  district  of  Satadru,  This 
conclusion  is  strengthened  by  the  pilgrim's  statement 
that  the  country  produced  gold,  which,  so  far  as  I 
know,  can  only  apply  to  the  lower  hills  lying  to  the 
north  of  Sarhind,  where  gold  is  still  found  in  some  of 
the  smaller  affluents  of  the  Satlej. 

Accepting  Sarhind  as  the  capital  of  Satadru,  the 
boundaries  of  the  district  may  be  determined  approxi- 
mately from  its  size.  On  the  west  and  north  it  was 
bounded  by  the  Satlej  for  upwards  of  100  miles  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Simla  to  Tihara,  below  Ludiana. 
On  the  south  the  boundary  extended  for  about  100 

L  2 


miles  from  Tihara  to  Ambala,  and  on  the  east  for 
about  the  same  distance,  from  Ambala  to  Simla.  The 
circuit  thus  described  embraces  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  hill  states  to  the  west  and  south  of  Simla,  to- 
gether with  the  districts  of  Sarhind  proper  and  Lu- 
diana  in  the  plains.  As  it  is  the  only  district  lying  to 
east  of  the  Satlej  that  is  included  within  the  limits  of 
Northern  India,  I  infer  that  it  must  have  been  a  de- 
pendency of  the  neighbouring  state  of  Jalandhar. 

The  kingdom  which  Hwen  Thsang  calls  Tse-Jcia,  or 
Tdki,  embraced  the  whole  of  the  plains  of  the  Panjab 
from  the  Indus  to  the  Bias,  and  from  the  foot  of  the 
mountains  to  the  junction  of  the  five  rivers  below 
Multan.*  The  Chinese  syllable  ise  is  used  by  Hwen 
Thsang  to  represent  the  cerebral  t  of  the  Sanskrit  in  the 
name  of  Danakakata^  which  is  found  in  no  less  than  five 
of  the  western  cave  inscriptions  at  Kanhari  and  Karli.-]- 
In  Hwen  Thsang's  travels  this  name  is  written,  in  which  the  last  two  syllables  are  trans- 
posed. It  is  the  JDancd-a  of  Abu  Eihan,  which,  as  will 
be  shown  hereafter,  is  most  probably  the  same  as  the 
old  town  of  Dhdra7ii-kotia,  on  the  Kistna  river,  adjoin- 
ing the  modern  city  of  Amaravati.  Tse-kla.,  therefore, 
represents  Tdki^  which  would  appear  to  have  been  the 
name  of  the  capital  as  well  as  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
Panjab  in  the  seventh  century,  just  as  Lahor  has  since 
been  used  to    describe   both   the   kingdom   and   the 

*  See  Maps  Nos.  Y.  and  VI. 

t  Dr.  Stevenson  read  this  name  as  the  Pali  form  of  the  Greek 
Xenolraies,  but  in  all  the  inscriptions  at  Kanhari  and  KArli  it  is 
clearly  the  name  of  a  town  or  country. 


capital  of  Eanjit  Singh.  The  position  of  the  capital 
will  be  discussed  hereafter.  It  will  be  sufficient  at 
present  to  note  that  it  was  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
more  ancient  capital  of  She-kie-lo,  which  was  long  ago 
identified  by  Professor  Lassen  with  the  Sdkala  of 
the  Mah^bharata,  and  with  the  Sangala  of  Arrian. 
Now  the  people  of  Sdkala  are  called  Madras,  Araftas, 
JdrtliJcas,  and  Bdhikas*  in  the  Mahdbhdrata ;  and  in 
the  Lexicon  of  Hemachandra  the  Bdhikas  are  said  to 
be  the  same  as  the  Takkas.'\  Again,  in  the  'Eaja 
Tarangini,'  the  district  of  Takkadesa  is  mentioned  as 
a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Gurjjara  (or  Gujarfi,t,  near 
the  Chenab),  which  Raja  Alakhana  was  obliged  to 
cede  to  Kashmir  between  a.d.  883  and  901.|  From 
these  statements  it  is  clear  that  Sakala  was  the  old 
capital  of  the  powerful  tribe  of  Takkas,  whose  country- 
was  named  after  themselves  Takka-desa.^  The  name 
of  the  new  capital  is  not  actually  stated  by  Hwen 
Thsang,  but  I  believe  it  to  have  been  Taki,  or  Takkd- 
war,  which  I  would  identify  with  the  Tahora  of  the 
Pentingerian  Tables  by  the  mere  softening  of  the 
guttural  k  to  the  aspirate  h.  In  the  latter  authority 
Tahora  is  placed  at  70  Roman  miles,  or  64^  English 
miles  from  Spatura,  opposite  Alexandria  Bucefalos. 

I  will  now  turn  to  the  early  Muhammadan  writers 
who  have  noticed  Kashmir  and  Sindh,  and  who,  there- 
fore can  scarcely  have  omitted  all  mention  of  so  im- 
portant a  country  as  the  Panjab,  which  lies  immedi- 

*  In  the  Maliabharata  and  Vishnu  Parana  the  name  is  written 
B&llAlca  ;  but  as  they  follow  the  KuUUan,  it  seems  certain  that  the 
true  reading  is  Baldka,  as  proposed  by  Lassen. 

t  Lassen,  '  Pentapot  Indica,'  p.  21.     Bahilc&shtakkanam&no. 

X  'Eaja  Tarangini,'  v.  150,  Troyer;  v.  155,  Calcutta  edit. 

§  For  the  position  of  Sakala,  or  Taki,  see  Maps.  Nos.  V.  and  VI. 


ately  between  tliem.  In  a.d.  915,  Masudi  thus  de- 
scribes the  Indus,  according  to  Sir  Henry  Elliot's 
translation  :*'  "  The  Mihrdii  of  es-Sind  comes  from  the 
"  well-known  sources  of  the  high  land  of  es-Sind, 
"  from  the  country  belonging  to  Xinnauj  in  the  king- 
"  dom  of  Budah,  and  of  Kashmir,  el  Kandahar,  and 
"  et-Tdkin.  The  tributaries  which  rise  in  these  coun- 
"  tries  run  to  el  Multan,  and  from  thence  the  united 
"  river  receives  the  name  of  Mlhrdn.''''  In  this 
passage  Tdkin  must  certainly  be  intended  for  the  hills 
of  the  Paujiib.  The  Kabul  river  and  the  Indus  both 
flow  through  Gdndhdra^  or  el  Kandahar ;  the  Jhelam 
comes  from  Kashmir ;  and  the  Bias  and  Satlej  flow 
through  Jalandhar  and  Kahlur,  which  in  the  time  of 
Hwen  Thsang  were  subject  to  Kanoj.  The  only  other 
tributaries  of  the  Indus  are  the  Chenab  and  the  Eavi, 
which  must  therefore  have  flowed  through  the  king- 
dom of  Tdkin.  The  mention  of  Gandhara  and  Kanoj 
shows  that  Masudi  does  not  refer  to  the  actual  sources 
of  the  rivers,  but  to  the  points  in  the  lower  ranges  of 
hills,  where  they  enter  the  plains.  Tdl'ui^  therefore, 
in  the  time  of  Masudi,  represented  the  lower  hills  and 
plains  of  the  Panjab  to  the  north  of  Multan,  which 
was  then  in  the  possession  of  the  Brahman  kings  of 

The  name  is  read  Tdkin,  ^^jli=,  by  Sir  Henry 
Elliot,  and  Tdfan,  ^^IL,  by  Gildemeister,|  in  his 
extracts  from  Masudi.  The  first  reading  is  supported 
by  the  strong  authority  of  Abu  Eihan  and  Rashid-ud- 

*  Sir  PI.  M.  Elliot's  '  Muliammadan  Historians  of  India,' p.  56; 
and  Prof.  Dowson's  edition,  i.  21,  wliere  the  name  is  read  as  Tdfan. 
But  Sprenger,  in  his  translation  of  'Masudi,'  p.  193,  gives  Tdfi,  with 
Takan  and  Tafan  as  variants,  and  at  p.  390,  Taldn. 

\  '  De  Eebus  Indicia,'  p.  161. 


din,  who  agree  in  stating  that  the  great  snowy  moun- 
tain of  Keldrjik  (or  Larjk),  which  resembled  Dema- 
vend  by  its  cupola  form,  could  be  seen  from  the 
boundaries  of  Tdkishar  and  Loh^war.*  Elliot,  in  one 
passage,  corrects  Tdkishar  to  Kashmir ;  but  this  altera- 
tion is  quite  inadmissible,  as  the  mountain  is  specially 
noted  to  have  been  only  2  farsangs,  or  about  8  miles, 
distant  from  Kashmir.  One  might  as  well  say  that 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral  is  visible  from  Ludgate  Hill  and 
Windsor.  The  mountain  here  referred  to  is  the  great 
Dayamur,  or  Nanga  Parbat,  to  the  west  of  Kashmir, 
which  is  26,629  feet  in  height ;  and  which  I  have 
myself  seen  repeatedly  from  Ramnagar,  on  the 
ChenS,b,  a  distance  of  200  miles.  In  a  second  passage 
of  the  same  author,  Sir  Henry  calls  the  mountain 
Kaldrchal,'\  and  the  two  places  from  which  it  can  be 
seen  he  names  Tdkas  and  Lohawar.  This  Tdkas,  or 
Tdkishar,  I  take  to  be  the  same  place  as  the  Tsekia,  or 
Tdki  of  Hwen  Thsang,  and  the  Tdkin  of  Masudi. 

The  earliest  Muhammadan  author  who  mentions 
Tdki  is  the  merchant  Suliman,  who  visited  the  east 
before  a.d.  851,  when  his  account  was  written.  He 
describes  Tdfak,  t^fAsHs,  as  not  of  very  great  extent, 
and  its  king  as  weak,  and  subject  to  the  neighbouring 
princes ;  but  he  adds  that  he  possessed  "the  finest  white 
women  in  all  the  Indies."J  As  Tdfak  and  Tdkin  are  al- 
most the  same  in  unpointed  Persian  characters,  I  have 

*  Eeinaud,  '  Fragments  Arabes,'  p.  118.  In  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot,  p.  41, 
and  in  Dowson's  edition  of  Elliot,  i.  65,  Takishar  is  altered  to  Kashmir. 

t  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot,  p.  30 ;  and  Dowson's  edition,  i.  46.  If  this  is 
the  same  as  Ibn  Batuta's  Kar&chal,  or  "  Black  Mountain,"  the  identi- 
fication with  Nanga  Parbat,  or  the  "  Bare  Mountain "  is  nearly 
certain,  as  "  bareness  "  means  "  blackness,"  from  want  of  snow. 

J  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  p.  49 ;  and  Dowson's  edition,  i.  4. 


no  hesitation  in  identifying  Tdfak  with  the  Panjab, 
where  the  women,  and  especially  those  of  the  lower 
hills,  are  the  "  fairest,"  as  well  as  the  "  finest,"  in  India. 

Ibn  KhurdMba,  who  died  in  a.d.  912,  mentions 
the  king  of  Tafa*  as  next  in  eminence  to  the  Balha 
E.a.  Lastly,  Eazwini  describes  Taifand^  '^-^^j  which 
was  taken  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  in  a.d.  1023,  as  a 
strong  Indian  fort,  on  the  top  of  an  inaccessible  moun- 
tain.! This  account  agrees  with  the  actual  hill  of 
Sangala^  which  is  almost  inaccessible  on  three  sides, 
and  on  the  fourth  is  protected  by  a  sheet  of  water. 

All  these  slightly  different  names  of  TdJcin,  Tdfan, 
Td/ak,  Tdffa,  Tdkas,  and  Tdlcishar,  I  take  to  be  only 
various  readings  of  the  one  original  form  of  TdJci,  or 
Tdkin,  which,  when  written  without  the  diacritical 
points,  may  be  read  in  several  different  ways.  M. 
Eeinaud  gives  another  spelling  as  I'dban,  ^^^,  which, 
without  the  points,  may  be  read  in  as  many  different 
ways  as  the  other  form  of  Tdfan.  I  conclude,  therefore, 
that  the  true  form  of  the  name  of  the  country  was  Tdki^ 
or  Tdka^  as  recorded  by  Hwen  Thsang.  The  name  of 
the  capital  was  probably  either  Tcikin  or  Takkdwar,  of 
which  the  former  agrees  exactly  with  Kazwini's 
Taifand  J>JifljJ3,  and  the  latter  with  the  Taliora  of  the 
Pentingerian  Tables.  I  consider  it  almost  certain 
that  the  name  must  have  been  derived  from  the  tribe 
of  Tdks  or  Takkas,  who  were  once  the  undisputed 
lords  of  the  Panjab,  and  who  still  exist  as  a  nu- 
merous agricultural  race  iu  the  lower  hills  between 
the  Jhelam  and  the  Ravi. 

*  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  p.  53.     In 
Dowson's  edition,  i.  13,  this  name  is  written  Ti'ifni^ 
f  Gildemeister,  '  De  Eebus  Indicia,'  p.  208. 


The  former  importance  of  this  race  is  perhaps  best 
shown  by  the  fact  that  the  old  Nd^ari  characters, 
which  are  still  in  use  throughout  the  whole  country 
from  Bamiyan  to  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  are  named 
Tdkari,  most  probably  because  this  particular  form 
was  brought  into  use  by  the  Tdks  or  Takkas.  I  have 
found  these  characters  in  common  use  under  the  same 
name  amongst  the  grain  dealers  to  the  west  of  the 
Indus,  and  to  the  east  of  the  Satlej,  as  well  as  amongst 
the  Brahmans  of  Kashmir  and  Kangra.  It  is  used 
in  the  inscriptions,  as  well  as  upon  the  coins  of 
Kashmir  and  Kangra ;  it  is  seen  on  the  Sati  monu- 
ments of  Mandi,  and  in  the  inscriptions  of  Pinjor ;  and 
lastly,  the  only  copy  of  the  '  Raja  Tarangini '  of  Kash- 
mir was  preserved  in  the  Tdlcari  characters.  I  have 
obtained  copies  of  this  alphabet  from  twenty-six  dif- 
ferent places  between  Peshawar  and  Simla.  In  several 
of  these  places  the  Tdkari  is  also  called  Munde  and 
Lunde^  but  the  meaning  of  these  terms  is  unknown. 
The  chief  peculiarity  of  this  alphabet  is,  that  the 
vowels  are  never  attached  to  the  consonants,  but  are 
always  written  separately,  with,  of  course,  the  single 
exception  of  the  inherent  short  a.  It  is  remarkable 
also  that  in  this  alphabet  the  initial  letters  of  the 
cardinal  numbers  have  almost  exactly  the  same  forms 
as  the  nine  unit  figures  ui  present  use. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  kingdom  of  Tdk'i  was 
divided  into  three  provinces,  namely,  Tdki  in  the  north 
and  west,  Shorkot  in  the  east,  and  Multdn  in  the  south. 
The  province  of  Tdki  comprised  the  plains  of  the 
Panjab,  lying  between  the  Indus  and  the  Bias,  to 
the  north  of  the  Multan  district,  or  the  whole  of  the 
Chaj  Doab,  together  with  the  upper  portions  of  the 


three  Do^bs  of  Sindh-Sagar,  Eiclina,  and  Bari.  The 
province  of  Shorhot  comprised  the  middle  portions  of 
these  Doabs,  and  the  province  of  Multdn  their  lower 
portions.  It  is  probable,  also,  that  the  possessions  of 
Multan  may  have  extended  some  distance  to  the  west 
of  the  Indus  as  well  as  to  the  east  of  the  Satlej,  as 
was  the  case  in  the  time  of  Akbar. 

The  province  of  Taki  contained  several  of  the  most 
celebrated  places  of  ancient  India  ;  some  renowned  in 
the  wars  of  Alexander,  some  famous  in  Buddhist 
history,  and  others  known  only  in  the  widely- 
spread  traditions  of  the  people.  The  following  is  a 
list  of  the  most  important  of  the  ancient  places, 
arranged  according  to  their  relative  geographical  posi- 
tions from  west  to  east.  The  names  of  the  Doabs 
were  invented  by  Akbar  by  combining  the  names  of 
the  including  rivers.  Thus,  Chaj  is  an  abbreviation 
of  Chenab  and  Jhelam ;  Bic/ma  of  Eavi  and  Chenab ; 
and  Bdri  of  Bias  and  Eavi. 

o-    11    QA^      -p.  Aifl.  Jobnathnagar,  or  Bhira. 
°  (2.  Bukephala,  or  Dilawar. 

Chai  Doab     ■     .     •{    ,    ^   .    .,  ^ 

•'  I   4.  Gujarat. 

Eichna  Doab 

5.  Sakala,  or  Sangala. 

6.  Taki,  or  Asarur. 

7.  Narsingha,  or  Eansi. 

8.  Ammakatis,  or  Ambakapi. 
r  9.  Lohawar,  or  Labor. 

Bari  Doab     .     .     .llO.  Kusawar,  or  Kasur. 

[ll.  Chinapati,  or  Patti. 


Johndthnagar^  or  BJdra. 

The  modern  town  of  Bliira,  or  Bheda,  is  situated  on 
the  left,  or  eastern  bank,  of  the  Jhelam ;  but  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  river,  near  Ahmedabad,  there  is 
a  very  extensive  mound  of  ruins,  called  Old  Bhira,  or 
Jobnathnar/ar,  the  city  of  Eaja  Jobndth,  or  Chohndth. 
At  this  point  the  two  great  routes  of  the  salt  caravans 
diverge  to  Labor  and  Multan  ;  and  here,  accordingly, 
was  the  capital  of  the  country  in  ancient  times ;  and 
here  also,  as  I  believe,  was  the  capital  of  Sophites, 
or  Sopeithes,  the  contemporary  of  Alexander  the 
Great.  According  to  Arrian,  the  capital  of  Sopeithes 
was  fixed  by  Alexander  as  the  point  where  the  camps 
of  Kraterus  and  Hephsestion  were  to  be  pitched  on 
opposite  banks  of  the  river,  there  to  await  the  arrival 
of  the  fleet  of  boats  under  his  own  command,  and  of 
the  main  body  of  the  army  under  Philii).*  As  Alex- 
ander reached  the  appointed  place  on  the  third  day, 
we  know  that  the  capital  of  Sophites  was  on  the  Hy- 
daspes,  at  three  days'  sail  from  Niksea  for  laden  boats. 
Now  Bhira  is  just  three  days'  boat  distance  from  Monff, 
which,  as  I  will  presently  show,  was  almost  certainly 
the  position  of  Nikasa,  where  Alexander  defeated 
Porus.  Bhira  also,  until  it  was  supplanted  by  Find 
Dadan  Khan,  has  always  been  the  principal  city  in 
this  part  of  the  country.  At  B/dra'f  the  Chinese  pil- 
grim, Fa-Hian,  crossed  the  Jhelam  in  a.d.  400 ;  and 
against  Bhira,  eleven  centuries  later,  the  enterprising 
Baber  conducted  his  first  Indian  expedition. 

The  classical  notices    of  the  country  over  which 

*  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  3. 

f  Seal's  translation,  cliap.  xv. ;  Fa-Hian  calls  it  Pi-cha  or  Shi-da — • 
tlie  Chinese  ch  being  the  usual  representatiye  of  the  cerebral  d. 


SopMtes  ruled  are  very  conflicting.  Thus  Strabo* 
records  : — "  Some  writers  place  Kathaa  and  the  country 
of  Sopeithes,  one  of  the  monarchs,  in  the  tract  between 
the  rivers  (Hydaspes  and  Akesines) ;  some  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Akesines  and  of  the  Hyarotes,  on  the 
confines  of  the  territory  of  the  other  Porus, — the 
nephew  of  Porus,  who  was  taken  prisoner  by  Alex- 
ander, and  call  the  country  subject  to  him  Gmidarisy 
This  name  may,  I  believe,  be  identified  with  the  pre- 
sent district  of  Gundalbdr,  or  Gundar-bdr.  Bdr  is  a 
term  applied  only  to  the  central  portion  of  each 
Doab,  comprising  the  high  lands  beyond  the  reach  of 
irrigation  from  the  two  including  rivers.  Thus  San- 
dal, or  Sa7i.dar-bdr,  is  the  name  of  the  central  tract 
of  the  Do9,b  between  the  Jhelam  and  the  Chenab. 
The  upper  portion  of  the  Gundal  Bdr  Doab,  which 
now  forms  the  district  of  Gujarat,  belonged  to  the 
famous  Porus,  the  antagonist  of  Alexander,  and  the 
upper  part  of  the  Sandar-Bdr  Doab  belonged  to  his 
nephew,  the  other  Porus,  who  is  said  to  have  sought 
refuge  among  the  Gandaridse.  The  commentators  have 
altered  this  name  to  Gangarida,  or  inhabitants  of  the 
Ganges  ;  bvit  it  seems  to  me  that  the  text  of  Diodorusf 
is  most  probably  correct,  and  that  the  name  of  Ganda- 
ridce  must  refer  to  the  people  of  the  neighbouring 
district  of  Gandaris,  who  were  the  subjects  of  Sophites. 
The  rule  of  the  Indian  prince  was  not,  however, 
confined  to  the  Doab  between  the  Hydaspes  and  Ake- 
sines;  for   Strabo]:  relates  that   "in  the  territory  of 

*  Geogr.,  XV.  1,  30.  t  Hist.,  xix.  47. 

X  Geogr.,  XV.  1-30.  This  notice  was  most  probably  derived  from 
Kleilarchoa,  one  of  the  companions  of  Alexander,  as  Strabo  quotes  him 
in  another  place  (v.  2-6)  as  having  mentioned  the  salt  mines  of  India, 
Ka\  Tovs  iv  "ivbois  okas. 


Sopeithes  tliere  is  a  mountain  composed  of  fossil  salt 
sufficient  for  the  whole  of  India."  As  this  notice  can 
only  refer  to  the  well-known  mines  of  rock  salt  in  the 
Salt  Range,  the  whole  of  the  upper  portion  of  the 
Sindh  Sagar  Doab  must  have  been  included  in  the 
territories  of  Sopeithes.  His  sway,  therefore,  would 
have  extended  from  the  Indus  on  the  west  to  the 
Akesines  on  the  east,  thus  comprising  the  whole  of  the 
present  districts  of  Pind  Da  dan  and  Shahpur.  This 
assignment  of  the  valuable  salt  mines  to  Sopeithes,  or 
Sophites,  may  also  be  deduced  from  a  passage  in  Pliny 
by  the  simple  transposition  of  two  letters  in  the  name 
of  a  country,  which  has  hitherto  puzzled  all  the  com- 
mentators. Pliny  says,  "  when  Alexander  the  Great 
was  on  his  Indian  expedition,  he  was  presented  by 
the  king  of  Albania  with  a  dog  of  unusual  size,"  which 
successfully  attacked  both  a  lion  and  an  elephant  in 
his  presence.*  The  same  story  is  repeated  by  his 
copyist,  Solinus,t  without  any  change  in  the  name  of 
the  country.  Now,  we  know  from  the  united  testi- 
mony of  Strabo,  Diodorus,  and  Curtius,  that  the 
Indian  king  who  presented  Alexander  with  these 
fighting  dogs  was  SopJdtes,  and  he,  therefore,  must 
have  been  the  king  of  Albania.  Por  this  name  I  pro- 
pose to  read  Labania,  by  the  simple  transposition  of  the 
first  two  letters.  AABAN  would,  therefore,  become 
AABAN,  which  at  once  suggests  the  Sanskrit  word 
lavana,  or  '  salt,'  as  the  original  of  this  hitherto  puzzling 
name.  The  mountain  itself  is  named  Orumenws  by 
Pliny,  j  who  notes  that  the  kings  of  the  country  de- 

*  Hist.  JSTat.,  viii.  61. 

t  Ibid.,  xxxi.  39.     "  Sunt  et  montes  nativi  salis,  ut  in  Indis  Oro- 
menus.  +  Ibid. 


rived  a  greater  revenue  from  the  rock  salt  than  from 
either  gold  or  pearls.  This  name  is  probably  intended 
for  the  Sanskrit  Raumaka,  which,  according  to  the 
Pandits,  is  the  name  of  the  salt  brought  from  the  hill 
country  of  Buma.  H.  H.  Wilson,  however,  identifies 
Ruma  with  Sdmbliar  ;*  and  as  rauma  means  "  salt,"  it 
is  probable  that  the  term  may  have  been  ajpplied  to 
the  Sdmhhar  lake  in  Eajputana,  as  well  as  to  the  Salt 
Eange  of  hills  in  the  Panjab.f 

The  historians  of  Alexander  have  preserved  several 
curious  particulars  regarding  Sophites  and  the  country 
and  people  over  which  he  ruled.  Of  the  king  him- 
self, Curtius:|:  records  that  he  was  pre-eminent  amongst 
the  barbarians  for  beauty  ;  and  Diodorus§  adds,  that 
he  was  six  feet  in  height.  I  possess  a  coin  of  fine 
Greek  workmanship,  bearing  a  helmeted  head  on  one 
side,  and  on  the  reverse  a  cock  standing,  with  the 
legend  Xfi^TTOT,  which,  there  seems  good  reason  to 
believe,  must  have  belonged  to  this  Indian  prince. 
The  face  is  remarkable  for  its  very  striking  and  pecu- 
liar features.  The  subjects  of  Sophitep  also  were  dis- 
tinguished by  personal  beauty,  which,  according  to 
Diodorus,  they  endeavoured  to  presor-\'e,  by  destroy- 
ing all  their  children  who  were  not  well  formed. 
Strabo  relates  the  same  thing  of  the  JCaiZ/ai,  but,  as 
he  adds,  that  they  elected  the  handsomest  person  for 
their  king,  ||  his  account  must  be  referred  to  the  sub- 
jects of  Sophites,  as  the  Kathai  of  Sangala  had  no 
king.  There  is,  however,  so  much  confusion  between 
all  the  authorities  in  their  accounts  of  the  Kathai  and 

*  See  his  Sanskrit  Dictionary  in  voce.     Suma,  Eauma,  Ratimaka. 
f  See  Maps  Nos.  V.  and  VI.  X  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  1. 

§  Hist.,  xvii.  49.  ||  Geogr.,  xv.  1,  .30. 


of  the  subjects  of  SopMtes,  that  it  seems  highly  pro- 
bable that  they  were  one  and  the  same  people.  They 
were  certainly  neighbours  ;  and  as  both  of  them  would 
appear  to  have  had  the  same  peculiar  customs,  and  to 
have  been  equally  remarkable  for  personal  beauty,  I 
conclude  that  they  must  have  been  only  diflferent 
tribes  of  the  same  race  of  people, 


The  scene  of  Alexander's  battle  with  Porus  has 
long  engaged  the  attention,  and  exercised  the  inge- 
nuity, of  the  learned.  The  judicious  Elphinstone* 
placed  it  opposite  to  Jalfi,lpur ;  but  Burnesf  concluded 
that  it  must  have  been  near  Jhelam,  because  that 
place  is  on  the  great  road  from  Tartary,  which  ap- 
pears to  have  been  followed  by  Alexander.  In  1836 
the  subject  was  discussed  by  General  Court,J  whose 
early  military  training,  and  unequalled  opportunities 
for  observation  during  a  long  residence  in  the  Panjab, 
gave  him  the  best  possible  means  of  forming  a  sound 
opinion.  General  Court  fixed  the  site  of  Alexander's 
camp  at  Jhelam,  his  passage  of  the  river  at  Khilipa- 
tam,  3  kos,  or  6  miles,  above  Jhelam,  the  scene  of  his 
battle  with  Porus  at  Pattikoti  on  the  Jaba  Nadi,  8 
miles  to  the  east  of  Jhelam,  and  the  position  of  Niksea 
at  Vessa,  or  B/iesa,  which  is  3  miles  to  the  south-east 
of  Pat/ii  or  Patti-koti.  The  late  Lord  Hardinge  took 
great  iuterest  in  the  subject,  and  twice  conversed  with 
me  about  it  in  1846  and  1847.  His  opinion  agreed 
with  mine  that  the  camp  of  Alexander  was  most  pro- 

*  Elplainstone's  '  Kabul,'  i.  109. 

t  '  Travels  in  Panjab,  Bokhara,  etc.,'  ii.  49. 

%  'Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society,'  Bengal,  1836,  pp.  472,  473. 


bably  near  Jalalpur.  In  tlie  following  year,  General 
Abbott*  published  an  elaborate  disquisition  on  the 
battle-field  of  Alexander  and  Porus,  in  which  he 
placed  the  camp  of  the  former  at  Jhelam,  and  of  the 
latter  on  the  opposite  bank  near  Norangabad.  The 
passage  of  the  river  he  fixed  at  Bhuna,  about  10  miles 
above  Jhelam,  and  the  field  of  battle  near  Pakral, 
about  3  miles  to  the  north  of  Sukchenpur.  In  this 
state  the  question  remained  until  the  end  of  1863, 
when  my  tour  through  the  Panjab  gave  me  an  oppor- 
tunity of  examining  at  leisure  the  banks  of  the  Hy- 
daspes  from  Jalalpur  to  Jhelam. 

Before  discussing  Alexander's  movements,  I  think 
it  best  to  describe  the  different  places  on  the  line  of 
the  river,  between  Jhelam  and  Jalalpur,  with  the  ap- 
proaches to  them  from  the  westward.  When  we  have 
thus  ascertained  the  site  that  will  best  agree  with  the 
recorded  descriptions  of  Bukephala,  we  shall  then  be 
in  a  better  position  for  deciding  the  rival  claims  of 
Jhelam  and  Jelalpur  as  the  site  of  Alexander's  camp. 
The  distances  that  I  shall  make  use  of  in  this  discus- 
sion are  all  taken  from  actual  measiu-ements.* 

The  town  of  Jhelam  is  situated  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  river,  30  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Jalalpur, 
and  exactly  100  miles  to  the  north-north-west  of  Labor. 
The  remains  of  the  old  town  consist  of  a  large  ruined 
mound,  to  the  west  of  the  present  city,  about  1300 
feet  square  and  30  feet  high,  which  is  surrounded  by 
fields  covered  with  broken  bricks  and  pottery.  The 
square  mound  I  take  to  be  the  ruins  of  the  citadel, 
which  is  said  to  have  been  called  Puia.     Numbers  of 

*  '  Journal  of  tlie  Asiatic  Society,'  Bengal,  1848,  part  ii.  p.  619. 
t  See  No.  VII.  Map  of  Alexander's  Passage  of  the  Hydaspes,' 


old  coins  arc  still  discovered  in  the  mound  after  rain ; 
but  those  which  I  was  able  to  collect  were  limited  to 
the  mintages  of  the  later  Indo-Scythians,  the  Kabul- 
Brahmans,  and  the  princes  of  Kashmir.  As  similar 
and  even  earlier  coins  are  described  by  Court  and 
Abbott  to  have  been  found  in  great  numbers  in  pre- 
vious years,  it  is  certain  that  the  city  must  have  been 
in  existence  as  early  as  the  first  century  before  Christ. 
But  the  advantages  of  its  situation,  on  one  of  the  two 
principal  lines  of  road  across  the  I^orth  Panjtib,  are  so 
great  that  it  must,  I  think,  have  been  occupied  at  a 
very  early  date.  This  opinion  is  confirmed  by  the 
numbers  of  large  bricks  that  have  been  dug  out  of  the 
old  mound. 

The  ruined  city  near  Dar^pur,  which  has  been  de- 
scribed by  Burnes*  and  Court,  f  is  situated  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  river,  20  miles  below  Jhelam,  and  10 
miles  above  Jalalpur.  In  their  time,  the  old  mound 
was  unoccupied,  but  about  1832  a.d.  the  people  of 
Dilawar  abandoned  their  village  on  a  hill  to  the  west, 
and  settled  on  the  site  of  the  ruined  city.  Before  that 
time,  the  place  was  usually  called  Find,  or  "  the 
mound,"  although  its  true  name  is  said  to  have  been 
TJdamnagar,  or  Udinagar.  The  same  name  is  also 
given  by  Burnes,  but  Court,  who  twice  alludes  to 
these  ruins,  mentions  no  name,  unless  he  includes 
them  under  that  of  Gagirahlii,  the  ruins  of  which  he 
describes  as  extending  along  the  banks  "of  the  Hy- 
daspes  from  near  Jalalpur  to  Darapur."  According 
to  this  account,  the  ruins  would  not  be  less  than  6  or 
7  miles  in  length.     I  think  it  probable  that  there  has 

*  '  Travels  in  Panjab,  Bokhara,  etc.,'  ii.  51. 
t  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1836,  472,  473. 


been  some  confusion  between  two  different  places, 
A\^hich  have  here  been  joined  together  as  one  con- 
tinuous extent  of  ruins.  Girjhdk^  -which  I  take  to  be 
the  original  of  Court's  Gagirakhi,  is  an  old  ruined  fort 
on  the  top  of  the  hill  to  the  north  of  JalMpur,  to 
which  the  people  assign  a  fabulous  extent ;  but  it  is 
at  least  8  miles  from  Ddrdpur,  and  is,  besides,  sepa- 
I'ated  from  it  by  the  deep  Ivandar  ravine,  and  hj  the 
precipitous  range  of  hills  at  whose  west  foot  Dilawar 
is  situated.  Burnes  also  describes  the  old  city  as  ex- 
tending "for  three  or  four  miles."  But  this  is  cer- 
tainly an  exaggeration,  as  I  was  unable  to  trace  the 
ruins  for  more  than  one  mile  in  length  by  half  a  mile 
in  breadth.  The  ruins  consist  of  two  large  mounds 
just  half  a  mile  apart,  with  two  smaller  mounds  about 
midway  between  them.  The  south  moimd  on  which 
Dilawar  is  situated,  is  about  500  feet  square  at  top, 
and  1100  or  1200  feet  at  base,  with  a  height  of  50  or 
GO  feet.  The  north  mound,  on  which  old  Darapur 
stands,  is  600  feet  square,  and  from  20  to  30  feet  in 
height.  Between  these  mounds  the  fields  are  covered 
with  broken  bricks  and  pottery,  and  the  whole  place 
is  said  to  be  the  ruins  of  a  single  city.  The  walls  of 
the  Dilawar  houses  are  built  of  the  large  old  bricks 
dug  out  of  this  mound,  which  are  of  two  sizes,  one  of 
11^  by  8 J  by  3  inches,  and  the  other  of  only  half 
this  thickness.  Old  coins  are  found  in  great  numbers 
in  the  Dilawar  mound,  from  which  the  Jalalpur  bazar  is 
said  to  be  supplied,  just  as  Find  Dadan  is  supplied  from 
the  ruins  of  Jobnathnagar.  The  coins  which  I  obtained 
belonged  to  the  first  Indo- Scythians,  the  Kabul-Brah- 
mans,  the  kings  of  Kashmir,  and  the  KarhVii  Hazdra 
chiefs,   Hasan  and   his   son   Muhammad.     The   site. 


therefore,  must  have  been  occupied  certainly  as  early 
as  the  second  century  before  the  Christian  era.  Its 
foundation  is  attributed  to  Eaja  Bharati,  whose  age  is 
not  known.  I  conclude,  however,  that  the  dominating 
position  of  Dilawar,  which  commands  the  passage  of 
the  Jhelam  at  the  point  where  the  lower  road  from 
the  west  leaves  the  hills,  just  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Bunh^r  river,  must  have  led  to  its  occupation  at  a 
very  early  period. 

The  town  of  Jalalpur  is  situated  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Jhelam  at  the  point  where  the  Kandar  ravine 
joins  the  old  bed  of  the  river.  The  stream  is  now 
2  miles  distant,  but  the  intervening  ground,  though 
partially  covered  with  small  trees,  is  still  very  sandy. 
The  town  is  said  to  have  been  named  in  honour  of 
Akbar,  in  whose  time  it  was  most  probably  a  very 
flourishing  place.  But  since  the  desertion  of  the 
river,  and  more  especially  since  the  foundation  of 
Pind  Dadan,  the  place  has  been  gradually  decaying, 
until  it  now  contains  only  738  houses,  with  about 
4000  inhabitants.  From  the  appearance  of  the  site, 
I  estimated  that  the  town  might  formerly  have  been 
about  three  or  four  times  its  present  size.  The  houses 
are  built  on  the  last  slope  at  the  extreme  east  end  of 
the  salt  range,  which  rises  gradually  to  a  height  of 
150  feet  above  the  road.  Its  old  Hindu  name  is  said 
to  have  been  Girjhdk,  and  as  this  name  is  found  in 
Abul  Fazl's  '  Ayin  Akbari  '*  as  Kerchdk  (read  Girjak)  of 
Sindh  Sagar,  we  have  a  proof  that  it  was  in  use  until 
the  time  of  Akbar,  when  it  was  changed  to  Jalalpur. 
But  the  people  still  apply  the  name  of  Girjhdk  to  the 
remains  of  walls  on  the  top  of  the  Mangal-De  hill, 

*  Gladwyn's  Translation,  ii.  263. 

M    2 


which  rises  1100  feet  above  Jalalpur.  According  to 
tradition,  Girjhuk  extended  to  the  west-north-west  as 
far  as  the  old  temple  of  Baghanwala,  a  distance  of  11 
miles.  But  this  is  only  the  usual  exaggeration  of 
ignorance  that  is  told  of  all  ancient  sites.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  city  did  once  extend  to  the  westward 
for  some  considerable  distance,  as  the  ground  on  that 
side  is  thickly  strewn  with  broken  pottery  for  about 
half  a  mile.  Its  antiquity  is  undoubted,  as  the  coins 
which  it  yields  reach  back  to  the  times  of  Alexander's 
successors.  But  I  believe  that  it  is  much  older,  as 
its  favourable  position  at  the  south-east  end  of  the 
lower  road  would  certainly  have  led  to  its  occupation 
at  a  very  early  period.  I  think,  therefore,  that  it 
may  be  identified  with  the  Girivraja  of  the  Eamayana. 
Tradition  has  preserved  the  name  of  only  one  king, 
named  Kumkamdratli,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the 
sister's  son  of  Mot/a,  the  founder  of  Mong.  Mogal 
Beg*  writes  the  name  Ghir-Jelulk,  and  it  is  so  Avritten 
by  some  of  the  people  of  the  place,  as  if  it  was  derived 
from  Giri-Zohdk,  or  "  Zohak's  Hill."  But  the  usual 
spelling,  which  accords  with  the  pronunciation,  is  Jhak. 
From  Jhelam  to  Jalapur  the  course  of  the  river  is  from 
north-east  to  south-west,  between  two  nearly  parallel 
ranges  of  mountains,  which  are  generally  known  as 
the  Tila  and  Pabhi  Hills.  The  Tila  range,  which  is 
about  thirty  miles  in  length,  occupies  the  west  bank 
from  the  great  east  bend  of  the  river  below  Mangala, 
to  the  bed  of  the  Bunhar  river,  1 2  miles  to  the  north 
of  Jalalpur.  Tila  meaDS  simply  a  "peak  or  hill,"  and 
the  full  name  is  Goruhlindih-ka-TUa.  The  more  ancient 

*  Manuscript  Map  of  the  Panjab  and  Kabul  Valley,  by  Wilford, 
from  the  surveys  of  Mirza  Mogal  Beg,  in  my  possession. 


name  was  Bdlncith-ka-TlIa.  Both  of  these  are  derived 
from  the  temple  on  the  summit,  which  was  formerly- 
dedicated  to  the  sun,  as  Bdlndth,  but  is  now  devoted 
to  the  worship  of  Gorakhndlh,  a  form  of  Siva.  The 
latter  name,  however,  is  very  recent,  as  Mogal  Beg, 
who  surveyed  the  country  between  a.d.  1784  and 
1794,  calls  the  hill  '■'■  Jogion-di-Tibi,  or  tower  of  the 
Jogis,  whose  chief  is  called  Bilndfy  Abul  Fazl*  also 
mentions  the  "  Cell  of  Balnat,"  and  the  attendant 
Joffis,  or  devotees,  from  whom  the  hill  is  still  some- 
times called  Jogi-iila.  But  the  name  of  Balnath  is 
most  probably  even  older  than  the  time  of  Alexander, 
as  Plutarchf  relates  that,  when  Porus  was  assembling 
his  troops  to  oppose  Alexander,  the  royal  elephant 
rushed  up  a  hill  sacred  to  the  Sun,  and  in  human 
accents  exclaimed,  "  0  great  king,  who  art  descended 
from  Gegasios,  forbear  all  opposition  to  Alexander, 
for  Geffasios  himself  was  also  of  the  race  of  Jove." 

The  "  Hill  of  the  Sun  "  is  only  a  literal  translation 
of  Bdlndth-ka-Tila,  but  Plutarch  goes  on  to  say  that  it 
was  afterwards  called  the  "  Hill  of  the  Elephant," 
which  I  take  to  be  another  proof  of  its  identity  with 
Bi,lni,th,  for  as  this  name  is  commonly  pronounced 
Bilndi  by  the  people,  and  is  so  \\Titten  by  Mogal  Beg, 
the  Macedonians,  who  had  just  come  through  Persia, 
would  almost  certainly  have  mistaken  it  for  Fil-nafJi, 
or  Pil-natli,  the  "Elephant."  But  wherever  Alexan- 
der's camp  may  have  been,  whether  at  Jhclam  or 
Jalalpur,  this  remarkable  hill,  which  is  the  most  com- 
manding object  within  fifty  miles  of  the  Hydaspes, 

*  'Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  110. 

f  '  De  FluTiis,'  in  voce  "  Hydaspes."     Gegasios  must  be  Yayati  or 
Jaj&ti  in  a  Greek  form. 


must  certainly  have  attracted  the  attention  of  tlie 
Macedonians.  Its  highest  peak  is  3242  feet  above  the 
sea,  or  about  2500  feet  above  the  level  of  the  river. 

The  Pabhi  range  of  hills,  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
river,  stretches  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Bhimbar  to 
Easul,  a  length  of  30  miles.  This  range  is  a  very  low  one, 
as  the  highest  point  is  not  more  than  1400  feet  above 
the  sea,  and  is  less  than  500  feet  above  the  river; 
but  the  broken  and  difficult  ground  on  both  flanks  of 
the  hill  presents  a  barrier  quite  as  impassable  as  a 
much  loftier  range.  Until  the  British  occupation  of 
the  Panjab,  the  Pabhi  hills  were  crossed  by  only  one 
carriage-road  through  the  Khori  Pass,  5  miles  to  the 
north-east  of  Rasul,  and  by  one  foot-path  through  the 
Kharian  Pass,  10  miles  to  the  south-east  of  Jhelam. 
But  though  the  main  road  has  since  been  carried 
through  the  latter  pass,  it  is  still  liable  to  interrup- 
tion after  heavy  rain. 

In  approaching  the  Hydaspes  from  the  westward, 
Alexander  had  the  choice  of  two  diiferent  lines,  which 
are  distinguished  by  Baber  as  the  upjoer  and  lower 
roads.  From  the  Indus  to  Hasan  Abdal,  or  Shah- 
dheri,  the  two  lines  were  the  same.  From  the  latter 
place,  the  upper  road  proceeded  by  the  j\Iargala  Pass 
through  Rawal  Pindi  and  Manikyala  to  Dhamak  and 
Bakrala,  from  which  place  it  descended  by  the  bed 
of  the  Kalian  river,  through  a  gap  in  the  Tila  range, 
to  Rolitas,  and  from  thence  over  an  open  plain  to 
Jhelam.  From  BafaMa  there  was  also  a  foot-path  to 
Jhelam,  which  orossod  the  Tila  range  about  G  miles 
to  the  north-east  of  Rohtas,  but  this  pass  was  ahvays 
a  dangerous  one  for  horses  and  camels,  and  was  diffi- 
cult even  for  foot  passengers.      The  length  of  this 


upper  road  from  Shah-dheri,  via  Rohtas,  to  Jhelam, 
was  94  miles ;  but  this  lias  since  been  shortened  to 
87  miles  by  the  new  road,  which  avoids  the  two  long 
detours  by  Rohtas  and  Dhamak. 

From  Taxila,  or  Shah-dheri,  the  lower  road  proceeds 
via  the  Margala  Pass  to  Jangi,  from  whence  it  strikes 
off  via  Chaontra  to  Dudhial.  From  this  point  the 
road  branches  into  two  lines,  that  to  the  south  pro- 
ceeding by  Chakowal  and  the  salt  mines  to  Pind 
Dadan  and  Ahmadabad,  and  that  to  the  east  proceed- 
ing via  Asanot  and  the  Bunhar  river  to  Dilawar, 
opposite  Rasul,  or  via  Asanot  and  Vang  to  Jalalpur. 
From  Shah-dheri  to  Dudhial  the  distance  is  55  miles, 
from  thence  to  Asanot  33  miles,  and  thence  -to  Dila- 
war, or  Jalalpur,  each  21  miles,  the  whole  distance 
by  this  route  being  118  miles.  But  this  distance 
would  bo  shortened  to  114  miles  by  the  traveller  pro- 
ceeding direct  from  the  foot  of  the  Salt  Range  to  Jalal- 
pur. There  is  also  a  third  line,  which  branches  off  from 
the  upper  road  at  Mandra,  6  miles  to  the  south  of  the 
Maniky^la  tope,  and  proceeds  via  Chakowal  and  Pind 
Dadan  to  Jalalpur.  By  this  route  the  whole  distance 
from  Shah-dheri  to  JalS,lpur  is  116f  miles,  or  only  112| 
by  leaving  the  line  at  the  foot  of  the  Salt  Range  and 
proceeding  direct  to  Jalalpur.  The  respective  dis- 
tances by  these  three  different  routes  are  109,  114, 
and  112  J  miles,  the  mean  distance  being  112;^  miles. 

Now,  the  distance  from  Taxila  to  the  Hydaspes  is 
given  by  Pliny,*  from  the  measurement  by  Alex- 
ander's surveyors,  Diognetes  and  Beiton,  at  120 
Roman  miles,  which  are  equal  to  11^^  English  miles, 
at  the  value  of  0-9193  each,  as  fixed  in  Smith's  '  Dic- 

*  Hist.  JSTat.i  vi.  21,  "Ad  Hydaepen  fluvium  clarum,  csx.  mill." 


tionary  of  Antiquities.'  As  all  the  copies  of  Pliny 
give  the  same  number,  we  must  accept  it  as  the 
actual  measurement  of  the  route  that  was  followed 
by  Alexander  from  Taxila  to  his  camp  on  the  Hy- 
daspes.  In  comparing  this  distance  with  those  already 
given  from  Shah-dheri  to  Jhelam  and  Jalalpur,  we 
must  unhesitatingly  reject  Jhelam,  which  is  no  less 
than  16  miles  short  of  the  recorded  distance,  while 
Jalalpur  differs  from  it  by  less  than  2  miles.  But 
there  is  another  objection  which  is  equally  fatal  to 
the  claims  of  Jhelam.  According  to  Strabo,*  "the 
direction  of  Alexander's  march,  as  far  as  the  Hy- 
daspes,  was,  for  the  most  part,  towards  the  south ; 
after  that,  to  the  Hypanis,  it  was  more  towards  the 
east.''''  Now,  if  a  line  drawn  on  the  map  from  Ohind 
on  the  Indus,  through  Taxila  to  Jhelam,  be  con- 
tinued onwards,  it  will  pass  through  Gujarat  and 
Sodhra  to  Jalandhar  and  Sarhind.  As  this  is  the 
most  northerly  road  to  the  Ganges  that  Alexander 
could  possibly  have  taken,  his  route  by  Jhelam  would 
have  been  in  one  continuous  straight  line^  which  is  in 
direct  opposition  to  the  explicit  statement  of  Strabo. 
But  if  we  ado2')t  Jalalpur  this  difficulty  will  be  obvi- 
ated, as  the  change  in  the  direction  would  have  been 
as  much  as  25°  more  easterly. ■]"  There  is  also  a  third 
objection  to  Jhelam,  which,  though  not  entitled  to  the 
same  weight  as  either  of  the  preceding,  is  still  valu- 
able as  an  additional  testimony  on  the  same  side. 
According  to  Arrian,  the  fleet,  on  descending  the  Hy- 
daspes  from  Niksea,  reached  the  capital  of  Sopeithes 
on  the  third  day.  No^v,  I  have  already  shown  that 
the  residence  of  Sopeithes  must  have  been  at  Johndth- 

*   Googr.,  XV.  1,  ;j2.  t  See  Map  No.  V. 


nagar^  or  Ahmedabad,  wliicli  is  just  three  days'  dis- 
tance for  a  laden  boat  from  Jalalpur,  but  is  six  days 
from  Jhelam.  As  the  evidence  in  each  of  these  three 
separate  tests  is  as  directly  in  favour  of  Jalalpur  as  it 
is  strongly  opposed  to  Jhelam,  I  think  that  we  are 
fully  justified  in  accepting  the  latter  as  the  most  pro- 
bable site  of  Alexander's  camp. 

"We  have  now  to  examine  how  the  river  and  the 
country  .about  Jalalpur  will  agree  with  the  recorded 
accounts  of  Alexander's  operations  in  his  passage  of 
the  Hydaspes  and  subsequent  battle  with  Porus.  Ac- 
cording to  Arrian*  "  there  was  a  high  wooded  pro- 
montory on  the  bank  of  the  river,  150  stadia,  or  just 
17 J  miles  above  the  camp,  and  immediately  opposite 
to  it  there  was  a  thickly-wooded  island."  Curtiusf 
also  mentions  the  wooded  island  as  "well  fitted  for 
masking  his  operations."  "There  was  also,"  he  adds, 
"not  far  from  the  spot  where  he  was  encamped,  a 
very  deep  ravine  [fossa  prcealia),  which  not  only 
screened  the  infantry  but  the  cavalry  too."  We  learn 
from  ArrianJ  that  this  ravine  was  not  near  the  river 
because  "  Alexander  marched  at  some  distance  from 
the  bank,  lest  the  enemy  should  discern  that  he  was 
hastening  towards  the  promontory  and  island."  Now, 
there  is  a  ravine  to  the  north  of  JalaljDur  which  ex- 
actly suits  the  descriptions  of  both  historians.  This 
ravine  is  the  bed  of  the  Eandar  Nala,  which  has  a 
course  of  6  miles  from  its  source  down  to  Jalalpur, 
^^'here  it  is  lost  in  a  waste  of  sand.     Up  this  ravine 

*  '  Anabasis,'  v.  II.      'An-cp^ei  8e   tj  re   oKpa  kqI   t]   vrjcrns  roC  fiiyaXov 
(TToaTOTrebov  €S  7TevTr\K0VTa  Koi  cKarov  <rraStous". 
t  Vita  Alez.,  viii.  13,  "  tegendis  insidiis  apta." 
t  '  Anabasis,' V.  13,  oTrexaiv  ttjs  oxdrjs. 


there  has  always  been  a  passable  but  ditBcult  road 
towards  Jhelam.    From  the  head  of  the  Kandar,  which 
is  1080  feet  above  the  sea,  and  345  above  the  river, 
this  road  proceeds  for  3  miles  in  a  northerly  direction 
down  another  ravine  called  the  Kasi,  which  then  turns 
suddenly  to  the  east  for  6^  miles,  and  then  again  1^ 
mile   to  the  south,  where  it  joins  the  Jhelam  im- 
mediately below  Diirnvar,    the  whole  distance  from 
Jalalpur  being  exactly   17  miles.     I  marched  along 
this  ravine  road  myself,  for  the  purpose  of  testing  the 
possibility  of  Alexander's  march ;  and  I  satisfied  my- 
self that   there  was   no   difficulty  in   it   except   the 
fatigue  of  making  many  little  ascents  and  descents  in 
the  first  half,  and  of  Avading  through  much  heavy  sand 
in  the  latter  half.     The  ravine  lies  "  at  some  distance 
from  the  bank  "  as  described  by  Arrian,  as  the  bend 
in  the  Kasi  is  7  miles  from  the  Jhelam.     It  is  also 
"  a  very  deep  ravine,"  as  described  by  Curtius,  as  the 
hills  on  each  hand  rise  from  100  to  250  and  300  feet 
in  height.      Therefore,  in  the  three  leading  particu- 
lars which  are  recorded  of  it,  this  ravine  agrees  most 
precisely  with  the  accounts  of  the  ancient  historians,* 
Amongst  the  minor  particulars,  there  is  one  which 
seems  to  me  to  be  applicable  only  to  that  part  of  the 
river  immediately  above  Jalalpur.     Arrianf  records 
that  Alexander  placed  running  sentries  along  the  bank 
of  the  river,  at  such  distances  that  they  could  see  each 
other,  and  communicate  his  orders.     Now,  I  believe 
that  this   operation  could   not  be  carried  out  in  the 
face  of  an  observant  enemy  along  any  part  of  the  river 

*  See  Map  No.  VII. 

t  '  Anabasis,'  v.  ii.  Ilapa  rrucrav  8e  rrji'  ox6r]v  (pvXaKai  re  aira  Kade- 
(TTrjKvlai  rjo-av,  SiaXeiVouo-ai  Sa-ov  ^vfififTpov  is  to  ^vvopav  re  aSXifkovs  Kai 
KaTa)(ov(w  evTvcTas  6w66ei/  ri  napayyeWoiTO. 


bank,  excepting  only  that  one  part  which  lies  between 
Jalalpur  and  Dilawar.  In  all  other  parts,  the  west 
bank  is  open  and  exposed,  but  in  this  part  alone  the 
wooded  and  rocky  hills  slope  down  to  the  river,  and 
offer  sufficient  cover  for  the  concealment  o'f  single 
sentries.  As  the  distance  along  the  river  bank  is 
less  than  10  miles,  and  was  probably  not  more  than 
7  miles  from  the  east  end  of  the  camp,  it  is  easy  to 
understand  why  Alexander  placed  them  along  this 
line  instead  of  leaving  them  on  the  much  longer  route, 
which  he  was  to  march  himself.  Another  minor  par- 
ticular is  the  presence  of  a  rock  in  the  channel  by 
the  river,  on  which,  according  to  Curtius,  one  of  the 
boats  was  dashed  by  the  stream.  Now,  rocks  are  still 
to  be  found  in  the  river  only  at  Kotera,  Meriala,  Ma- 
likpur,  and  Shah  Kubir,  all  of  which  places  are  be- 
tween Dilawar  and  Jalalpur.  The  village  of  Kotera 
is  situated  at  the  end  of  a  long  wooded  spur,  which 
juts  out  upon  the  river  just  one  mile  below  Dilawar. 
This  wooded  jutting  spur,  with  its  adjacent  rock,  I 
would  identify  with  the  uKpa^  or  promontory  of  Arrian, 
and  the  petra  of  Curtius.*  Beyond  the  rock  there 
was  a  large  wooded  island  which  screened  the  foot  of 
the  promontory  from  the  observation  of  the  opposite 
bank.  There  are  many  islands  in  this  part  of  the 
Jhelam,  but  when  a  single  year  is  sufficient  to  destroy 
any  one  of  these  rapidly  formed  sandbanks,  we  can- 
not, after  the  lapse  of  more  than  2000  years,  reason- 
ably expect  to  find  the  island  of  Alexander.  But  in 
1849,    opposite   Kotera,    there    was  such   an   island, 

*  Arrian,  'Anabasis,'  v.  ii.,  nKpa  rju  dvexova-a  ttjs  'ox6r]i  toC  'Yhaairov. 
Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  viii.  11,  "  Tina  ergo  navi,  quam  petrae  fluctus  illi- 
serat,  hserente  Cceterse  evadunt." 


2^  miles  in  length  and  half  a  mile  in  breadth,  which 
still  exists  as  a  large  sandbank.  As  the  passage  was 
made  in  the  height  of  the  rainy  season,  the  island,  or 
large  sandbank,  would  naturally  have  been  covered 
with  tamarisk  bushes,  which  would  have  been  suf- 
ficiently high  to  screen  the  movements  of  infantry 
and  dismounted  cavalry. 

The  position  of  the  two  camps  I  believe  to  have 
been  as  follows  :* — Alexander,  with  about  50,000  men, 
including  5000  Indian  auxiliaries  under  Mophis  of 
Taxila,  had  his  head-quarters  at  Jalalpur,  and  his 
camp  probably  extended  for  about  6  miles  along  the 
bank  of  the  river,  from  Shah  Kabir,  2  miles  to  the 
north-east  of  Jalalpur,  down  to  Syadpur,  4  miles  to 
the  west-south-west.  The  head- quarters  of  Porus 
must  have  been  about  Muhabatpur,  4  miles  to  the 
west-south-west  of  Mong,  and  3  miles  to  the  south- 
east of  Jalalpur.  His  army  of  nearly  50,000  men, 
including  elephant-riders,  archers,  and  charioteers, 
must  have  occupied  about  the  same  extent  as  the  Ma- 
cedonian army,  and  would,  therefore,  have  extended 
about  2  miles  above,  and  4  miles  below  Muhabatpur. 
In  these  positions,  the  left  flank  of  Alexander's  camp 
would  have  been  only  6  miles  from  the  wooded  pro- 
montory of  Kotera,  where  he  intended  to  steal  his 
I)assage  across  the  river,  and  the  right  flank  of  the 
Indian  camp  would  have  been  2  miles  from  jNIong,  and 
6  miles  from  the  point  opposite  Kotera. 

As  my  present  object  is  to  identify  the  scene  of 
Alexander's  battle  with  Porus,  and  not  to  describe  the 
fluctuations  of  the  conflict,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  quote 
the  concise  account  of  the  operation  which  is  given  by 
Plutarch  from  Alexander's  own  letters: — "lie  took 
*  Sec  Map  No.  VII. 


advantage  of  a  dark  and  stormy  night,  with  part  of 
his  infantry  and  a  select  body  of  cavalry,  to  gain  a 
little  island  in  the  river,  at  some  distance  from  the 
Indians ;  when  he  was  there,  he  and  his  troops  were 
attacked  Avith  a  most  violent  wind  and  rain,  accom- 
panied with  dreadful  thunder  and  lightning."  But  in 
spite  of  the  storm  and  rain,  they  pushed  on,  and 
wading  through  the  water  breast-high  reached  the  op- 
posite bank  of  the  river  in  safety.  "  When  they  were 
landed,"  says  Plutarch,*  who  is  still  quoting  Alex- 
ander's letters,  "  he  advanced  with  the  horse  20  stadia 
before  the  foot,  concluding,  that  if  the  enemy  attacked 
him  with  their  cavalry  he  should  be  greatly  their 
superior,  and  that  if  they  made  a  movement  with  their 
infantry  his  own  would  come  up  in  time  enough  to 
receive  them."  Erom  Arrian"]*  we  learn  that,  as  soon 
as  the  army  had  begun  fording  the  channel,  between 
the  island  and  the  main  land,  they  were  seen  by  the 
Indian  scouts,  who  at  once  dashed  off  to  inform  Poms. 
When  the  ford  was  passed  with  some  difficulty,  Alex- 
ander halted  to  form  his  little  army  of  6000  infantry 
and  about  10,000  cavalry.  He  then  "  marched  swiftly 
forward  with  5000  horse,  leaving  the  infantry  to  follow 
him  leisurely  and  in  order."  While  this  was  going  on, 
Porus  had  detached  his  son  with  two  or  three  thousand 
horse  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  chariots  to  oppose 
Alexander.  The  two  forces  met  at  20  stadia,  or  2J 
miles,  from  the  place  of  crossing,  or  about  two  miles  to 

*  '  Life  of  Alexander.'  Sir  W.  Napier  has  paid  a  just  tribute  to  the 
skill  of  both  generals.  Speaking  of  Alexander's  passage  of  the  Granicus, 
he  says  that  it  cannot  "  be  compared  for  soldierly  skill  with  hia  after 
passage  of  the  Hydaspes,  and  defeat  of  Porus.  Before  that  great  man 
he  could  not  play  the  same  daring  game."  ('  London  and  Westminster 
Eeview,'  1838,  p.  377.)  t  '  Anabasis,'  v.  18. 


the  nortli-east  of  Mong.  Here  the  chariots  proved  use- 
less on  the  wet  and  slippery  clay,  and  were  nearly  all 
captured.  The  conflict,  however,  must  have  been  a 
sharp  one,  as  Alexander's  favourite  charger,  Buke- 
phalus,  was  mortally  wounded  by  the  young  prince, 
Avho  was  himself  slain,  together  with  400  of  his  men. 
When  Porus  heard  of  the  death  of  his  son,  he  marched 
at  once  against  Alexander  with  the  greater  part  of  his 
army  ;  but  when  he  came  to  a  plain,  where  the  ground 
was  not  difficult  and  slippery,  but  firm  and  sandy,  and 
fitted  for  the  evolutions  of  his  chariots,  he  halted  and 
arrayed  his  troops  ready  for  battle.  His  200  elephants 
were  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  infantry  about  one 
pleihron,  or  100  feet  apart,  and  the  chariots  and  ca- 
valry were  placed  on  the  flanks.  By  this  arrange- 
ment, the  front  of  the  army  facing  north-east  must 
have  occupied  an  extent  of  about  4  miles,  from  the 
bank  of  the  river  to  near  Lakhnawali,  the  centre  of 
the  line  being,  as  nearly  as  possible,  on  the  site  of  the 
present  town  of  Mong.  Around  this  place  the  soil  is 
"  firm  and  sound ;  "  but  towards  the  north-east,  where 
Alexander  encountered  the  young  Indian  prince,  the 
surface  is  covered  with  a  hard  red  clay,  which  be- 
comes both  heavy  and  slippery  after  rain.* 

When  Alexander  saw  the  Indian  army  drawn  up 
in  battle  array,  he  halted  to  wait  for  his  infantry, 
and  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  position.  As  he  was 
much  superior  to  Porus  in  cavalry,  he  resolved  not 
to  attack  the  centre,  where   the   formidable   line  of 

*  I  speak  from  actual  observation  of  the  field  of  Chilianvrala  for  some 
days  after  the  battle,  ■v.hen  the  country  had  been  deluged  with  rain. 
Both  battles  flsre  fought  on  the  same  ground,  between  the  town  of 
Mong  and  the  southern  end  of  the  Pabhi  hills. 

NOETnERN   INDIA.  17-5 

elephants  were  supported  by  masses  of  iufantry,  but 
to  fall  upon  both  flanks  and  throw  the  Indians  into 
disorder.  The  right  wing,  led  by  Alexander  himself, 
drove  back  the  enemy's  horse  upon  the  line  of 
elephants,  which  then  advanced  and  kept  the  Mace- 
donians in  check  for  some  time.  "  Wherever  Porus 
saw  cavalry  advancing,  he  opposed  elephants,  but 
these  slow  and  unwieldy  animals  could  not  keep 
pace  with  the  rapid  evolutions  of  the  horse."*  At 
length  the  elephants,  wounded  and  frightened,  rushed 
madly  about,  trampling  down  friends  as  well  as  foes. 
Then  the  small  body  of  Indian  horse  being  surrounded, 
was  overpowered  by  the  Macedonians,  and  nearly  all 
slain ;  and  the  large  mass  of  Indian  infantry,  which 
still  held  out,  being  vigorously  attacked  on  all  sides 
by  the  victorious  horse,  broke  their  ranks  and  fled. 
Then,  says  Arrianj-j"  "  Kraterus,  and  the  captains  who 
were  with  him  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  no 
sooner  perceived  the  victory  to  incline  to  the  Mace- 
donians, than  they  passed  over,  and  made  a  dreadful 
slaughter  of  the  Indians  in  pursuit." 

From  the  last  statement  which  I  have  quoted,  it 
is  clear  that  the  battle-field  was  within  sight  of  Alex- 
ander's camp.  Wow,  this  is  especially  true  of  the 
plain  about  Mong,  which  is  within  easy  ken  of  the 
east  of  Alexander's  camp  at  Shah-Kabir,  the  nearest 
point  being  only  2  miles  distant.  With  this  last 
strong  evidence  in  favour  of  Jalalpur  as  the  site  of 
Alexander's  camp,  I  close  my  discussion  of  this  in- 
teresting question.  But  as  some  readers,  like  Mr. 
Grote,J  the  historian  of  Greece,  may  still  think  that 

*  Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  viii.  14,  27.  t  '  Anabasis,'  y.  18. 

J  '  History  of  Greece,'  xii.  308,  note. 


General  Abbott  has  shown  "  highly  plausible  reasons  " 
in  support  of  his  opinion  that  Alexander's  camp  was 
at  Jhelam,  I  may  here  point  out  that  the  village  of 
Pabral,  Avhich  he  has  selected  as  the  battle-field,  is 
not  less  than  14  miles  from  Jhelam,  and  therefore 
quite  beyond  the  ken  of  Alexander's  camp.  I  may 
quote  also  Abbott's  own  admission  that  the  bed  of  the 
Sukhetr  river,  a  le^ol  plain  of  sand  one  mile  in  width, 
"  is  a  torrent  after  heavy  rain,  and  is  so  full  of  quick- 
sands as  to  be  unsuited  to  military  operations."  Now, 
this  very  Sulchetr  river  actually  lies  between  Pabral 
and  the  site  of  the  Indian  camp  opposite  Jhelam,  and 
as  we  know  that  a  heavy  storm  of  rain  had  fallen 
during  the  preceding  night,  the  Sukhetr  would  have 
been  an  impassable  torrent  at  the  time  of  the  battle. 
And  so  also  would  have  been  the  Jada  river,  which 
joins  the  Jhelam  just  below  the  Sukhetr.  With  these  two 
intervening  rivers,  which,  whether  wet  or  dry,  would 
have  been  obstacles  equally  great  to  tlie  march  of  the 
Indian  army,  and  more  specially  to  the  passage  of  the 
war-chariots,  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  the  battle-field 
could  not  have  been  to  the  north  of  the  Sukhetr  river. 
The  position  of  Bukephala  still  remains  to  be  dis- 
cussed. According  to  Strabo,*  the  city  of  Bukephala 
was  built  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  where  Alex- 
ander had  crossed  it ;  but  Plutarch']'  says  that  it  was 
near  the  Hydaspes,  in  the  place  where  Bukephalus 
was  buried.  Arrian,:^  however,  states  that  it  was 
built  on  the  site  of  his  camp,  and  was  named  Buke- 
p)hala  in  memory  of  his  horse.  Diodorus,  Curtius, 
and  Justin  leave  the  exact  position  undecided ;  but 
they  all  agree  that  it  was  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 

*  Geogr.,  XV.  1,  29.         f  '  Life  of  Alexander.'        f  '  Anabasis,'  t.  19. 


river  to  Nilisea,  which  was  certainly  huilt  on  the  field 
of  battle.  With  these  conflicting  statements  alone 
to  guide  ns,  it  is  difBcult  to  arrive  at  any  positive 
conclusion.  According  as  we  follow  Strabo  or  Arrian, 
we  must  place  BukejjhaJa  at  Dilawar,  or  at  Jahilpur. 
Both  places  are  equidistant  from  the  battle-field  of 
Mong,  which  I  take  without  much  hesitation  to  be 
the  site  of  Niksea.  If  the  two  cities  were  built  on 
the  same  plan,  which  is  not  improbable,  then  DilaAvar 
would  have  the  preferable  claim  to  represent  Buke- 
phala,  as  its  ruined  mound  is  of  the  same  size  and 
height  as  that  of  Mong.  I  have  already  noticed  in 
another  place  the  possibility  that  Bugiad,  or  Bugial, 
the  name  of  the  district  in  which  Dilawar  is  situated, 
may  be  only  an  abbreviation  of  Bukephalia  by  the  easy 
elision  of  the  jo//.  But  this  is  only  a  guess,  and  I  have 
nothing  else  to  offer  on  the  subject,  save  the  fact  that 
the  ancient  name  of  Jalalpur  was  certainly  GirjcU-, 
while  that  of  Diljiwar  is  quite  uncertain,  as  Udinagar 
is  applied  to  at  least  three  different  places.  The 
claims  of  Dilawar  and  Jalalpur  are  perhaps  equally 
balanced,  excepting  in  the  one  important  point  of  posi- 
tion, in  which  the  latter  has  a  most  decided  advantage ; 
and  as  this  superiority  would  not  have  escaped  the  keen 
observation  of  the  founder  of  Alexandria,  I  think  that 
Jalalpur  must  be  the  site  of  the  famous  city  of  Buke- 

Nikaa^  or  Mo)ig. 

The  position  of  Mong  has  already  been  described, 
but  I  may  repeat  that  it  is  6  miles  to  the  east  of 
JalS,lpur,  and  the  same  distance  to  the  south  of  Dila- 
war.   The  name  is  usually  pronounced  Mong^  or  Mung^ 


but  it  is  written  without  the  nasal,  and  is  said  to  have 
been  founded  by  Eaja  Moga^  or  Muga.  He  is  also 
called  Eaja  SanlcJidr,  which  I  take  to  mean  king  of 
the  Sakas,  or  iSaca.  His  brother  Eama  founded  Eam- 
pur,  or  Efi,ninagar,  the  modern  Easul,  which  is  6  miles 
to  the  north-east  of  Mong,  and  exactly  opposite  Dila- 
war.  His  sister's  son,  named  Kamkamarath,  was  Eaja 
of  Girjak  or  Jalalpur.  The  old  ruined  mound  on 
which  Mong  is  situated,  is  600  feet  long  by  400  feet 
broad  and  50  feet  high,  and  is  visible  for  many  miles 
on  all  sides.  It  contains  975  houses  built  of  large  old 
bricks  and  5000  inhabitants,  who  are  chiefly  Jats. 
The  old  wells  are  very  numerous,  their  exact  number, 
according  to  my  informant,  being  175. 

I  have  already  stated  that  I  take  Mong  to  be  the 
site  of  Niksea,  the  city  which  Alexander  built  on  the 
scene  of  his  battle  with  Porus.  The  evidence  on  this 
point  is,  I  think,  as  complete  as  could  be  wished ;  but 
I  have  still  to  explain  how  the  name  of  Niksea  could 
have  been  changed  to  Mong.  The  tradition  that  the 
town  was  founded  by  Eaja  Moga  is  strongly  corrobo- 
rated by  the  fact  that  Maharaja  Moga  is  mentioned 
in  Mr.  Eoberts's  Taxila  inscription.  Now,  Moga  is 
the  same  name  as  Moa^  and  the  coins  of  Moa^  or 
Mauas  are  still  found  in  Mong.  But  the  commonest 
Greek  monogram  on  these  coins  forms  the  letters 
NIK,  which  I  take  to  be  the  abbreviation  of  Nik(sa, 
the  place  of  mintage.  If  this  inference  be  correct,  as 
I  believe  it  is,  then  Nikcea  must  have  been  the  prin- 
cipal mint-city  of  the  great  king  Moga,  and  therefore 
a  place  of  considerable  importance.  As  the  town  of 
Mong  is  traditionally  attributed  to  Raja  Moga  as  the 
founder,  we  may  reasonably  conclude  that  he  must 



ZUOUJ        /I'V^i, 

■J    ■■'■'*M 


HILL      OF 

between   the  Rivers 


Q.  .HoTZun.  .iZfket 
W  Bneii  Walls 
D  .  IsolaJed  low  hiU 
E  .  Ruined.  Buildcn^s 

Scale        oi'        -b'ee. 


?it      ?Y■t^//^     ooiuA: 


have  rebuilt  or  increased  the  place  under  the  new 
name  of  Moga-grama^  which,  in  the  spoken  dialects, 
would  be  shortened  to  Mogaon  and  Movg.  Coins  of 
all  the  Indo-Scythian  princes  are  found  at  Mong  in, 
considerable  numbers,  and  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  the  place  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  Alexander.  The 
copper  coins  of  the  Nameless  Indo-Scythian  king 
especially  are  found  in  such  numbers  at  Mong  that 
they  are  now  commonly  known  in  the  neighbourhood 
as  Monga-sdhis. 


The  city  of  Gujarat  is  situated  9  miles  to  the  west 
of  the  Chen^b  river,  on  the  high-road  from  Jhelam 
to  Labor.  The  city  is  said  to  have  been  first  called 
liairdt,  and  the  district  Hairdt-des.*  Its  original 
foundation  is  ascribed  to  a  Surajbansi  Rajput  named 
Bachan  Fdl,  of  whom  nothing  more  is  known ;  and 
its  restoration  is  attributed  to  Ali  Khdn,  a  Gujar, 
whose  name  is  strangely  like  that  of  Alakhdna,  the 
Eaja  of  Gurjjara,  who  was  defeated  by  Sangkara 
Yarmma  between  a.d.  883  and  901.  FoUowtag  up 
these  traditions,  GujarS,t  is  said  to  have  been  destroyed 
in  A.D.  1303,  and  to  have  been  rebuilt  by  the  Gujars 
in  A.H.  996,  or  a.d.  1588,  during  the  reign  of  Akbar. 

Sdkala,  or  Sangala. 

The  Sangala  of  Alexander  has  long  ago  been  recog- 
nized in  the  Sdkala  of  the  Brahmans  and  the  Sdgal  of 
the  Buddhists;  but  its  position  would  still  perhaps 
have  remained  undetermined,  had  it  not  fortunately 
been  visited  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen  Thsang  in 

*  I  take  Sairat  to  be  only  an  aspirated  form  of  Ardtta. 

N   2 

180  THE    ANCIENT   GEOGEAniY    OF    INDIA. 

A.D.  630.  Both  Arrian  and  Curtius  place  Sangala  to 
the  east  of  the  Ilydraotes,  or  Eavi ;  but  the  itinerary 
of  Hwen  Thsang  shows  that  it  was  to  the  west  of  the 
Eavi,  and  as  nearly  as  possible  in  the  position  of  the 
present  Sangla-wala-Tiba,  or  "  Sangala  Hill."  I  first 
became  acquainted  with  this  place  in  1839,  when  I 
obtained  a  copy  of  Mogal  Beg's  manuscript  map,  com- 
piled by  Wilford,  who  has  three  times  described  its 
position  in  the  '  Asiatic  Eesearches.'*  But  I  was  not 
able  to  obtain  any  account  of  the  place  until  1354, 
when  I  heard  from  Colonel  G.  Hamilton,  who  had 
visited  it,  and  from  Captain  Blagrave,  who  had  sur- 
veyed it,  that  Sangala  was  a  real  hill  with  traces  of 
buildings,  and  with  a  sheet  of  water  on  one  side  of  it. 
During  my  tour  through  the  Panjab,  I  was  able  to 
A'isit  the  hill  myself,  and  I  am  now  satisfied  that  it 
must  be  the  Sangala  of  Alexander,  although  the  posi- 
tion does  not  agree  with  that  which  his  historians 
have  assigned  to  it. 

In  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang  She-kie-lo,  or  Sdkala, 
was  in  ruins,  and  the  claief  town  of  the  district  was 
Tse-kia,  or  CheJcia,  which  may  also  be  read  as  Dhaka 
or  Taka.  The  pilgrim  places  this  new  town  at  15  li, 
or  2\  miles,  to  the  north-east  of  Sdkala;  but  as  all 
the  country  within  that  range  is  open  and  flat,  it  is 
certain  that  no  (own  could  ever  have  existed  in  the 
position  indicated.  In  the  same  direction,  however, 
but  at  19  miles,  or  115  //,  I  found  the  ruins  of  a  large 
town,  called  Asariir^  which  accord  almost  exactly  with 
the  pilgrim's  description  of  the  new  town  of  Tse-kia. 
It  is  necessary  to  fix  the  position  of  this  place,  because 
Hwen  Thsang's  measurements,  both  coming  and  going, 

*  Vols.  Y.  282  ;  vi.  520 ;  ix.  53. 


are  referred  to  it  and  not  to  S&kala.  From  Ivashmir 
the  pilgrim  proceeded  by  Punach  to  Eajapnra,  a  small 
town  in  the  lower  hills,  which  is  now  called  Eajaori. 
Prom  thence  he  travelled  to  the  south-east  over  a 
mountain,  and  across  a  river  called  Chen-ta-lo-po-kia, 
which  is  the  Chandrahlidga^  or  modern  Chen^b,  to  She- 
ye-pu-lo,  or  Jayapura  (probably  Hafizabad),  where  he 
slept  for  the  night,  and  on  the  next  day  he  reached 
Tse-Jcia,  the  whole  distance  being  700  li,  or  116  miles. 
As  a  south-east  direction  would  have  taken  the  pil- 
grim to  the  east  of  the  Eavi,  we  must  look  for  some 
known  point  in  his  subsequent  route  as  the  best  means 
of  checking  this  erroneous  bearing.  This  fixed  point 
we  find  in  She-lan-to-Io,  the  well-known  Jdlandhara, 
which  the  pilgrim  places  at  500,  plus  50,  plus  140  or 
150  li,  or  altogether  between  690  and  700  li  to  the 
east  of  Tse-kia.  This  place  was,  therefore,  as  nearly 
as  possible,  equidistant  from  Eajaori  and  Jalandhar. 
Now,  Asarur  is  exactly  112  miles  distant  from  each 
of  these  places  in  a  direct  line  di-awn  on  the  map,  and 
as  it  is  undoubtedly  a  very  old  place  of  considerable 
size,  I  am  satisfied  that  it  must  be  the  town  of  Tse-kia 
described  by  Hwen  Thsang. 

In  AD.  630  the  pilgrim  found  the  walls  of  Sdkala 
completely  ruined,  but  their  foundations  still  remained, 
showing  a  circuit  of  about  20  //,  or  3-^  miles.  In  the 
midst  of  the  ruins  there  was  still  a  small  portion  of 
the  old  city  inhabited,  which  was  only  6  or  7  li,  or 
just  one  mile,  in  circuit.  Inside  the  city  there  was  a 
monastery  of  one  hundred  monks  who  studied  the 
Hinayana,  or  exoteric  doctrines  of  Buddhism,  and  be- 
side it  there  was  a  stupa,  200  feet  in  height,  where 
the  four  previous  Buddhas  had  left  their  footprints. 


At  5  or  6  li^  or  less  than  1  mile,  to  tlie  north-west, 
there  was  a  second  stupa,  also  about  200  feet  high, 
which  was  built  by  King  Asoka  on  the  spot  where 
the  four  previous  Buddhas  had  explained  the  law. 

Sdnglawdla  Tiba  is  a  small  rooky  hill  forming  two 
sides  of  a  triangle,  with  the  open  side  toAvards  the 
south-east.  The  north  side  of  the  hill  rises  to  a  height 
of  215  feet,  but  the  north-east  side  is  only  160  feet. 
The  interior  area  of  the  triangle  slopes  gradually  down 
to  the  south-east  till  it  ends  abruptly  in  a  steep  bank 
32  feet  above  the  ground.  This  bank  was  once  crowned 
with  a  brick  wall,  which  I  was  able  to  trace  only  at 
the  east  end,  where  it  joined  the  rock.  The  whole 
area  is  covered  with  brick  ruins,  amongst  which  I 
found  two  square  foundations.  The  bricks  are  of  a 
very  large  size,  15  by  9  by  3  inches.  During  the 
last  fifteen  years  these  bricks  have  been  removed  in 
great  numbers.  Nearly  4000  were  carried  to  the 
large  village  of  Marh,  (1  miles  to  the  north,  and  about 
the  same  number  must  have  been  taken  to  the  top  of 
the  hill  to  form  a  tower  for  the  siu'vey  operations.  The 
base  of  the  hill  is  from  1700  to  1800  feet  on  each 
side,  or  just  1  mile  in  circuit.  On  the  cast  and  south 
sides  the  approach  to  the  hill  is  covered  by  a  large 
swamp,  half  a  mile  in  Icngtl),  and  nearly  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  in  breadtli,  Avliich  dries  up  annually  in  the 
summer,  but  durhig  the  seasonal  rains  has  a  general 
depth  of  about  3  feet.  In  the  time  of  Alexander  this 
must  have  been  a  fine  sheet  of  Avater,  which  has  been 
gradually  lessened  in  depth  by  the  annual  washings 
of  silt  from  the  hill  abnve.  On  the  north-(  astern  side 
of  the  hill  there  arc  the  remains  of  two  large  buildings, 
fr(jm  wliich  I  obtained  old  bricks  of  the  enormous  size 


of  17^  by  11  by  3  inches.  Close  by  there  is  an  old 
well  which  was  lately  cleared  out  by  some  of  the  wan- 
dering tribes.  On  the  north-western  side,  1000  feet 
distant,  there  is  a  low  ridge  of  rock  called  Mtinda-ka- 
pura,  from  26  to  30  feet  in  height,  and  about  500  feet 
in  length,  which  has  formerly  been  covered  with  brick 
buildings.  At  If  mile  to  the  south,  there  is  another 
ridge  of  three  small  hills,  called  Jrna  and  little  Sdvgala. 
All  these  hills  are  formed  of  the  same  dark  grey  rock 
as  that  of  Chanyot  and  of  the  Karana  hills  to  the  west 
of  the  Chenab,  which  contains  much  iron,  but  is  not 
worked  on  account  of  the  want  of  fuel.  The  produc- 
tion of  iron  is  noticed  by  Hwen  Thsang. 

In  comparing  this  account  with  the  description  of 
the  Chinese  pilgrim,  I  only  find  two  places  that  can 
be  identified.  The  first  is  the  site  of  the  modern  town, 
which  was  about  a  mile  in  circuit,  and  was  situated 
in  the  midst  of  the  ruins.  This  I  take  to  be  the  hill 
itself,  which  accords  exactly  with  the  description,  and 
which  would  certainly  have  been  occupied  in  pre- 
ference to  any  part  of  the  open  plain  below,  on  ac- 
count of  its  security.  The  second  is  the  stupa  of 
Asoka,  which  was  situated  at  rather  less  than  1  mile 
to  the  north-west  of  the  monastery  inside  the  town. 
This  I  would  identify  with  the  low  ridge  of  rock  on 
the  north-west  called  ihindapapura,  of  which  the 
highest  point  at  the  north-western  end  is  4000  feet, 
or  more  than  three-quarters  of  a  mile  distant  from  the 
central  point  of  the  triangular  area  of  the  town.  The 
plain  on  the  north  and  west  sides  of  the  hill  is  strewn 
with  broken  pottery  and  fragments  of  brick  for  a  con- 
siderable distance,  shoAving  that  the  town  must  once 
have  extended  in  both  of  those  directions.     But  the 


wliole  circuit  of  these  remains  did  not  appear  to  be 
more  than  1|  or  1-^  miles,  or  about  one-half  of  Hwen 
Thsang's  measurement. 

The  Brahmanical  accounts  of  Sakala  have  been 
collected  from  the  Mahabharata  by  Professor  Lassen 
in  his  '  Pentapotamia  Indica.'*  According  to  that 
poem,  Sakala,  the  capital  of  the  Madras,  who  are  also 
called  Jartikas  and  Bfihikas,  was  situated  on  the  Apagd 
rivulet  to  the  west  of  the  Irdvati,  or  E^vi  river.  It 
was  approached  from  the  east  side  by  pleasant  paths 
through  the  Pilu  forest, 

"  Sami-^!7a  kariranam  vaneshu  aukliavartmasu." 

which  Professor  Lassen  translates  "  per  amcenas  s^l- 
varum  tramites  ambiilantes."  But  the  Pilu,  or  Salva- 
dora  Persica^  is  the  commonest  wood  in  this  part  of 
the  Panjab,  and  is  specially  abundant  in  the  Pechna 
Doab.  In  these  "pleasant  paths"  of  the  Pilu  forest, 
the  traveller  was  unfortunately  liable  to  be  despoiled 
of  his  clothes  by  robbers.  This  description  by  the 
author  of  the  Mahabharata  was  fully  verified  by  Hwen 
Thsang  in  a.d.  630,  and  again  by  myself  in  1863.  On 
leaving  Sakala,  the  Chinese  pilgrim  travelled  eastward 
into  a  forest  of  Po-lo-she  trees,  where  his  party  en- 
countered fifty  brigands,  who  robbed  them  of  their 
clothes.t  In  November,  1863,  I  approached  Sakala 
from  the  east  through  a  continuous  wood  of  Pilu  trees, 
and  pitched  my  tent  at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  During 
the  night  the  tent  was  three  times  approached  by 
parties  of  robbers  who  were  detected  by  the  vigilance 
of  my  watch  dog.  M.  Julien  has  properly  rendered 
Hwen  Thsang  Po-lo-she  hj  Paldsa,  the  Butea  frondosa, 

'"  Pcntapot.  Irid.,  pp.  73,  74.  f  '  Hioiicn  Thsang,'  i.  97. 


or  Dhdk  tree ;  but  as  the  forest  consisted  of  Filu  trees, 
both  before  and  after  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang,  I 
would  suggest  the  propriety  of  correcting  Pi-lo-she  to 
Pilo ;  I  conjecture  that  the  Chinese  editor  of  the  pil- 
grim's life,  who  M-as  most  probably  ignorant  of  the  Pilu, 
substituted  the  well-known  Paldsa,  which  is  frequently 
mentioned  by  Hwen  Thsang,  under  the  belief  that  he 
was  making  an  important  and  necessary  correction. 

The  country  is  still  well  known  as  Madr-des,  or  the 
district  of  the  Madras,  which  is  said  by  some  to  ex- 
tend from  the  Bias  to  the  Jhelam,  but  by  others  only 
to  the  Chenab.  Eegarding  the  Apagd  rivulet,  I  be- 
lieve that  it  may  be  recognized  in  the  Ayak  Nadi,  a 
small  stream  which  has  its  rise  in  the  Jammu  hills  to 
the  north-east  of  Syalkot.  After  passing  Syalkot  the 
Ayak  runs  westerly  near  Sodhra,  where  in  the  rainy 
season  it  throws  off  its  superfluous  water  in  the  Chenab. 
It  then  turns  to  the  south-south-west  past  Banka  and 
Nandanwa  to  Bhutala,  and  continues  this  same  course 
till  within  a  few  miles  of  Asarur.  There  it  divides 
into  two  branches,  which,  after  passing  to  the  east 
and  west  of  Asarur,  rejoin  at  2-|  miles  to  the  south  of 
Sdngalaiodlu  Tiba.  Its  course  is  marked  in  the  re- 
venue survey  maps  for  15  miles  to  the  south-west  of 
Sangala,  where  it  is  called  the  Nananwa  canal.  An 
intelligent  man  of  Asarur  informed  me  that  he  had 
seen  the  bed  of  the  Nananwa  20  kos  to  the  south- 
west, and  that  he  had  always  heard  that  it  fell  into 
the  Eavi  a  long  way  off.  This,  then,  must  be  Arrian's 
"small  rivulet"  near  which  Alexander  pitched  his 
camp,  at  100  stadia,  or  11^  miles,  to  the  east  of  the 
Akesines,  below  its  junction  with  the  Hydaspes.*    At 

*  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  6. 


that  time,  therefore,  the  water  of  the  Ayak  must  have 
flowed  for  a  long  distance  below  Sangala,  and  most 
probably  fell  into  the  Eavi,  as  stated  by  my  informant. 
Near  Asarur  and  Sangala,  the  Ayak  is  now  quite  dry 
at  all  seasons ;  but  there  must  have  been  water  in  it 
at  Dhakawala  only  24  miles  above  Asarur,  even  so 
late  as  the  reign  of  Shah  Jahan,  when  his  son  Dara 
Shekoh  drew  a  canal  from  that  place  to  his  hunting 
seat  at  Shekohpura,  which  is  also  called  the  Ayak,  or 
Jhilri  canal. 

The  Buddhist  notices  of  Sakala  refer  chiefly  to  its 
history  in  connection  with  Buddhism.  There  is  the 
legend  of  the  seven  kings  who  went  towards  Sagal  to 
carry  ofi^  Prabhavati,  the  wife  of  king  Kusa.*  But  the 
king,  mounting  an  elephant,  met  them  outside  the 
city,  and  cried  out  with  so  loud  a  voice,  "  I  am  Kusa," 
that  the  exclamation  was  heard  over  the  whole  world, 
and  the  seven  kings  fled  away  in  terror.  This  legend 
may  have  some  reference  to  the  seven  brothers  and 
sisters  of  Amba-Kapa,  which  is  only  40  miles  to  the 
cast  of  Sangala.  Before  the  beginning  of  the  Chris- 
tian era  Sdgal  was  the  capital  of  Raja  Milinda,  whose 
name  is  still  famous  in  all  Buddhist  countries  as  the 
skilful  opponent  of  the  holy  Nagasena.j"  The  ter- 
ritory was  then  called  Yona,  or  Yarana,  which  might 
refer  either  to  the  Gr(>ek  conquerors,  or  to  their  Indo- 
Scythian  successors  ;  but  as  Nagasena  is  said  to  have 
lived  either  400  or  500  years  after  Buddha,  the  date 
of  Milinda  is  uncertain.  Milinda  himself  states  that 
he  A^as  born  at  Alasadda,  which  was  200  yojans,  or 
about  1400  miles,  distant  from  Sagal.  He  was  there- 
fore undoubtedl}'  a  foreigner ;    and,  in  spite  of  the 

*  Hardy,  '  Manual  of  Buddhism,'  2G3,  note.  t  Ihid.,  513. 


exaggerated  distance,  I  would  identify  Ms  birthplace 
with.  Alexandria  Opiane,  at  the  foot  of  the  Indian 
Caucasus,  about  4.0  miles  to  the  north  of  Kabul.  At 
a  somewhat  later  period,  Sdlcala  was  subject  to  Ma- 
hirkul,  or  Mihirkul^  who  lost  his  kingdom  by  an 
unsuccessful  campaign  against  Baladitya,  king  of  Ma- 
gadha.  But  being  afterwards  set  at  liberty  by  the 
conqueror,  he  obtained  possession  of  Kashmir  by 
treachery.  I  know  of  no  other  mention  of  Sakala 
until  A.D.  633,  when  it  was  visited  by  Hwen  Thsang, 
who  describes  the  neighbouring  town  of  Tse-lcia  as 
the  capital  of  a  large  kingdom,  which  extended  from 
the  Indus  to  the  Byas,  and  from  the  foot  of  the  hills 
to  the  confluence  of  the  five  rivers. 

The  classical  notices  of  Sangala  are  confined  to  the 
two  historical  accounts  of  Arrian  and  Curtius,  and  a 
passing  mention  by  Diodorus.  Curtius  simply  calls  it 
"  a  great  city  defended  not  only  by  a  wall,  but  by  a 
swamp  {palus)P*  But  the  swamp  was  a  deep  one, 
as  some  of  the  inhabitants  afterwards  escaped  by 
swimming  across  it  (^paludem  iransnavere).  Arrian 
calls  it  a  lake,  xi^vi]^  but  adds  that  it  was  not  deep, 
that  it  was  near  the  city  wall,  and  that  one  of  the 
gates  opened  upon  it.  He  describes  the  city  itself  as 
strong  both  by  art  and  nature,  being  defended  by 
brick  walls  and  covered  by  the  lake.  Outside  the  city 
there  was  a  low  hill,  ryri\o(f>os,  which  the  Kathseans  had 
surrounded  with  a  triple  line  of  carts  for  the  protec- 
tion of  their  camp.f     This  little  hill  I  would  identify 

*  Vita  A.lex.,  ix.  1:  "Ad  magnam  deinde  urbem  pervenit,  non 
muro  solum,  sed  etiani  palude  munitam." 

t  '  Anabasis,'  v.  22  :  KukXo)  6e  tov  yrj'K6<j)ov  ajid^as  irepia-Tria'avTes, 
ivTos  avrcov  €(TrpaT07rcd€V0if,  a>s  rpiivKovv  ^apaKO.  npo^cl^Xrurdat  tuiv 



with  the  low  ridge  to  the  north-west,  called  Munda- 
papiira,  which  would  certainly  appear  to  have  heen 
outside  the  city  walls,  as  the  broken  bricks  and  pot- 
tery do  not  extend  so  far.*  I  conclude  that  the  camp 
on  the  hill  was  formed  chiefly  by  the  fugitives  from 
other  places,  for  whom  there  was  no  room  in  the 
already  crowded  city.  The  hill  must  have  been  close 
to  the  city  walls,  because  the  Katheeans,  after  the 
second  line  of  carts  had  been  broken  by  the  Greeks, 
fled  into  the  city  and  shut  the  gates.  It  is  clear, 
therefore,  that  the  triple  row  of  carts  could  only  have 
surrounded  the  hill  on  three  sides,  and  that  the  fourth 
side  was  open  to  the  city.  The  hill  was  thus  connected 
with  the  city  as  a  temporary  out-work,  from  T^-hich  the 
defenders,  if  overpowered,  could  make  their  escape 
beliind  the  walls.  As  the  number  of  carts  captured 
by  Alexander  was  only  300,  the  hill  must  have  been 
a  very  small  one ;  for  if  we  allow  100  carts  to  each 
line,  the  innermost  line,  where  they  were  closely 
packed,  at  10  feet  per  cart,  could  not  have  been  more 
than  1000  feet  in  length  round  the  three  sides  at  the 
base.  Placing  the  middle  row  50  feet  beyond  the 
inner  one,  its  length  would  have  been  1200  feet,  and 
that  of  the  outer  row,  at  the  same  distance,  Avould 
have  been  1400  feet,  or  little  more  than  a  qi^arter  of 
a  mile.  Now  this  accords  so  well  with  the  size  of  the 
Mundapapura  hill,  that  I  feci  considerable  confidence 
in  the  accuracy  of  my  identification.  As  these  carts 
were  afterwards  used  by  Ptolemy  to  form  a  single  line 
of  barrier  outside  the  lake,  we  obtain  a  limit  to  its 
size,  as  300  carts  would  not  have  extended  more  than 
0000  feet,  or  about  17  feet  per  cart,  if  placed  cud  to 

*  See  Map  No.  VIII. 


end ;  but  as  there  may  have  been  numerous  trees  on 
the  bank  of  the  lake,  the  length  of  the  barrier  may- 
be extended  to  about  6000  feet.  Now  it  is  remark- 
able that  this  is  the  exact  length  of  this  outer  line  ac- 
cording to  my  survey,  which  shows  the  utmost  extent 
of  the  lake  in  the  rainy  season.  I  could  find  no  trace 
of  the  rampart  and  ditch  with  which  Alexander  sur- 
rounded the  town,  but  I  was  not  disappointed,  as  the 
rains  of  two  thousand  years  must  have  obliterated  them 
long  ago. 

The  Kathseans  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to 
escape  across  the  lake  during'the  night,  but  they  were 
checked  by  the  barrier  of  carts,  and  driven  back  into 
the  city.  The  walls  were  then  breached  by  under- 
mining, and  the  place  was  taken  by  assault,  in  which 
the  Kathseans,  according  to  Ai-rian,  lost  17,000  slain, 
and  70,000  prisoners.  Curtius,  however,  gives  the 
loss  of  the  Kathseans  at  8000  killed.  I  am  satisfied 
that  Arrian's  numbers  are  erroneous,  either  through 
error  or  exaggeration,  as  the  city  was  a  small  one, 
and  could  not,  at  the  ordinary  rate  of  400  or  500 
square  feet  to  each  person,  have  contained  more  than 
12,000  people.  If  we  double  or  triple  this  for  the 
influx  of  fugitives,  the  whole  number  would  be  about 
30,000  persons.  I  should  like,  therefore,  to  read 
Arrian's  numbers  as  7000  slain  and  17,000  prisoners. 
This  would  bring  his  number  of  slain  into  accord  with 
Curtius,  and  his  total  number  into  accord  with  proba- 

Both  Curtius  and  Arrian  agree  in  stating  that  Alex- 
ander had  crossed  the  Hydraotes  before  he  advanced 
against  Sangala,  which  should  therefore  be  to  the  east 
of  that   river.     But   the   detailed   measurements    of 


Hwen  Thsang  are  too  precise,  tlie  statement  of  the  Ma- 
liabharata  is  too  clear,  and  tlie  coincidence  of  name  is 
too  exact  to  be  set  aside  lightly.  Now,  the  accounts 
of  both  Arrian  and  Curtius  show  that  Alexander  was 
in  full  march  for  the  Ganges  when  he  heard  "  that 
certain  free  Indians  and  Kathseans  were  resolved  to 
give  him  battle  if  he  attempted  to  lead  his  army 
thither."  Alexander  no  sooner  heard  this  than  he 
immediately directedhis  march  against  the  Kathseans, 
that  is,  he  changed  the  previous  direction  of  his  march, 
and  proceeded  towards  Sangala.  This  was  the  uniform 
plan  on  which  he  acted  during  his  campaign  in  Asia, 
to  leave  no  enemy  behind  him.  When  he  was  in  full 
march  for  Persia,  he  turned  aside  to  besiege  Tyre ; 
when  he  was  in  hot  pursuit  of  Bessus,  the  murderer 
of  Darius,  he  turned  to  the  south  to  subdue  Dran- 
giana  and  Arachosia  ;  and  when  he  was  longing  to 
enter  India,  he  deviated  from  his  direct  march  to 
besiege  Aornos.  With  the  Kathseans  the  provocation 
was  the  same.  Like  the  Tyrians,  the  Drangians,  and 
the  Bazarians  of  Aornos,  they  wished  to  avoid  rather 
than  to  oppose  Alexander ;  but  if  attacked  they  were 
resolved  to  resist.  Alexander  was  then  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Hydraotcs,  or  Ravi,  and  on  the  day  after 
his  departure  from  the  river  he  came  to  the  city  of 
Fiiiiprama,  where  he  halted  to  refresh  his  soldiers,  and 
on  the  third  day  reached  Sangala.  As  he  was  obliged 
to  halt  after  his  first  two  marches,  they  must  have 
been  forced  ones,  of  not  less  than  25  miles  each,  and 
his  last  may  have  been  a  common  march  of  12  or  15 
miles.  Sangala,  therefore,  must  have  been  about  60 
or  05  miles  from  the  camp  on  the  bank  of  the  Hydra- 
otcs.    Now  this  is  the  exact  distance  of  the  Sangala 


hill  from  Lalior  whicli  was  most  probably  the  position 
of  Alexander's  camp  when  he  heard  of  the  recusancy 
of  the  Katheei.  I  believe,  therefore,  that  Alexander 
at  once  gave  up  his  march  to  the  Ganges,  and  re- 
crossed  the  Eavi  to  punish  the  people  of  Sangala  for 
daring  to  withhold  their  submission. 

Taki,  or  Asarur. 

I  have  already  mentioned  Asarur  as  the  probable 
position  of  Hwen  Thsang's  Tse-kia,  which  was  the 
capital  of  the  Panjab  in  a.d.  633.  It  is  situated  about 
2  miles  to  the  south  of  the  high-road  between  Labor 
and  Pindi  Bhatiyan,  being  45  miles  from  the  former, 
and  24  from  the  latter  place.*  It  is  19  miles  distant 
from  Sangala  by  the  road,  but  not  more  than  16  miles 
in  a  direct  line  across  the  country.  Nothing  whatever 
is  known  of  its  ancient  history,  but  the  people  say 
that  it  was  originally  called  TJdamnagar^  or  TJda- 
Nac/ari,  and  that  it  was  deserted  for  many  centuries, 
until  Akbar's  time,  when  TJgar  Shah,  a  Dogar,  built 
the  Masjid,  which  still  exists,  on  the  top  of  the 
mound.  The  antiquity  claimed  for  the  place  is  con- 
firmed by  the  large  size  of  the  bricks,  18  by  10  by  3 
inches,  which  are  found  all  over  the  ruins,  and  by  the 
great  number  of  Indo-Scythian  coins  that  are  dis- 
covered annually  after  heavy  rain.  It  therefore 
reaches  back  to  the  first  century  before  the  Christian 
era,  and  from  its  position  I  believe  it  to  be  the  Pim- 
prama  of  Alexander. 

The  ruins  of  Asarur  consist  of  an  extensive  mound 
15,600  feet,  or  nearly  3  miles  in  circuit.  The  highest 
point  is  in  the  north-west  quarter,  where  the  mound 

*  See  Map  No.  VI. 


rises  to  59  feet  above  the  fields.  This  part,  which  I 
take  to  be  the  ancient  palace,  is  600  feet  long  and  400 
feet  bmad,  and  quite  regular  in  shape.  It  contains  an 
old  well  21  feet  in  diameter,  which  has  not  been  used 
for  many  years,  and  is  now  dry.  The  palace  is  com- 
pletely surrounded  by  a  line  of  large  mounds  about 
25  feet  in  height,  and  8100  feet,  or  1|  mile  in  circuit, 
which  was  evident!}'  the  stronghold  or  citadel  of  the 
place.  The  mounds  are  rounded  and  prominent,  like 
the  ruins  of  large  towers  or  bastions.  On  the  east  and 
south  sides  of  the  citadel  the  mass  of  ruins  sinks  to  1 0 
and  15  feet  in  height,  but  it  is  twice  the  size  of  the 
citadel,  and  is,  no  doubt,  the  remains  of  the  old  city. 
I  could  find  no  trace  of  any  ancient  buildings,  as  all 
the  surface  bricks  have  been  long  ago  carried  off  to 
the  neighbouring  shrine  of  Ugar  Shah  at  Khdnt/dk 
Masrur ;  but  amongst  the  old  bricks  forming  the  sur- 
rounding wall  of  the  Masjid  I  found  three  moulded  in 
different  patterns,  which  could  only  have  belonged  to 
buildings  of  some  importance.  I  found  also  a  wedge- 
shaped  brick  15  inches  long  and  3  inches  thick,  with 
a  breadth  of  10  inches  at  the  narrow  end,  and  nearly 
10^  inches  at  the  broad  end.  This  could  only  have 
been  made  for  a  stupa,  or  a  well,  but  most  probably 
for  the  latter,  as  the  existing  well  is  21  feet  in  dia- 
meter. Asarur  is  now  a  small  village  of  only  45 

Hweii  Thsang  places  Tse-lna  at  14  or  15  /«,  or  1\ 
miles,  to  the  north-east  of  Sdkala ;  but  as  there  are  no 
traces  of  any  former  town  in  this  position,  I  think  it 
very  probable  that  the  true  numbers  should  be  114  or 
115  //,  or  19  miles,  which  is  just  the  distance  between 
Sangala  and  Asarur  by  the  road,  although  in  a  direct 


line  it  is  not  more  than  IG  miles.  The  circuit  of  Tue- 
kia  was  about  20  li^  or  upwards  of  three  miles,  which 
agrees  sufficiently  well  with  my  measurement  of  the 
ruins  of  Asarur  at  15,600  feet,  or  just  three  miles.  At 
the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit  there  were  ten  mo- 
nasteries, but  very  few  Buddhists,  and  the  mass  of  the 
people  worshipped  the  Brahmauical  gods.  To  the 
north-east  of  the  town  at  10  //,  or  nearly  2  miles, 
there  was  a  stupa  of  Asoka,  200  feet  in  height,  which 
marked  the  spot  where  Buddha  had  halted,  and  which 
was  said  to  contain  a  large  quantity  of  his  relics.  This 
stupa  may,  I  think,  be  identified  with  the  little  mound 
of  Sdldr,  near  Thata  Syadon,  just  two  miles  to  the 
north  of  Asarur. 

Han-si,  or  Nara-Sinha. 

On  leaving  Tse-lda,  Hwen  Thsang  travelled  east- 
ward to  JSa-lo-Sevg-ho,  or  Ndra-Sinha,  beyond  which 
place  he  entered  the  forest  of  Po-lo-she,  or  Filii  trees 
{Sahadora  Persica),  where  he  encountered  the  bri- 
gands, as  already  related.  This  town  of  Nara-Sinha 
is,  I  believe,  represented  by  the  large  ruined  mound 
of  Ran-Si,  which  is  situated  9  miles  to  the  south  of 
Shekohpura,  and  25  miles  to  the  east- south-east  of 
Asarur,  and  about  the  same  distance  to  the  west  of 
Labor.*  Si,  or  Sih,  is  the  usual  Indian  contraction 
for  SinJi,  and  Ban  is  a  well-known  interchange  of  pro- 
nunciation with  Nar,  as  in  Banod  for  Narod,  a  large 
town  in  the  Gwalior  territory,  about  35  miles  to  the 
south  of  Narwar,  and  in  Nakldor  for  Lakhnor,  the 
capital  of  KateJiar,  or  Bohilkhand.  In  Bansi,  there- 
fore,  we  have  not  only  an  exact   correspondence  of 

*  See  Map  No.  VI. 



position,  but  also  the  most  precise  agreement  of  name, 
with  the  long-sought-for  Nara-Sinha  of  the  Chinese 
pilgrim.  This  identificatiou  is  the  more  valuable,  as  it 
furnishes  the  most  conclusive  evidence  that  could  be 
desired  of  the  accuracy  of  Hwcn  Thsang's  emplacement 
of  Sangala  to  the  westward  of  the  Eavi,  instead  of  to 
the  eastward,  as  indicated  by  the  classical  authorities. 
The  remains  of  Ban-si  consist  of  a  large  ruined 
mound,  600  feet  in  length  from  north  to  south,  and 
500  feet  from  east  to  west,  with  a  general  height  of 
from  20  to  25  feet.  It  is  thickly  covered  with  broken 
bricks  of  large  size,  and  coins  are  occasionally  found 
by  the  saltpetre  manufacturers.  All  the  old  ruined 
mounds  in  the  Punjab,  as  Shorkot,  Multan,  Harapa, 
etc.,  abound  in  saltpetre,  which  has  been  derived  from 
man's  occupation,  and  which,  therefore,  affords  a  cer- 
tain proof  that  the  mound  of  Eansi  is  not  a  natural 
elevation,  but  an  artificial  accumulation  of  rubbish, 
the  result  of  many  centuries.  Eansi  also  possesses  a 
tomb  of  a  Nao-tjaja,  or  giant  of  "  nine  yards,"  which 
I  believe  to  be  only  the  remains  of  a  recumbent  statue 
of  Buddha,  after  his  attainment  of  Nirvana,  or  death. 
Similar  gigantic  statues  of  bricks  and  mud  are  still 
made  in  Barma,  which,  when  in  ruins,  present  exactly 
the  same  appearance  as  these  Nao-^aja  tombs.  As 
Buddha  was  believed  to  have  died  with  his  face  to  the 
east,  all  the  Nirodna  statues  would,  of  course,  be 
placed  in  a  direction  from  north  to  south ;  and  as  Mu- 
hammadan  tombs  in  India  are  placed  in  the  same 
direction,  I  believe  that  the  early  Musalmans  took 
advantage  of  these  Buddhist  statues  to  form  ready- 
made  tombs  for  their  leaders  who  fell  in  battle.  I  shall 
have  more  to  saj-  on  this  subject  hereafter,  and  I  only 


mention  it  here  as  another  proof  of  the  antiquity  of 

Amhakajjiy  or  Amahatis. 

Amba  and  Kdpi  are  the  names  of  two  ruined  mounds, 
the  remains  of  ancient  cities,  which  are  said  to  have 
been  called  after  a  brother  and  sister,  whose  story  has 
already  been  referred  to  in  my  account  of  Manikyala. 
According  to  the  legend,  the  family  consisted  of  three 
brothers,  named  Sh'-kap,  Sir-suk,  and  Amba,  and  of 
four  sisters,  named  Kdpi,  Kaljii,  Muiide,  and  Mdndehi, 
each  of  whom  is  said  to  have  founded  a  city  to  the 
south  of  Shekohpura,  and  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
Han-si.  The  ruins  of  these  cities  are  pointed  out  at 
the  following  places : 

1st.  Sir-leap  is  a  mound  of  ruins  near  the  village  of 
Balarh,  6  miles  to  the  south  of  Shekohpura.  It  is  re- 
markable that  the  name  of  Balarh  is  also  connected  with 
Sirkap  in  the  legends  of  the  Sindh  Sagar  Doab,  which 
assign  the  Balarh  Tope  as  the  seat  of  this  Eaja. 

2nd.  Sir-suk  is  a  ruined  mound,  near  the  village  of 
Murad,  3^  miles  to  the  south  of  Shekohpura,  and  2\ 
miles  to  the  north  of  this  Sir-kap  mound. 

3rd.  Amha  is  a  large  ruined  mound  and  village,  up- 
wards of  9  miles  to  the  south  of  Shekohpara,  and  one 
mile  to  the  east  of  Ban-si. 

4th.  KdjA,  or  Kanpi,  as  it  is  also  written  and  pro- 
nounced, is  a  small  mound  1\  miles  to  the  east  of 
Amba,  on  the  old  high-road  to  Labor. 

5th.  Kalpi  is  another  small  ruined  mound  near  the 
village  of  Bhuipur,  about  midway  between  the  mounds 
of  Sir-kap  and  Amba. 

6th.  Munde  is  a  ruined  mound  and  village  on  the 



west  bank  of  the  Bd^h-bachha  river,   8  miles  to  the 
south  of  Eansi  and  Amba. 

7th.  Mdndeld  is  a  mined  mound  and  village  to  the 
south-east  of  Amba  and  Kapi,  from  which  it  is  equi- 
distant 3^  miles. 

All  of  these  mounds  are  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Hdgli-hacliha  river,  and  at  a  mean  distance  of  about  25 
miles  to  the  westward  of  Labor.     The  whole  of  the 
villages  just  mentioned  will  be  found  in  the  district 
map  of  Labor,  but  the  mounds  themselves  are  shown 
only  in  the  large  map  of  the  Sarakpur  Parganah.     I 
have  already  remarked  that  the  name  of  the  Bdgh- 
haclilia  river   is  most   probably   connected   with   the 
legend  of  the  "Seven  hungry  Tiger  Cubs"   {Bdffh- 
lachhas),  whose  names  are  preserved  in  those  of  the 
seven  mounds  above  noted.     The  same  story  is  told 
here  that  is   so  common  in  the  Sindh  Sagar  Doab. 
Easalu,  the  Eaja  of  Syalkot,  plays  at  Chopar  with  Sir- 
kajj  for  a  human  head,  and  having  won  it  accepts  his 
daughter  Koldld  instead  of  the  stake.     The  people 
have  the  most  undoubtiug  faith  in  the  truth  of  this 
legend,  and  they  quoted,  with  evident  satisfaction,  the 
following  couplet  in  support  of  their  belief: — 

"  Amha-Kapa }iai  larai, 
Kaljpi  hahin  chhurdwan  ai." 

When  strife  arose  'tween  Arab  and  Zap 
Tlieir  sister  Kalpi  made  it  up. 

As  they  could  give  no  explanation  of  the  nature  of 
this  quarrel,  the  couplet  adds  but  little  to  our  informa- 
tion regarding  the  seven  brothers  and  sisters.  I  may 
observe,  however,  that  the  junction  of  the  two  names 
of  Amia  and  Xapi  is  most  probably  as  old  as  the  time 
of  Ptolemy,  who  places  a  to-\vn  named  Amakuiis^  or 


Amakapis^  to  the  west  of  Eavi,  and  iii  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  Labokla,  or  Lahor.* 

The  mound  of  Amba  is  900  feet  square,  and  from 
25  to  30  feet  in  height ;  but  as  the  whole  of  the  sur- 
rounding fields,  for  a  breadth  of  about  600  feet,  are 
covered  with  broken  pottery,  the  full  extent  of  the 
ancient  town  may  be  taken  at  not  less  than  8000  feet, 
or  upwards  of  3  miles  in  circuit.  The  mound  itself  is 
covered  with  broken  bricks  of  large  size,  amongst 
which  I  discovered  several  pieces  of  carved  brick.  I 
found  also  one  piece  of  grey  sandstone,  and  a  piece  of 
speckled  iron  ore,  similar  to  that  of  Sangala,  and  of 
the  Earana  hills.  According  to  the  statements  of  the 
people,  the  place  was  founded  by  Eaja  Amba  1800  or 
1900  years  ago,  or  just  about  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era.  This  date  would  make  the  three  brothers 
contemporary  with  Hushka,  Jushka,  and  Kanishka, 
the  three  great  kings  of  the  YucJd,  or  Kushdn  race  of 
Indo-Scythians,  with  whom  I  am,  on  other  grounds, 
inclined  to  identify  them.  At  present,  however,  I  am 
not  prepared  to  enter  upon  the  long  discussion  which 
would  be  necessary  to  establish  their  identity. 

LoJidwar,  or  Ldhor. 

The  great  city  of  Lahor,  which  has  been  the  capital 
of  the  Panjab  for  nearly  nine  hundred  years,  is  said  to 
have  been  founded  by  Lava,  or  Zo,  the  son  of  Kama, 
after  whom  it  was  named  Lohdivar.  Under  this  form 
it  is  mentioned  by  Abu  Eihan  ;  but  the  present  form 

*  The  identification  of  Ptolemy's  Labohla  with  Lahor  was  first  made 
in  Kiepert's  Map  of  India,  according  to  Ptolemy,  which  accompanied 
Lassen's  '  Indische  Alterthumskunde.'  It  has  since  been  confirmed  by 
the  researches  of  Mr.  T.  H.  Thornton,  the  author  of  the  '  History  and 
Antiquities  of  Labor.' 


of  tie  name,  Ldhor,  wliicli  was  soon  adopted  by  the 
Muhammadans,  has  now  become  universal.  Its  history 
has  been  described  by  Mr.  Thornton  in  a  very  full  and 
able  account,  replete  with  interesting  information. 
He  has  identified  Labor  with  the  LaboUa  of  Ptolemy, 
which  I  believe  to  be  correct,  taking  the  first  two 
syllables  Labo  to  represent  the  name  of  Lava.  But  I 
would  alter  the  termination  of  Ma  to  Ika^  or  laha^  thus 
making  the  whole  name  Laholuka  for  Lavdlaka,  or  the 
"  abode  of  Lava.'''' 

Hwen  Thsang  makes  no  mention  of  Labor,  although 
it  is  almost  certain  that  he  must  have  passed  through 
it  on  his  way  from  Taki  to  Jalandhar.  He  notes* 
that  he  halted  for  a  whole  month  at  a  large  city  on 
the  eastern  frontier  of  Taki ;  but  as  this  kingdom  ex- 
tended to  the  Eyas  river  on  the  east,  the  great  city  on 
its  eastern  frontier  should  be  looked  for  on  the  line  of 
the  Bias,  and  not  on  the  Bavi.  It  was  most  probably 
Kasur.  The  first  distinct  mention  of  Labor  occurs  iii 
the  campaigns  of  Malimud  of  Ghazni,  when  the  Brah- 
man kings  of  the  Kabul  valley,  being  driven  from 
Peshawar  and  Ohind,  established  their  new  capital 
first  at  Bh'ira  on  the  Jhclam,  and  afterwards  at  Labor. 
Thus  both  Jaij  Fdl,  and  his  son  Anand  Pdl,  the  suc- 
cessive antagonists  of  Mahmud,  are  called  Eajas  of 
Labor  by  Ferishta.  This  Hindu  dynasty  was  sub- 
verted in  A.D.  1031,  when  Labor  became  the  residence 
of  a  Muhammadan  governor  under  the  king  of  Ghazni.f 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  99. 

t  This  date  is  derived  from  Ferishta;  but  there  are  coins  of  Mahmud 
with  Arabic  and  Sanskrit  inscriptions,  struck  at  Mahmudpur  in  a.h. 
1019.  Mr.  Thomas  has  identified  this  city  with  Labor.  It  is  found 
in  Abu  Eihan,  and  other  Muhammadan  historians,  under  the  corrupt 
form  of  Maiidhukur,  the  capital  of  Labor. 


Upwards  of  a  century  later,  in  a.d.  1152,  when  Bah- 
ram  was  driven  from  Ghazni  by  the  Afghans  of  Ghor, 
his  son  Kushru  established  himself  at  Labor.  But 
this  new  kingdom  lasted  for  only  two  generations,  un- 
til A.D.  1186,  when  the  sovereignty  of  the  Ghaznavis 
was  finally  extinguished  by  the  capture  and  imprison- 
ment of  Khusru  Malik,  the  last  of  his  race. 

Kusdivar,  or  KasCir. 

According  to  the  traditions  of  the  people  Kastlr  was 
founded  by  Kusa,  the  son  of  Eama,  after  whom  it  was 
named  Kusdwar,  which,  like  the  contemporary  city  of 
Lohawar,  has  been  slightly  altered  in  pronunciation 
by  the  transposition  of  the  vowels.  The  town  stands 
on  the  high  bank  of  the  old  bed  of  the  Bias  river,  32 
miles  to  the  south- south-east  of  Labor,*  and  is  popu- 
larly said  to  have  once  possessed  bdra  kilah,  or  "  twelve 
forts,"  of  which  seven  only  are  now  standing.  Its 
antiquity  is  undoubted.  There  are,  however,  no  build- 
ings or  remains  of  any  consequence ;  but  the  extent  of 
the  ruins  is  very  great  ;f  and  the  situation  on  the 
high-road  between  Labor  and  the  old  point  of  junc- 
tion of  the  Bias  and  Satlej,  opposite  Fii-uzpur,  is  so 
favourable  that  it  must  have  been  occupied  at  a  very 
early  date.  The  position  also  is  a  strong  one,  as  it  is 
covered  by  the  Bias  river  on  the  south,  and  by  ravines 
on  the  other  sides.  It  is  quite  impossible  to  define 
the  limits  of  the  ancient  city,  as  the  suburbs  of  the 
present  town  are  entirely  covered  with  the  ruins  of 

*  See  Map  No.  VI. 

t  I  speak  from  personal  survey  and  examination ;  but  I  can  also 
refer  to  Lieutenant  Barr's  '  Kabul  and  the  Panjab,'  p.  409, — "  Easnr, 
a  large  and  ancient  town,  that  in  former  days  must  have  covered  an 
extensive  area,  as  its  ruins  are  interminable." 



tombs  and  masjids,  and  other  massive  buildings ;  but 
it  could  not,  I  tbink,  have  occupied  less  than  one 
square  mile,  wbich  Avould  give  a  circuit  of  about  four 
miles  for  tbe  walled  town.  Several  of  tbe  tombs  are 
fully  a  mile  distant  from  tbe  present  town ;  and  at 
least  one-balf  of  tbe  intervening  space,  wbicb  is 
tbickly  covered  witb  ruins,  would  appear  to  bave  be- 
longed to  tbe  ancient  city.  It  seems  probable,  tbere- 
fore,  tbat  tbis  must  be  tbe  "great  town"  on  tbe 
eastern  frontier  of  Tdki^  tbat  is,  on  tbe  Bias  river,  at 
wbicb  Hwen  Tbsang  baited  for  a  montb  on  bis  Avay 
from  tbe  capital  of  Tdki  to  CJdnapati.  Unfortunately, 
be  bas  omitted  tbe  usual  details,  and  Ave  bave  only 
the  one  bare  fact,  tbat  it  was  situated  somewbere  on 
tbe  rigbt  bank  of  tbe  Bias  opposite  Labor,  to  guide  us 
in  determining  its  position. 

Chinapati^  or  Pati. 
Havcu  Tbsang  places  tbe  town  of  Cbinapati  at  500 
li,  or  83  miles,  to  tbe  cast  of  Tdki,  a  position  which 
corresponds  almost  exactly  witb  Fatti,  a  large  and 
very  old  town,  situated  27  miles  to  tbe  north-east  of 
Kasur,  and  10  miles  to  the  Avest  of  the  Bias  river.* 
Unfortunately  there  is  a  discrepancy  in  the  recorded 
distance  of  tbe  next  place  A'isitcd  by  the  pilgrim, 
otherAvise  the  site  of  Chinapati  might  have  been  fixed 
absolutely  with  reference  to  its  bearing  and  distance 
from  the  well-known  city  of  Jalandhar.  In  the  Lifef 
of  Hwen  Tbsang,  Chinapati  is  said  to  be  50  li,  or  8 
miles,  to  the  north-west  of  the  Tdmasa-vana  monastery, 
which  Avas  150  li,  or  26  miles,  to  the  south-west  of 
Jalandhar.     But  in  the  Travels  J  of  Hwen  Tbsang  the 

*  Sec  Map  No.  VI.  t  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  102. 

X  Ihid.,  ii.  198. 


distance  of  the  monastery  is  stated  at  500  A",  or  83 
miles,  from  Chinapati.  This  last  distance  is  quite  im- 
possible, as  it  would  place  Chinapati  about  30  miles 
to  the  north  of  Tdki,  instead  of  83  miles  to  the  east  of 
it,  as  specified  by  the  pilgrim  in  his  journal.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  shorter  distance  of  eight  miles  would 
place  it  in  the  midst  of  the  sandy  bed  of  the  Bias 
river,  where  no  town  has  ever  existed.  I  would, 
therefore,  propose  to  read  150  li,  or  25  miles,  which 
would  fix  Chinapati  at  the  town  of  Patti,  in  the  very 
position  that  has  already  been  determined  by  the 
bearing  and  distance  from  Tdki. 

Patti  is  a  large  brick  town  of  considerable  anti- 
quity. According  to  Burnes,*  it  was  built  in  the 
reign  of  Akbar;  but  he  is  undoubtedly  wrong,  as 
the  town  was  already  the  head  of  a  Parganah  in  the 
time  of  Hum^yun,  who  assigned  it  to  his  servant 
Jaohar.-j"  It  is  called  Patti-Haibatpur  by  Abul  Fazl,:{: 
and  it  is  still  known  as  Haibatpur-Patti.  According 
to  the  people,  the  town  received  its  Muhammadan 
name  from  Haibat  Kh4n,  whose  date  is  not  known, 
but  I  think  it  probable  that  he  may  be  identified  with 
Haibat  Ehan  Shirw^ni,  who  was  a  leading  noble  in 
the  time  of  Sikandar  Ludi,  and  who  commanded  the 
army  of  the  Afghan  king  against  Humayun  on  his 
return  from  Persia.  The  antiquity  of  Patti  is  proved 
by  the  numbers  of  burnt  bricks  and  old  wells  which 
are  found  about  the  town.  The  old  dry  wells  were 
noted  more  than  three  hundred  years  ago  by  Jaohar,|| 
the  attendant  of  the  Emperor  Humayun ;  and  the  pro- 

*  '  Travels  in  Panjab  and  Bokhara,'  ii.  9. 

t  'Memoirs  of  Humayun,'  112.  %  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  260. 

II  '  Memoirs  of  Humayun,'  p.  113. 


fusion  of  bricks  struck  Burnes,*  who  remarks  that 
"  the  houses  are  constructed  of  bricks,  and  the  streets 
are  even  laid  with  them.  Some  workmen  digging  a 
well  in  this  neighbourhood  lately  hit  upon  a  former 
well  on  which  was  a  Hindu  inscription.  It  set  forth 
that  it  had  been  built  by  one  Jr/urtuta,  of  whom  tra- 
dition gives  no  account."  I  visited  the  place  in  1838, 
only  a  few  years  after  Burnes,  but  I  failed  to  recover 
the  inscription. 

Another  proof  of  antiquity  is  the  presence  of  one  of 
the  long  graves  or  tombs,  Avhicli  the  people  call  No- 
ffcija^  or  "  Nine-yards,"  that  is  the  Giant.  The  Patti 
No-ffaja  is  said  by  Barrf  to  have  lived  in  the  time  of 
Akbar ;  but  these  tombs,  which  are  common  in  the 
north-west  of  India,  are  more  usually  referred  to  the 
Ghdzis,  who  fell  in  fight  against  the  infidels  in  the 
early  ages  of  Muhammadanism.  I  would  therefore 
assign  the^raye  to  the  time  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni, 
and  the  brick  tomb  which  has  been  erected  over  it  to 
the  time  of  Akbar. 

According  to  Ilwen  Thsang,  the  district  of  China- 
joata  was  about  2000  li,  or  333  miles,  in  circuit.  "With 
these  dimensions,  it  must  have  comprised  the  whole  of 
the  upper  Bari  Doab,  between  the  Bias  and  the  Ravi, 
from  the  foot  of  the  hills  to  the  old  junction  of  the 
Bias  and  Satlcj,  near  Firuzpur.  The  name  of  Chi-na- 
po-ti,  or  Chinapati,  is  referred  to  the  time  of  the  great 
Indo-Scythian  king  Kanishka,  who  fixed  this  place  as 
the  residence  of  his  Chinese  hostages.  The  pilgrim 
adds,  that  previous  to  their  residence,  India  had  pos- 
sessed neither  pears  nor  peaches,  both  of  which  were 
introduced  by  the  Chinese  hostages.     The  pears  were 

*  '  Panjab  and  Bokhara,'  ii.  9.  f  '  Cabul  and  the  Panjab,'  p.  62. 


called  Chi-na-ni,  or  Cldndni^  that  is,  "  brouglit  from 
China,"  and  the  peaches  Chi-na-Io-she-fo-ta-lo,  or  China- 
rclja-putra^  that  is,  the  "  China  King's  sons."  This  is 
not  quite  correct,  as  both  pears  and  peaches  are  found 
growing  wild  in  the  neighbouring  hills.  But  there 
are  now  two  kinds  of  cultivated  peaches,  the  one  round 
and  juicy,  the  other  flat  and  sweet.  The  first,  which 
is  called  dm  in  Hindi,  and  Shaftdlu  in  Persian,  is 
certainly  indigenous ;  but  the  other,  which  is  called 
Chini-shaffdht,  is  most  probably  that  which  Hwen 
Thsang  refers  to  as  having  been  introduced  from 

3.    SHORKOT. 

Hwen  Thsang  calls  the  central  district  of  the  Panjab 
Po-fa-to,  or  Po-la-fa-to,  for  which  M.  Stanislas  Julien 
proposes  to  read  Parvata.  But  to  this  it  may  be  ob- 
jected that  parvata^  which  means  a  "  hill,"  could  not 
be,  and  in  fact  never  is,  applied  as  a  name  to  any 
place  in  the  plains.  The  capital  was  situated  at 
700  li,  or  117  miles,  to  the  north-east  of  Multan,  a 
position  which  agrees  almost  exactly  with  the  site  of 
Jhan//,  on  the  Chenab.  But  as  this  place  lies  at  some 
distance  above  the  junction  of  the  Jhelam  and  Chenab, 
it  is  most  probable  that  it  belonged  to  the  northern 
division  of  TdM.  In  this  case  the  distance  recorded 
by  Hwen  Thsang  would  be  too  great,  which  might  be 
due  to  his  overlooking  the  shortness  of  the  kos  in  this 
part  of  the  country,  as  I  have  already  explained  in 
my  account  of  Singhapura.  This  kos  is  only  1  mile 
and  2^  furlongs,  or  just  ^  of  the  common  kos.  At  this 
valuation  Hwen  Thsang's  distance  would  be  only  76 
miles,  which  is  within  a  few  miles  of  the  position  of 



Shorkot,  or  SJdr,  as  it  is  called  in  the  'Ayin  Akbari.' 
Now  the  initial  syllable  po  of  the  Chinese  name  is  fre- 
quently interchanged  with  the  syllable  so,  of  which  we 
have  a  notable  instance  in  Po-h-iu-Io  for  So-Io-tii-lo,  or 
Saldtura,  the  well-known  birthplace  of  the  famous  gram- 
marian Panini.  It  is  quite  possible,  therefore,  that 
the  same  interchange  may  have  occurred  in  the  name 
of  Po-lo-fa-to,  for  So-lo-fa-to,  or  Soravati,  which  would 
be  a  synonym  for  Shorkot.  This  is  a  mere  suggestion 
to  account  for  the  Chinese  name  of  the  capital,  which 
does  not  affect  the  identification  of  the  province,  as  it 
is  quite  certain,  from  its  position  to  the  north-east  of 
Multan,  that  it  must  correspond  with  the  parffanaJi, 
or  district  of  Shorkot.  The  people  I  take  to  be  the 
SudraktB,  or  Oxudrakce  of  the  classical  writers,  a 
point  which  will  be  fully  examined  in  my  account  of 

The  province  is  described  by  Hwen  Thsang  as  being 
5000  //,  or  833  miles,  in  circuit,  which  must  be  greatly 
exaggerated.  On  the  cast  the  boundary  was  limited 
by  the  Satlej,  which  for  100  miles  formed  the  frontier 
line  of  the  kingdom  of  Gurjjara ;  on  the  north  it  was 
bounded  by  the  province  of  Tdki  for  a  distance  of  200 
miles  from  the  Indus  to  the  old  junction  of  the  Byas 
and  Satlej,  near  Firuzpur ;  on  the  south  it  was 
bounded  by  Multan  for  a  distance  of  150  miles  from 
the  Indus,  near  Dera  Din-pandk,  to  the  Satlej,  below 
Fukpaian ;  on  the  west  it  Avas  bounded  by  the  Indus 
itself  for  about  50  miles.  The  total  length  of  frontier 
is  therefore  not  more  than  520  miles,  which  is  con- 
siderably less  than  the  circuit  recorded  by  Hwen 
Thsang.  The  discrepancy  may  perhaps  be  explained, 
as  before,  by  the  use  of  the  short  kos,  which  would 


reduce  the  circuit  of  833  miles  to  531,  -wliich  agrees 
very  closely  witli  the  actual  measurements. 

Within  these  limits  there  are  several  important 
towns,  and  many  ruined  mounds,  the  remains  of 
ancient  cities,  which  once  played  an  important  part 
in  the  history  of  the  Panjab.     These  are : — 

-p.  ,       J)  ''I,    fl-  Shorkot. 

(2.  Kot  Kamalia. 
f3.  Harapa. 

BariDoab    ,  .  4.  Akhar. 

15.  Satgarha. 

Doab         [6.  Depalpur. 

Jalandhar  Pithl7.  Ajudhan. 

Shor/cot  is  a  huge  mound  of  ruins,  which  gives  its 
name  to  the  parganah,  or  division  of  Shot,  or  the 
lower  half  of  the  Eichna  Doab.*  It  was  visited  by 
BurneSjf  who  describes  the  place  as  "a  mound  of  earth, 
surrounded  by  a  brick  wall,  and  so  high  as  to  be  seen 
for  a  circuit  of  six  or  eight  miles."  He  adds  that  it 
is  much  larger  than  Sehwan,  which,  following  the 
measurement  of  De  la  Hoste,  is  1200  feet  long,  by 
750  feet  broad.]:  According  to  my  information,  Sbor- 
kot  is  much  smaller  than  Harapa,  and  about  the  size 
of  Akbar,  that  is,  2000  feet  by  1000  feet,  but  loftier 
than  either  of  them.  The  mound  is  surrounded  by  a 
wall  of  large-sized  bricks,  which  is  an  undoubted  sign 
of  antiquity.  Burnes  was  informed  by  the  people  that 
their  town  had  been  destroyed  by  some  king  from  the 
westward,  about  1300  years  ago.     The  locality  leads 

*  See  Map  No.  VI.  t  '  Bokhara  and  Panjab,'  i.  113. 

X  '  Journ.  Asiat.  See.,  Bengal,  1840,  p.  913. 



him  to  fix  on  it  as  the  place  where  Alexander  was 
wounded,  and  to  assign  its  doAvnfall  to  Alexander 
himself.  I  received  the  same  tradition  about  its  de- 
struction, which  I  would  attribute  to  the  White  Huns, 
who  must  have  entered  the  Panjab  from  the  westward 
during  the  sixth  century,  or  about  the  very  time 
specified  in  the  tradition. 

The  foundation  of  the  city  is  attributed  to  a  fabu- 
lous Eaja  Slwr,  of  whom  nothing  is  known  but  the 
name.  I  think  it  probable  that  Shorkot  may  be  the 
Alexandria  Soriano,  Xwpmvrj,  of  Stephanus  Byzan- 
tinus,  who  gives  no  clue  to  its  position  save  the  bare 
fact  that  it  was  in  India.  The  names  agree  so  exactly 
that  I  feci  tempted  to  suggest  that  Shorkot  may  have 
been  enlarged  and  strengthened  by  Philip,  whom 
Alexander  left  behind  as  governor  of  the  Oxudrakce 
and  Main.  This  suggestion  seems  the  more  probable 
when  we  remember  that  Shorkot  was  in  the  direct 
line  of  Alexander's  route,  from  the  junction  of  the 
Hydaspes  and  Akesines  to  the  capital  of  the  Malli. 
I  would,  therefore,  identify  it  with  the  city  of  the 
Malli,  which,  according  to  Diodorus  and  Curtius,  sur- 
rendered after  a  short  blockade.*  Curtiusf  places  it 
at  250  stadia,  or  28f  miles,  from  the  junction  of  the 
rivers,  a  position  which  corresj^onds  exactly  with  that 
of  Shorkot.  The  account  of  Arrian  differs  from  that 
of  the  other  two  historians  in  several  very  important 
particulars.  He  states  that  the  first  city  taken  by 
Alexander  after  leaving  the  confluence  of  the  rivers 
was  inland  400  stadia,  or  46  miles,;}:  distant  from  the 
Akesines,   and   that   it  was  captured  by  assault.     I 

*  '  Diodorus,'  xvii.  52  ;  Curtius,  "  corona  cepit." 

t  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  4,  10.  %  '  Anabasis,'  \\.  7. 


infer  that  this  city  was  Kot  Kamdlia,  and  I  would  ex- 
plain the  discrepancy  in  the  two  narratives  by  a  re- 
ference to  the  details  of  this  campaign  which  are  given 
by  Arrian.  Alexander  divided  his  army  into  three 
great  bodies,  of  which  the  advanced  division,  com- 
manded by  Hephsestion,  marched  five  days  ahead  ; 
the  centre  was  commanded  by  himself,  and  the  rear 
division,  which  was  commanded  by  Ptolemy,  followed 
three  days  behind.  As  the  campaign  was  directed 
against  the  Malli,  I  conclude  that  the  army  marched 
by  the  direct  route,  via  Shorkot  towards  Multan,  which 
was  certainly  the  capital  of  the  Malli.  .  Shorkot  would 
thus  have  fallen  to  Hephsestion,  who  commanded  the 
advanced  division  of  the  army.  Alexander's  own 
route  will  be  described  presently,  when  I  come  to 
speak  of  Kot  Kamalia. 

The  antiquity  of  Shorkot  may  be  ascertained  ap- 
proximately by  the  coins  which  are  found  in  its  ruins. 
These  consist  chiefly  of  Indo-Scythian  copper  pieces 
of  all  ages,  with  a  few  Hindu  specimens,  and  a  large 
number  of  Muhammadan  coins.  A  single  copper  piece 
of  Apollodotus  was  obtained  by  Bumes.  From  these 
data  I  would  infer  that  the  town  was  certainly  oc- 
cupied as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Greek  kings  of 
Ariana  and  the  Panjab,  and  that  it  was  in  a  flourish- 
ing state  during  the  sway  of  the  Indo-Scytliians,  or 
from  B.C.  126  down  to  a.d.  250,  or  perhaps  later.  But 
as  the  Hindu  coins  which  I  obtained  from  Shorkot 
were  entirely  confined  to  the  Brahman  kings  of  the 
Kabul  valley  and  the  Panjab,  I  conclude  that  the 
place  was  either  deserted,  or,  at  least,  in  a  very  de- 
cayed state,  during  the  middle  ages  ;  and  that  it  was 
either  re-occupied  or  restored  in  the  tenth  century  by 
one  of  these  Brahman  kings. 


Kot  Kamdlia. 

Kot  Kamalia  is  a  small  but  ancient  town  situated 
on  an  isolated  mound  on  the  right  or  northern  bank 
of  the  Eavi,  which  marks  the  extreme  limit  of  the 
river's  fluctuations  on  that  side.*  It  is  44  miles  to 
the  south-east  of  the  junction  of  the  Hydaspes  and  Ake- 
sines,  and  35  miles  to  the  cast-south-east  of  Shorkot. 
It  possesses  an  ancient  mound  of  burnt-brick  ruins, 
and  is  said  to  have  been  overthrown  by  a  king  from 
the  West  at  the  same  time  as  Shorkot  and  Ilarapa. 
Its  present  name,  according  to  some  people,  was  de- 
rived from  a  Muhammadan  governor,  named  Kamal- 
ud-din.  But  this  is  not  certain ;  and  I  think  it  is 
quite  possible  that  it  may  owe  its  origin  to  the  Malli 
tribe,  which  still  exists  in  this  part  of  the  country ; 
but  whether  the  name  be  old  or  not,  it  is  quite  certain 
that  the  site  is  very  ancient ;  and  I  am,  therefore,  led 
to  believe  that  it  may  be  identified  with  the  first  city 
captured  by  Alexander  in  his  campaign  against  the 

Arrian's  account  of  the  capture  is  so  clear  and  con- 
cise that  I  will  quote  it  in  his  own  words.f  On  leav- 
ing the  junction  of  the  riA^ors  Alexander  "  marched 
through  a  desert  country  against  the  Malii,  and  the 
first  day  pitched  his  tents  on  the  banks  of  a  small 
rivulet,  about  one  hundred  stadia  distant  from  the 
river  Akesines.  Having  there  allowed  his  troops  a 
little  time  for  refreshment  and  rest,  he  ordered  every 
one  to  fill  all  his  vessels  with  water,  which  done,  he 
continued  his  march  the  remaining  part  of  that  day 
and  all  night,  and  early  the  next  morning  arrived  at 

*  See  Maps  Nos.  V.  aud  VI.  f  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  7. 


a  city,  whither  many  of  the  Malii  had  fled  for  refuge, 
and  this  was  about  400  stadia  distant  from  the  Ake- 
sincs."  The  small  rivulet  here  mentioned  I  believe 
to  be  the  lower  course  of  the  Ayek  river,  which  rises 
in  the  outer  range  of  hills,  and  flows  past  Syalkot 
towards  Sangala,  beloAv  which  the  bed  is  still  traceable 
for  some  distance.  It  appears  again  18  miles  to  the 
east  of  Jhavff,  and  is  finally  lost  about  12  miles  to  the 
east  of  Shorkot.*  Now  somewhere  between  these  two 
points  Alexander  must  have  crossed  the  Jj/ck,  as  the 
desert  country,  which  he  afterwards  traversed,  lies 
ixmediately  beyond  it.  If  he  had  marched  to  the 
south  he  would  have  arrived  at  Shorkot,  but  he  would 
not  have  encountered  any  desert,  as  his  route  would 
have  been  over  the  Khcldar,  or  low-lying  lands  in  the 
valley  of  the  Chenab.  A  march  of  46  miles  in  a 
southerly  direction  would  have  carried  him  also  right 
up  to  the  bank  of  the  Hydraotes,  or  Eavi,  a  point 
which  Alexander  only  reached,  according  to  Arrian's 
narrative,  after  another  night's  march. f  As  this  march 
lasted  from  the  first  watch  of  the  night  until  daylight, 
it  cannot  have  been  less  than  18  or  20  miles,  which 
agrees  exactly  with  the  distance  of  the  Eavi  opposite 
Tulamba  from  Kot  Kamalia.  The  direction  of  Alex- 
ander's march  must,  therefore,  have  been  to  the  south- 
east ;  first  to  the  Jyek  river,  where  he  halted  to  re- 
fresh his  soldiers,  and  to  fill  their  water  vessels,  and 
thence  across  the  hard  clayey  and  waterless  tract  called 
Sandar-Mr,  that  is,  the  5ar,  a  desert  of  the  Sandar,  or 
Chandra  river.  Thus  the  position  of  the  rivulet,  the 
description  of  the  desolate  country,  and  the  distance  of 
the  city  from  the  confluence  of  the  rivers,  all  agree  in 

*  See  Maps  Nos.  V.  and  VI.  t  'Anabasis,'  vi.  7. 




fixing  the  site  of  the  fortress  assaulted  by  Alexander 
Ayith  Kot  Kamdlia. 

Arrian  describes  the  place  as  a  A^-alled  city  with  a 
castle  seated  on  an  eminence  of  difficult  access,  which 
the  Indians  held  for  a  long  time.  At  last  it  Avas 
carried  by  storm,  and  the  whole  of  the  garrison,  to 
the  number  of  2000,  were  put  to  the  sword. 


Whilst  Alexander  was  engaged  in  the  assault  of 
the  city  just  described,  Arrian  relates  that  he  had  dis- 
patched Perdikkas  with  the  cavalry  against  "an- 
other city  of  the  Malii,  into  which  a  great  body  of 
Indians  had  fled  for  safety."*  His  instructions  Avere  to 
blockade  the  city  until  Alexander  arrived ;  but  the  in- 
habitants deserted  the  place  on  his  approach,  and  took 
refuge  in  the  neighbouring  marshes.  This  city  I  be- 
lieve to  be  Ilarapa.  The  mention  of  marshes  shows 
that  it  must  have  been  near  the  Eavi,  and  as  Per- 
dikkas was  sent  in  advance  of  Alexander,  it  must  also 
have  been  beyond  Kot  Kamalia,  that  is,  to  the  east  or 
south-east  of  it.  Now  this  is  exactly  the  position  of 
Ilarapa,  which  is  situated  16  miles  to  the  east-south- 
east of  Kot  Karaalia,  and  on  the  opposite  high  bank 
of  the  Eavi.f  There  are  also  several  marshes  in  the 
low  ground  in  its  immediate  vicinity. 

Ilarapa  has  been  described  by  two  well-known  tra- 
vellers, Burnes  and  Masson,  and  to  their  descriptions 
I  am  not  able  to  add  much,  although  I  have  been 
encamped  at  the  place  on  three  different  occasions. 
BurnesI  estimated  the  extent  of  the  ruins  as  "  about 

*  'Anabasis,'  ri.  6.  f  See  Maps  Nos.  \  ■  and  VI. 

X  'Bokhara,' i.  117. 


three  miles  in  circumference,  which  is  one-half  too 
much,  as  the  actual  ruined  mound  forms  an  irregular 
square  of  only  half  a  mile  on  each  side,  or  two  miles  in 
circuit.  But  this  comprises  only  the  remains  of  the 
walled  town,  to  which  we  may  fairly  add  the  suburbs, 
or  fields  now  covered  with  broken  bricks  and  other 
remains,  which  would  bring  the  size  of  the  old  town 
quite  up  to  Burnes's  estimate.  Masson*  notices  a  tra- 
dition that  Harapa  once  extended  on  the  west  as  far 
as  Chichawatni,  a  distance  of  12  miles,  which  serves, 
at  least,  to  show  the  belief  of  the  people  as  to  the 
former  size  and  importance  of  their  town. 

The  great  mass  of  ruins  is  on  the  western  side, 
where  the  mound  rises  to  60  feet  in  height  in  the 
centre.  At  this  point  there  are  several  massive  walls 
built  of  large  bricks,  which  are,  no  doubt,  the  remains 
of  some  extensive  building.  The  other  portions  of 
the  mound  vary  from  30  to  50  feet  in  height,  the 
mass  being  formed  almost  entirely  of  broken  bricks. 
Tradition  assigns  its  foundation  to  Eaja  Harapa,  of 
unknown  date,  and  its  destruction  to  the  same  western 
king,  of  the  sixth  century,  who  overthrew  Shorkot, 
and  whom  I  believe  to  have  been  the  leader  of  the 
White  Huns.  The  crimes  of  its  ruler,  who  claimed 
the  husband's  privilege  on  every  marriage,  are  said  to 
have  drawn  down  the  vengeance  of  Heaven,  and  Ha- 
rapa remained  uninhabited  for  several  centuries.  As 
the  coins  that  are  found  in  its  ruins  are  similar  to 
those  discovered  at  Shorkot,  I  think  that  the  two 
places  must  have  experienced  the  same  fortunes ;  I 
would,  therefore,  assign  its  doAvnfall  to  the  Arabs, 
who  overran  the  whole  of  the  lower  Panjab  imme- 

*  '  Travels,'  i.  453,  and  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  vi.  57. 




diately  after  the  capture  aud  occupation  of  Multan  in 
A.D.  713. 


The  village  of  Akbar  is  situated  on  the  high-road 
leading  from  Lahor  to  Multan,  at  G  miles  to  the  south- 
west of  Gugera,  and  80  miles  from  Lahor.  The  ruins 
of  the  old  toAvn,  which  stand  close  to  the  village,  con- 
sist of  a  large  mound  1000  feet  square,  with  a  small 
castle  200  feet  square,  and  7-5  feet  high  at  its  northern 
end ;  and  a  second  low  mound  800  feet  long,  and  400 
feet  broad  at  the  southern  end.  It  must  be  a  place  of 
great  antiquity,  as  I  found  many  bricks  of  very  large 
size,  20  by  10  by  3^  inches,  such  as  have  not  been 
manufactured  for  many  centuries  past.  The  place  was 
deserted  until  about  a.d.  1823,  when  Gulab  Singh 
Povindia  established  the  present  village  of  Akbar. 
The  old  name  is  now  utterly  lost,  which  is  much  to 
be  regretted,  as  the  number  of  moulded  bricks  found 
amongst  the  ruins  show  that  the  place  must  have  con- 
tained buildings  of  some  architectural  consequence. 


Saigarha  is  situated  13  miles  to  the  east  of  Gugera, 
on  one  of  the  projecting  points  of  the  high  bank  which 
marks  the  limit  of  the  windings  of  the  Eavi  on  the 
east.  The  name  means  the  "  seven  castles,"  but  these 
no  longer  exist.  There  is  an  old  brick  fort  on  a 
mound,  and  several  isolated  mounds,  covered  with 
broken  bricks  and  other  remains,  which  mark  the  site 
of  an  ancient  city.  Old  coins  are  found  in  considerable 
numbers,  from  the  time  of  the  Indo-Scythians  down- 
wards.    It  has,  therefore,  most   probably  been  con- 


tinuously  occupied  from  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
era  down  to  the  present  time. 


During  the  rule  of  the  Pathan  emperors  of  Delhi, 
Depalpur  was  the  capital  of  the  northern  Panjab.  It 
was  a  favourite  residence  of  Firuz  Shah,  who  erected 
a  large  masjid  outside  the  city,  and  drew  a  canal  from 
the  Satlej  for  the  irrigation  of  its  lands.  At  the  time 
of  Timur's  invasion  it  was  second  only  to  Multan  in 
size  and  importance,  and  was  popularly  said  to  pos- 
sess 84  towers,  84  masjids,  and  84  wells.  At  present 
it  is  very  nearly  deserted,  there  being  only  one  in- 
habited street  running  between  the  two  gates.  In 
shape  it  is  a  square  of  nearly  1600  feet,  Avith  a  pro- 
jection 500  feet  square  at  the  south-east  quarter.  To 
the  south-west  there  is  a  high  ruined  mound,  which 
is  said  to  bo  the  remains  of  a  citadel.  It  was  con- 
nected with  the  town  by  a  bridge  of  three  arches, 
which  is  still  standing ;  and  from  its  high  and  com- 
manding position  I  conclude  that  it  must  have  been 
the  citadel.  To  the  south  and  cast  there  are  also 
long  mounds  of  ruins,  which  are,  no  doubt,  the  re- 
mains of  the  suburbs.  The  actual  ruins  of  Depalpur, 
including  the  citadel  and  suburbs,  occupy  a  space 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  in  length  by  half  a  mile  in 
breadth  or  2-|-  miles  in  circuit.  But  in  its  flourishing 
days  it  must  have  been  much  larger,  as  the  fields  to 
the  east  are  strewn  with  bricks  right  up  to  the  banks 
of  the  canal,  near  which  Firuz  Shah's  masjid  was 
situated.  This  extension  of  the  city  beyond  the  walls 
may  also  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  people  of 
Depalpur,    on    Timur's   invasion,    sought    refuge    in 



Bhatner,   which  they  would  not  have  done  if  their 
own  city  had  been  defensible. 

The  foundation  of  the  place  is  assigned  to  EajaDeva 
Pala,  Avhose  date  is  unknown.  Its  antiquity,  how- 
ever, is  undoubted,  as  the  interior  surface  on  which 
the  houses  are  now  built  is  on  a  level  with  the  terre- 
plein  of  the  ramparts.  The  old  coins,  also,  which  are 
found  there  in  great  numbers,  show  that  Depalpur  was 
in  existence  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Indo-Scythians. 
I  am  inclined,  therefore,  to  identify  it  with  the  Dai- 
dala  of  Ptolemy,  which  was  on  the  Satlej  to  the  south 
of  Laholda  and  AmaJcatis,  or  Labor  and  Ambakapi. 

Ajudlian^  or  Pdhpatan. 

The  ancient  town  of  Ajudhan  is  situated  on  the  high 
bank  of  the  old  Satlej,  28  miles  to  the  south- Avest  of 
Depalpur,  and  10  miles  from  the  present  course  of  the 
river.  Its  foundation  is  assigned  to  a  Hindu  saint,  or 
raja,  of  the  same  name,  of  whom  nothing  else  is  re- 
corded. This  part  of  the  Doab  is  still  known  as  Surdt- 
des,  a  name  Avhich  recalls  the  SurakouscB  of  Diodorus, 
and  the  Sudrakce  and  Oxudraka  of  other  Greek  writers. 
Now,  the  Sudralios  are  always  coupled  with  the  Malli 
by  classical  authors,  just  as  Ajudhan  and  Multan  are 
joined  together  by  the  Muhammadan  historians.  I 
think,  therefore,  that  we  may  look  upon  Ajudhan  and 
its  neighbour  Depalpur  as  two  of  the  chief  cities  of 
the  Sadrcd-as,  or  Sura/an-,  who,  in  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander, were  one  of  the  free  nations  of  India.  Dionysius 
and  Nonnus  use  the  form  of  Iliidarkcs,  Pliny  has  8j/- 
dracce,  which  agrees  with  Strabo's  Sudraka ;  and 
Diodorus  has  Surakoiisce.  Arrian  and  Curtius  alone 
give   Oxudiaka.      Strabo  adds   that  they  were   said 


to   be  descendants   of  Bacchus;*    and  as  Chares  of 
Mytilene   states   that   the   name  of  the  Indian  god 
SopodBetos    meant    oIvottoios,    or   the    "Wine-bibber," 
I    infer    that    the    people    who    boasted   a   descent 
from  Bacchus  may  have  called  themselves  Surd/cas, 
or  Bacchidae.     The  d  in  Sudrakm  I  look  upon  as  a  re- 
dimdant  addition  of  the  Greeks,  which  is  also  found 
in  the  Adraisice  of  Arrian  and  the  Andrestm  of  Dio- 
dorus.     The  Sanskrit  name  of  this  people  was  Ardsh- 
traka,  or  "the  Kingless,"  which  is  well  preserved  in 
Justin's  Arestce.     Surakai,  or  the  descendants  of  Sura, 
must  therefore  be  the  true  Greek  form.     This  is  con- 
firmed by  the  longer  form  of  the  name  given  by  Dio- 
dorus  as  SvpaKovaai,  which  is  most  probably  derived 
from   the  Sanskrit  surd,   "wine,"   and  kusa,    "mad, 
or   inebriated."       It   would   thus   mean   simply   the 
"  drunkards,"  a  nickname  which  was  no  doubt  given 
by  their  Arian  neighbours,  who  were  very  liberal  in 
their  abuse  of  the  Turanian  population  of  the  Panjab. 
Thus  the  Kathasi  of  Sangala  are  stigmatized  in  the 
Mahabharata  as  "thieving  Bdldkas,^''  as  well  as  "wine- 
bibbers  "  and  "  beef  eaters,  "f    They  are  also  called  by 
a  variety  of  names,  as  Madra,  Bdhika,   Aratla,  and 
Jdrttikka,   and   not   even  once  by  their  own  proper 
name,  which,  as  we  know  from  Alexander's  historians, 
was  Kathcei,  which  is  still  preserved  in  the  KatJd  of 
the  present  day.    I  confess,  therefore,  that  I  look  upon 
many  of  the  ethnic  appellations  which  the  Greeks  have 
handed  down  to  us  as  nere  nicknames,  or  abusive 
epithets  applied  by  the  Brahmanical  Aiians  to  their 
Turanian   neighbours.      For   instance,    the   name   of 

*  Geogr.,  xiv.  1,  8,  and  33. 

t  StenA-BahilcA  dli&nagaudasavain-pttwa  gomansam. 



Kamhisfholi,  which.  Arrian*  gives  to  a  people  on  the 
Hydraotes,  or  Eavi,  is  most  probably  derived  from 
the  Sanskrit  Kapisasthala,  that  is,  "Wine-land,  or  the 
Tavern,"  which  would  be  a  natural  epithet  for  the 
country  of  the  SurdkusaSj  or  "  wine-bibbers."  Simi- 
larly I  would  explain  Oxudraka  as  Asuralca^  or  the 
"  Demons." 

The  doubt  now  arises  whether  Surdlca^  or  "  the 
drinkers,"  can  have  been  the  true  name  of  this  people. 
Arrianf  places  the  Oxudraka;  at  the  junction  of  the 
Hydaspcs  and  Akesines,  where  Curtius  locates  the 
Sobii,  Diodorus  the  Ibce,  and  Strabo  the  Siba.  The 
only  explanation  of  this  discrepancy  that  I  can  suggest 
is,  the  probable  confusion  between  the  name  of  SoUi, 
or  Chobiya^  of  rerishta,:j:  and  that  of  Sorii,  or  SuraJca. 
The  former  was  the  name  of  the  subjects  of  Sopeithes, 
or  Sophytes,  whose  rule  extended  over  the  Salt  Eange 
of  mountains  above  the  junction  of  the  Hydaspes  and 
Akesines.  The  latter  name  I  would  refer  to  ShorJcot, 
which  I  have  already  identified  with  Alexandria 
Sdriane.  It  is  still  the  capital  of  the  district  of  Shor, 
which  lies  just  below  the  junction  of  the  Hydaspes 
and  Akesines.  The  Sobii,  therefore,  were  the  imme- 
diate neighbours  of  the  Sorii,  the  former  people  occu- 
pying the  country  above  the  confluence  of  the  rivers, 
and  the  latter  the  country  just  below  it. 

This  location  of  the  Sorii,  or  Siirdkas,  explains  the 
statement  of  ^\j.Tian§  that  the  Kathai  were  allies  of 
the  OxudrakcB  and  Malii  They  were  neighbouring 
nations,  who  were  generally  at  war  with  each  other,  but 
were  always  ready  to  join  against  a  common  enemy. 

*  '  Indiea,'  iv.  t  '  Indica,'  iv. 

X  Briggs's  '  Ferishta,'  Introduction,  i.  ]xxii.        §  'Anabasis,'  v.  22. 


PIIbj  places  the  limit  of  Alexander's  career  in  the 
territory  of  the  Sudrakas,  "  in  Sudracis  expeditio  Alex- 
andri  termino,"*  and  the  altars  on  the  opposite  hank  of 
the  Hyphasis,  or  Bias  river.  From  this  point  to  the 
river  Sj/drus,  that  is  the  Hesidrus,  or  Satlej,  he  makes 
the  distance  168  Eoman,  or  154  British  miles  ;  and 
from  the  S^drus  to  the  Jomanes,  or  Jumna,  exactly  the 
same.  But  as  the  whole  distance  from  the  Bi^s  to  the 
Jumna  varies  from  150  to  160  miles,  from  the  foot  of 
the  hills  down  to  Kasur  on  the  former  riA'^er,  and  down 
to  Xarn^l  on  the  latter  river,  I  presume  that  only 
one  distance,  namely,  that  from  the  Bias  to  the  Jumna, 
was  stated  in  Pliny's  original  authority.  The  famous 
spot  on  the  eastern  hank-  of  the  Hyphasis,  where 
"  Alexander  halted  and  wept,"j"  must  have  been 
somewhere  in  the  low  ground  between  the  Satlej  and 
the  Bias,  at  a  short  distance  above  the  old  junction 
opposite  Kasur  and  Bazidpur.  Por  20  miles  above 
this  point  the  courses  of  the  two  rivers  ran  almost 
parallel,  and  within  a  few  miles  of  each  other,  from 
the  earliest  times  down  to  a.d.  1796,  when  the  Satlej 
suddenly  changed  its  course,  and  joined  the  Bias 
above  Hari-Zci-patan.  "Within  this  range  of  20  miles 
the  space  between  the  two  rivers  was  so  small  that  it 
might  easily  have  been  overlooked  in  stating  the  dis- 
tance from  Alexander's  camp  to  the  Jumna.  I  believe, 
however,  that  it  was  actually  noted  by  Alexander's 
contemporaries,  for  Pliny,  after  stating  the  distance  to 
the  Jumna,  says,  "  some  copies  add  five  miles  more.'':}: 

*  Hist.  Nat.,  xii.  12. 

t  Gibbon,  'Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Eoman  Empire:'  "On  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Hyphasis,  on  the  verge  of  the  desert,  the  Mace- 
donian hero  halted  and  wept." 

J  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  21. :  "  Exemplaria  aliqua  adjiciuut  quinque  millia 


Xow  these  five  Roman  miles  are  the  exact  distance  of 
the  old  bed  of  the  Satlej  from  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Bias,  a  measurement  which  some  of  the  ancient 
writers  may  have  omitted  to  note  as  a  matter  of  little 
importance.  On  a  general  review  of  all  the  data,  I 
think  that  the  site  of  Alexander's  altars  must  be 
looked  for  along  the  line  of  the  present  course  of  the 
Satlej,  at  a  few  miles  below  Hari-M-pafan,  and  not  far 
from  the  well-known  field  of  Sobraon,  which  is  barely 
five  miles  distant  from  several  bends  of  the  old  bed  of 
the  Satlej.  To  this  point,  therefore,  the  territory  of 
the  SudraJece,  or  Surdkas,  must  have  extended  in  the 
time  of  Alexander. 

For  many  centuries  Aju.dhan  was  the  principal  ferry 
on  the  Satlej.  Here  met  the  two  great  western  roads 
from  Dera  Ghazi  Khan  and  Dera  Ismail  Khan ;  the 
first  via  Mankera,  Shorkot,  and  Harapa ;  the  second 
via  INIultan.  At  this  point  the  great  conquerors  Mah- 
mud  and  Timur,  and  the  great  traveller  Ibn  Batuta, 
crossed  the  Satlej.  The  fort  is  said  to  have  been  cap- 
tured by  Sabuktugin  in  a.h.  367,  or  a.d.  977-78,  during 
his  plundering  expedition  in  the  Panjub  ;  and  again  by 
Ibrahim  Ghaznavi,  in  a.h.  472,  or  a.d.  1079-80.  On  the 
invasion  of  Timur,  the  mass  of  the  population  fled  to 
Bhatner,  and  the  few  people  that  remained  were  spared 
by  that  ruthless  barbarian  out  of  respect  for  the  famous 
saint  Parid-ud-din  Shakar-ganj,  whose  shrine  is  in 
Ajudhan.  From  this  saint  the  place  derives  its  modern 
name  of  Pdk-patfan,  or  the  "  Ferry  of  the  Pure  One," 
that  is,  of  Farid,  whose  latter  days  were  spent  at 
Ajudhan.  By  continued  fasting  his  body  is  said  to 
have  become  so  pure  that  whatever  he  put  into  his 
mouth  to  allay  the  cravings  of  hunger,   even  earth 


and  stones,  was  immediately  turned  into  sugar,  whence 
his  name  of  81iahar-ganj^  or  "  Sugar-store."  This  mi- 
raeulous  power  is  recorded  in  a  well-known  Persian 
couplet : — 

"  Sang  dar  dast  o  guhar  gardad, 
Zahar  dar  kdm  o  shahar  gardad : '' 

which  may  be  freely  rendered : — 

"  Stones  in  his  hand  are  changed  to  money  (jewels), 
And  poison  in  his  mouth  to  honey  (sugar)." 

From  another  memorial  couplet  we  learn  that  he  died 
in  A.H.  664,  or  a.d.  1265-66,  when  he  was  95  lunar 
years  of  age.  But  as  the  old  name  of  Ajudhan  is  the 
only  one  noted  by  Ibn  Batuta  in  a.d.  1334,  and  by 
Timur's  historian  in  a.d.  1397,  it  seems  probable  that 
the  present  name  of  Pdk-paltan  is  of  comparatively 
recent  date.  It  is,  perhaps,  not  older  than  the  reign 
of  Akbar,  when  the  saint's  descendant,  Nur-ud-din, 
revived  the  former  reputation  of  the  family  by  the 
success  of  his  prayers  for  an  heir  to  the  throne. 


The  southern  province  of  the  Panjab  is  Multan.~ 
According  to  Hwen  Thsang  it  was  4000  li,  or  667 
miles,  in  circuit,  which  is  so  much  greater  than  the 
tract  actually  included  between  the  rivers,  that  it  is 
almost  certain  the  frontier  must  have  extended  beyond 
them.  In  the  time  of  Akbar  no  less  than  seventeen 
districts,  or  separate  jjarganahs^  were  attached  to  the 
province  of  Multan,  of  which  all  those  that  I  can 
identify,  namely,  Vch^  Birdwal,  MoJ,  and  Marot,  are 
to  the  east  of  the  Satlej.  These  names  are  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  eastern  frontier  of  Multan  formerly 
extended  beyond  the  old  bed  of  the  Ghagar  river,  to 


the  verge  of  the  Bikaner  desert.     This  tract,  which 
now  forms  the  territory  of  Bahawalpur,  is  most  effectu- 
ally separated  from  the  richer  provinces  on  the  east 
by  the  natural  barrier  of  the  Great  Desert.     Under  a 
strong  governaient  it  has  always  formed  a  portion  of 
Multan ;  and  it  was  only  on  the  decay  of  the  Muham- 
madan  empire  of  Delhi  that  it  was  made  into  a  separate 
petty  state  by  Bahawal  Khan.    I  infer,  therefore,  that 
in  the  seventh  century  the  province  of  Multan  must 
have  included  the  northern  half  of  the  present  territory 
of  Bahawalpur,  in  addition  to  the  tract  lying  between 
the  rivers.     The  northern  frontier  has  already  been 
defined  as  extending  from  Dera  Din-pandh,  on  the 
Indus,  to  Pdk-pattan  on  the  Satlej,  a  distance  of  150 
miles.     On  the  west  the  frontier  line  of  the  Indus, 
down  to  Khanpur,  is  160  miles.     On  the  east,  the 
line  from  Pak-pattan  to  the  old  bed  of  the  Ghagar 
river,  is  80  miles ;  and  on  the  south,  from  Khanpiu' 
to  the  Ghagar,  the  distance  is  220  miles.     Altogether, 
this  frontier  line  is  610  miles.     If  Hwen  Thsaiig's 
estimate  was  based  on  the  short  Jcos  of  the  Panjab, 
the  circuit  will  be  only  5^  of  067  miles,  or  437  miles, 
in  which  case  the  province  could  not  have  extended 
beyond  Mithanliot  on  the  south. 

In  describing  the  geography  of  Multan  it  is  neces- 
sary to  bear  in  mind  the  great  changes  that  have 
taken  place  in  the  courses  of  all  the  large  rivers  that 
flow  through  the  province.  In  the  time  of  Timur  and 
Akbar  the  junction  of  the  Chcnab  and  Indus  took 
place  opposite  Uchh,  GO  miles  above  the  present  con- 
fluence at  Mithankot.  It  was  unchanged  Avhen  Eennell 
wrote  his  'Geography  of  India,'  in  a.d.  1788,  and  still 
latei-,  in  1796,  A\licn  visited  by  Wilford's  surveyor, 


Mirza  Mogal  Beg.  But  early  in  the  present  century- 
tile  Indus  gradually  changed  its  course,  and  leaving 
the  old  channel  at  20  miles  above  Uch/i,  continued  its 
course  to  the  south-south-west,  until  it  rejoined  the 
old  channel  at  Mithankot. 

The  present  junction  of  the  Eavi  and  Chenab  takes 
place  near  Ditcdna  Sanandj  more  than  30  miles  above 
Multan  ;  but  in  the  time  of  Alexander  the  confluence 
of  the  Hydraotes  and  Akesines  was  at  a  short  distance 
below  the  capital  of  the  Malli,  which  I  have  identified 
with  Multan.  The  old  channel  still  exists,  and  is 
duly  entered  in  the  large  maps  of  the  Multan  division. 
It  leaves  the  present  bed  at  Sarai  Siddhu,  and  follows 
a  winding  course  for  30  miles  to  the  south-south-west, 
when  it  suddenly  turns  to  the  west  for  18  miles, 
as  far  as  Multan,  and,  after  completely  encircling  the 
fortress,  continues  its  westerly  course  for  5  miles  below 
Multan.  It  then  suddenly  turns  to  the  south-south- 
west for  10  miles,  and  is  finally  lost  in  the  low-lying 
lands  of  the  bed  of  the  Chenab.  Even  to  this  day  the 
ES,vi  clings  to  its  ancient  channel,  and  at  all  high 
floods  the  waters  of  the  river  still  find  their  way  to 
Multan  by  the  old  bed,  as  I  myself  have  witnessed  on 
two  difi'erent  occasions.  The  date  of  the  change  is 
unknown;  but  it  was  certainly  subsequent  to  the 
capture  of  Multan  by  Muhammed  bin  Kasim  in  a.d. 
713;  and  from  the  very  numerous  existing  remains 
of  canals  drawn  from  the  old  channel,  I  infer  that  the 
main  river  must  have  continued  to  flow  down  it  within 
a  comparatively  recent  period,  perhaps  even  as  late  as 
the  time  of  Timur.  The  change,  however,  must  have 
taken  place  before  the  reign  of  Akbar,  as  Abul  Fazl* 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  3. 


describes  the  distance  from  the  confluence  of  the 
Chenab  and  Jhelam  to  that  of  the  Chenab  and  Eavi 
as  27  kos,  and  the  distance  of  the  latter  from  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Chenab  and  Indus  as  60  kos,  both  of 
which  measurements  agree  with  the  later  state  of 
these  rivers. 

The  present  confluence  of  the  Bias  and  Satlej  dates 
only  from  about  a.d.  1790,  when  the  Satlej  finally 
deserted  its  old  course  by  Dharmkot,  and  joined  the 
Bias  at  Hariki-pattan.  For  many  centuries  previously 
the  point  of  junction  had  remained  constant  just  above 
the  ferry  of  Bhao-ki-pattan,  between  Kasur  and  Firuz- 
pur.  This  junction  is  mentioned  by  Jauhar  in  a.d. 
1555,*  and  by  Abul  Fazl  in  1596.t  But  though 
the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers  near  Firuzpur  had 
been  long  established,  yet  even  at  the  latter  date  the 
waters  of  the  Bias  still  continued  to  flow  down  their 
old  channel,  as  described  by  Abul  Fazl : — "  For  the 
distance  of  12  kos  near  Firuzpur  the  rivers  Biah  and 
Satlej  unite,  and  these  again,  as  they  pass  on,  divide 
into  four  streams,  the  Hilr^  Hare,  Band,  and  Niirni,  all 
of  Avhich  rejoin  near  the  city  of  Multan."  These 
former  beds  of  the  Bias  and  Satlej  still  exist,  and 
form  a  most  complicated  network  of  dry  channels, 
covering  the  whole  of  the  Doab  between  the  Satlej 
and  the  high  bank  of  the  old  Bias.  jSTone  of  the  names 
given  in  Gladwyn's  translation  of  the  '  Ayin  Akbari' 
arc  noAV  to  be  found  ;  but  I  am  inclined  to  attribute 
this  solely  to  the  imperfection  of  the  Persian  alphabet, 
wliieli  is  a  constant  source  of  error  in  the  reading  of 
proper  names.  The  Har  I  would  identify  with  the 
Far  a,  the  JTari  with  the  Rajjlii,  and  the  Nurni  with 

*  '  Memoirs  of  Humayun,'  p.  113.  t  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  108. 


the  StU-JVai,  all  dry  beds  of  the  Bias  river  to  the 
south  of  Harapa.  The  Dand  is  probably  the  D/iamak, 
or  Dank,  an  old  channel  of  the  Satlej,  which  in 
its  lower  course  takes  the  name  of  Bhatiyari,  and 
passing  by  Mailsi,  Kahror,  and  Lodhran,  joins  the 
present  channel  just  above  its  confluence  with  the 
Chenab.  In  most  of  our  maps  the  Old  Bias  is  con- 
ducted into  the  lower  course  of  the  Bhatiyari,  whereas 
its  still  existing  and  well-defined  channel  joins  the 
Chenab  20  miles  below  Shujahabad,  and  its  most 
southerly  point  is  10  miles  distant  from  the  nearest 
bend  of  the  Bhatiyari. 

The  changes  just  described  are  only  the  most  pro- 
minent fluctuations  of  the  Panjab  rivers,  which  are 
constantly  shifting  their  channels.  The  change  in  the 
Bias  is  the  most  striking,  as  that  river  has  altogether 
lost  its  independent  course,  and  is  now  a  mere  tribu- 
tary of  the  Satlej.  But  the  fluctuations  of  the  other 
rivers  have  been  very  remarkable.  Thus,  the  valley 
of  the  Chenab  below  Kalowal  is  nearly  30  miles  broad, 
and  that  of  the  Eavi,  near  Gugera,  is  20  miles,  the 
extreme  limits  of  both  rivers  being  marked  by  well- 
defined  high  banks,  on  which  are  situated  many  of 
the  most  ancient  cities  of  the  Panjab.  In  the  Multan 
division  these  old  sites  are  very  numerous,  but  they 
are  now  mostly  deserted  and  nameless,  and  were  pro- 
bably abandoned  by  their  inhabitants  as  the  rivers 
receded  from  them.  This  was  certainly  the  case  with 
the  old  town  of  Tulamba,  which  is  said  to  have  been 
deserted  so  late  as  150  years  ago,  in  consequence  of 
a  change  in  the  course  of  the  Kavi,  by  which  the 
water  supply  of  the  town  was  entirely  cut  off.  The 
same  cause,  but  at  a  much  earlier  date,  led  to  the 



desertion  of  Atari,  a  ruined  town  20  miles  to  tte  west- 
south-west  of  Tulamba,  which  was  supplied  by  a  canal 
from  the  old  bed  of  the  Ravi.  The  only  places  which  I 
think  it  necessary  to  notice  in  the  present  account  are 
the  following : — 

[1.  Tulamba. 
Bari  Doab  .     .     .     .2.  Atari. 

[3.  Multan. 
Jalandhar  Pith  .  .4.  Kahror. 
At  junction     ...  6.  Uchh. 

Four  of  these  places  are  celebrated  in  the  history  of 
India,  and  the  second,  named  Atari,  I  have  added  on 
account  of  its  size  and  position,  which  would  certainly 
have  attracted  the  notice  of  Alexander  and  other  con- 
querors of  the  Panjab. 


The  town  of  Tulamba  is  situated  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Eavi,  at  52  miles  to  the  north-east  of  IMultan. 
It  is  surrounded  with  a  brick  wall,  and  the  houses  are 
built  chiefly  of  burnt  bricks,  brought  from  the  old 
fort  of  Tulamba,  which  is  situated  one  mile  to  the 
south  of  the  present  town.  According  to  Masson,* 
this  "must  have  been  in  the  ancient  time  a  remark- 
ably strong  fortress,"  which  it  undoubtedly  was,  as 
Timur  left  it  untouched,  because  its  siege  would  have 
delayed  his  progress.f  It  is  curious  that  it  escaped 
the  notice  of  Burues,  as  its  lofty  walls,  which  can  be 
•sc'cn  from  a  great  distance,  generally  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  travellers.  I  have  visited  the  place  twice.  It 
consisted  of  an  open  city,  jDrotected  on  the  south  by 

*  '  Travels,'  i.  456.  f  Briggs's  '  Ferislita,'  i.  487. 


;i  lofty  fortress  1000  feet  square.  The  outer  rampart 
is  of  earth,  200  feet  thick,  and  20  feet  high  on  the 
outer  face,  or  fa/tssedi-aic,  with  a  second  rampart  of 
the  same  height  on  the  top  of  it.  Both  of  these  were 
originally  faced  with  large  bricks,  12  by  8  by  2^- 
inches.  Inside  the  rampart  there  is  a  clear  space,  or 
ditch,  100  feet  in  breadth,  surrounding  an  inner  fort 
400  feet  square,  with  walls  40  feet  in  height,  and  in 
the  middle  of  this  there  is  a  square  tower  or  castle, 
70  feet  in  height,  which  commands  the  whole  place. 
The  numerous  fragments  of  bricks  lying  about,  and 
the  still  existing  marks  of  the  courses  of  bricks  in 
many  places  on  the  outer  faces  of  the  ramparts,  con- 
firm the  statements  of  the  people  that  the  walls  were 
formerly  faced  with  brick.  I  have  already  mentioned 
tliat  this  old  fort  is  said  to  have  been  abandoned  by 
the  inhabitants  about  300  years  ago,  in  consequence 
of  the  change  in  the  course  of  the  Eavi,  which  entirely 
cut  off  their  supply  of  water.  The  removal  is  attri- 
buted to  Shujawal  Khan,  who  was  the  son-in-law  and 
minister  of  Mahmud  Langa  of  Multan,  and  the  brother- 
in-law  of  his  successor,  from  about  a.d.  1510  to  ad. 

The  antiquity  of  Tulamba  is  Touched  for  by  tradi- 
tion, and  by  the  large  size  of  the  bricks,  which  are 
similar  to  the  oldest  in  the  walls  and  ruins  of  Multan. 
The  old  fo7v??  was  plundered  and  burnt  by  Timur,  and 
its  inhabitants  massacred ;  but  the  fortress  escaped  his 
fury,  partly  owing  to  its  own  strength  and  partly  to  the 
invader's  impatience  to  continue  his  march  towards 
Delhi.  There  is  a  tradition  that  Tulamba  was  taken 
by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  which  is  vury  probably  true, 
as  it  would  have  been  only  a  few  miles  out  of  his 


direct  route  to  Multan.  For  the  same  reason  I  am 
led  to  believe  that  it  must  have  been  one  of  the  cities 
captured  by  Alexander.  Masson*  has  already  sug- 
gested that  it  represents  "the  capital  of  the  Malli," 
or  perhaps  "the  fort  held  by  Brahmans,  whose  de- 
fence was  so  obstinate  and  so  fatal  to  themselves,  and 
which  was  evidently  contiguous  to  the  capital  of  the 
Malli."  But  as  I  do  not  agree  with  either  of  these 
suggestions,  I  will  now  examine  and  compare  the  dif- 
ferent accounts  of  this  part  of  Alexander's  route. 

In  my  account  of  Kot  Kamalia  I  adduced  some  strong 
reasons  for  identifying  that  place  with  the  first  city 
captured  by  Alexander  on  his  march  from  the  junction 
of  the  Hydaspes  and  Akesines  against  the  Malli. 
Arrian  then  relates  that  "  Alexander,  having  allowed 
his  soldiers  some  time  for  refreshment  and  rest,  about 
the  first  watch  of  the  night  set  forward,  and  marching 
hard  all  that  night  came  to  the  river  Hydraotes  about 
daylight,  and  understanding  that  some  parties  of  the 
Malii  were  just  passing  the  river,  he  immediately 
attacked  them  and  slew  many,  and  having  passed  the 
river  himself  with  his  forces  in  pursuit  of  those  who 
had  gained  the  further  side,  he  killed  vast  numbers  of 
them  and  took  many  prisoners.  However,  some  of 
them  escaped,  and  bct(iok  themselves  to  a  certain  town 
well  fortified  both  by  art  and  nature."  A  whole 
night's  march  of  eight  or  nine  hours  could  not  have 
been  less  than  twenty-five  miles,  which  is  the  exact 
distance  of  the  Eavi  opposite  Tulamba  from  Kot 
ICaniAlia.  Here  then  I  infer  that  Alexander  must 
have  crossed  the  Ravi ;  and  I  would  identify  Tulamba 
itself  with  the  "  town  well  fortified  both  by  art  and 

*  '  TrayeLs,'  j.  '&].  \  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  3. 


nature,"  the  art  being  the  brick  walls,  and  the  nature, 
the  enormous  mounds  of  earthen  ramparts.  The  ac- 
count of  Curtius*  agrees  with  that  of  Arrian,  "  on 
the  bank  of  a  river  another  nation  mustering  forty 
thousand  infantry  opposed  him.  Crossing  the  river  he 
put  them  to  flight,  and  stormed  the  fort  in  which  they 
took  refuge."  Diodorus  relates  the  same  story  of  a 
people  named  Agalassse,  who  opposed  Alexander  with 
forty  thousand  infantry  and  three  thousand  cavalry. 
All  these  accounts  evidently  refer  to  the  same  place, 
which  was  a  strong  fort  near  the  left  bank  of  the  ECivi. 
This  description  would  apply  also  to  Harapa ;  but  I 
have  already  shown  that  Harapa  was  most  probably 
the  city  against  which  Perdikkas  was  detached ;  be- 
sides which  it  is  not  more  than  16  miles  distant  from 
Kot  Kamfilia.  Tulamba,  on  the  contrary,  fulfils  all  the 
conditions ;  and  is  also  on  the  high-road  to  Multan, 
the  capital  of  the  Malli,  against  which  Alexander  was 
then  proceeding. 

The  name  of  Agalassce  or  Agalessensce  is  puzzling. 
According  to  Arrian  the  people  of  the  town  were  the 
Malii,  but  it  may  be  remarked  that  neither  the 
Oxudrakse  nor  the  Malli  are  mentioned  by  Diodorus 
and  Curtius  until  later.  Justin  couples  a  people  called 
Gesteani  with  the  Arestse  or  Ivathtei,  who  should 
therefore  be  the  same  as  the  Malli  or  Oxudrakfe,  but 
they  are  not  mentioned  by  any  other  author.  A(jala 
or  Agalassa  might  be  the  name  of  the  town  itself,  but 
unfortunately  it  has  no  similarity  with  Tulamba,  or 
with  any  other  place  in  the  neighbourhood. 

*  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  4,  10.  The  text  lias  in  ripa  Jiuminum,  whioli  is  an 
obvious  mistake  ioT  fluminis,  as  is  proved  by  the  use  of  amne  imme- 
diately folloning. 

Q  2 




The  third  city  capttired  by  Alexander  in  his  campaign 
against  the  Malli  is  described  in  similar  terms  by  all  the 
historians.  According  to  Arrian*  "  Alexander  then 
led  his  army  against  a  certain  city  of  the  Brachmani, 
where  he  heard  another  body  of  the  Malii  had  fled." 
The  garrison  "  abandoned  the  city  and  fled  to  the 
castle,"  which  being  stormed  they  set  fire  to  their 
houses,  and  perished  in  the  flames.  "About  5000  of 
them  fell  during  the  siege,  and  so  great  was  their 
valour  that  few  came  alive  into  the  enemy's  hands." 
Both  Curtius+  and  Diodorus^  mention  the  fire,  and 
the  stout  defence  made  by  the  garrison,  which  the 
latter  author  numbers  at  20,000  men,  of  whom  3000 
only  escaped  by  taking  refuge  in  the  citadel,  where 
they  capitulated.  Curtius  also  states  that  the  citadel 
was  uninjured,  and  that  Alexander  left  a  garrison 
in  it.§ 

All  these  accounts  agree  very  well  with  the  position 
and  size  of  the  old  ruined  town  and  fort  of  Atari, 
which  is  situated  20  miles  to  the  west-south-west  of 
Tulamba,  and  on  the  high-road  to  Multan.  The  re- 
mains consist  of  a  strong  citadel  750  feet  square  and 
?)5  feet  high,  with  a  ditch  all  round  it,  and  a  tower  in 
the  centre  50  feet  high.  On  two  sides  are  the  remains  of 
the  ti>wn  forming  a  moimd20  feethigli,  and  1200  feet 
square,  the  whole  being  a  mass  of  ruin  1800  feet  m 
length,  and  1200  feet  in  breadth.  Of  its  history  there 
is  not  even  a  tradition,  but  the  large  size  of  the  bricks 

*  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  7.  f  Vita  AJex.,  ix.  4,  10. 

X  Hisl.,  wii.  52. 

§   A'ita  Alex  ,  ix.  4.     "  Arx  erat  oppidi  intacta,  ia  qua  prsesidmm 



is  sufficient  to  show  that  it  must  be  a  place  of  consi- 
derable antiquity.  The  name  of  the  old  city  is  quite 
unknown.  Atari  is  simply  that  of  the  adjacent  village, 
which  is  of  recent  origin,  having  been  established  by 
a  member  of  the  Atilriwfila  family  of  Sikhs.  But 
judging  from  its  size  and  strength,  and  its  very 
favourable  position  between  Tulamba  and  Multan,  I 
think  that  the  ruined  mound  of  Atari  has  a  very 
good  claim  to  be  identified  with  the  strong  city  of 
the  Brahmans  which  made  so  stout  a  defence  against 

Curtius  adds  some  particulars  about  this  city,  which 
are  not  even  alluded  to  by  either  Ai-rian  or  Diodorus ; 
but  they  are  still  deserving  of  consideration,  as  they 
may  perhaps  be  founded  on  the  statements  of  one  of  the 
companions.  He  states  that  Alexander  "  went  com- 
pletely round  the  citadel  in  a  boat,"  which  is  probable 
enough,  as  its  ditch  was  no  doubt  capable  of  being  filled 
at  pleasure'  with  water  from  the  Eavi,  as  was  actually 
the  case  with  the  ditch  of  Multan.  Now  the  old  citadel 
of  Atari  is  still  surrounded  by  a  ditch  which  could 
easily  have  been  filled  from  some  one  of  the  old  canals 
that  pass  close  by  the  place.  The  number  of  these  canal 
beds  is  most  remarkable ;  I  counted  no  less  than  twelve 
of  them  in  close  parallel  lines  immediately  to  the  west 
of  Atari,  all  of  them  drawn  from  the  old  bed  of  the 
Eavi  to  the  south  of  Sarai  Siddhu.  I  am  therefore 
quite  prepared  to  admit  the  probability  that  the  city 
of  the  Brahmans  was  surrounded  by  a  wet  ditch  on 
which  Alexander  embarked  to  inspect  the  fortifications. 
But  when  Curtius  adds  that  the  three  greatest  rivers 
in  India,  except  the  Ganges,  namely  the  Indus,  the 
Hydaspes,   and  the  Akesines,  joined  their  waters  to 



form  a  ditch  round  the  castle,*  I  can  only  suppose 
either  that  the  passage  has  been  accidentally  transferred 
from  the  account  of  some  later  siege  of  a  city  situated 
below  the  confluence  of  the  Five  Eivcrs,  or  that  the 
author  has  mixed  up  into  one  account  two  and  per- 
fectly distinct  statements  concerning  the  ditches  of  the 
fort  and  the  confluence  of  the  rivers.  Diodorus  also 
describes  tlie  junction  of  the  rivers,  but  as  he  makes 
no  allusion  to  their  waters  forming  a  ditch  about  the 
fort,  it  is  quite  possible  that  this  account  of  three 
rivers  may  be  due  to  the  inflated  imagination  of 

The  famuus  uictrupolis  of  Multan  was  originally 
situated  on  two  islands  in  the  Ravi,  but  the  river  has 
long  ago  deserted  its  old  channel,  and  its  nearest  point 
is  now  more  than  30  miles  distant.  But  during  high 
floods  the  waters  of  the  Ravi  still  flow  down  their  old 
Ijed,  and  I  have  twice  seen  the  ditches  of  Multan  filled 
by  the  natural  overflow  of  the  river.-]-  Multan  consists 
of  a  A\'alied  city  and  a  strong  fortress,  situated  on  op- 
posite banks  of  an  old  bed  of  the  Ravi,  which  once 
flowed  between  them  as  well  as  around  them.  The 
original  site  consisted  of  two  low  mounds  not  more 

*  Vila  Alex.,  ix.  4.  "  Ipso  navigio  circumveclua  estarcom;  quippe 
tria  flumina,  totfi  India  prjeier  Gangen  maxima,  munimento  arcis  appli- 
cant undas.  A  septentrionc  Indus  alluit ;  a  meridie  Aeesines  Hydaspi 

|-  Burnes,  'Travels  in  the  Punjab,  Boliliara,'  etc.  i.  07,  erroneously 
attrilnites  the  inundation  of  the  country  around  Alultan  to  the  "  Chenab 
nnd  its  canals."  If  he  had  travelled  by  land  instead  of  by  the  river,  he 
would  have  seen  that  the  inundation  is  due  to  the  flood  waters  of  the 
I^avi  resuming  tlnir  ancient  course  from  Sarai  Siddhu  direct  upon 
Mul(;ui.  I  travelled  over  this  line  in  the  end  of  August,  1856,  and 
saw  the  old  bed  of  the  Eavi  in  full  flood. 


than  8  or  10  feet  high  above  the  general  level  of  the 
country.  The  present  height  varies  from  45  to  50 
feet,  the  difference  of  35  to  40  feet  being  simply  the 
accumulation  of  rubbish  during  the  lapse  of  many  cen- 
tiu:ies.  This  fact  I  ascertained  personally  by  sinking 
several  wells  down  to  the  level  of  the  natural  soil, 
that  is,  of  soil  unmixed  with  bricks,  ashes,  and  other 
evidences  of  man's  occupation. 

The  citadel  may  be  described  as  an  irregular  semi- 
circle, with  a  diameter,  or  straight  side  of  2500  feet 
facing  the  north-west,  and  a  curved  front  of  4100  feet 
towards  the  city,  making  a  circuit  of  6600  feet,  or 
just  one  mile  and  a  quarter.  It  had  46  towers  or 
bastions,  including  the  two  flanking  towers  at  each  of 
the  four  gates.  The  walled  city,  which  envelopes  the 
citadel  for  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  curve,  is  4200 
feet  in  length,  and  2400  feet  in  breadth,  with  the  long 
straight  side  facing  the  south-west.  Altogether  the 
walled  circuit  of  Multan,  including  both  city  and 
citadel,  is  15,000  feet,  or  very  nearly  3  miles,  and  the 
whole  circuit  of  the  place,  including  its  suburbs,  is  4-|- 
miles.  This  last  measurement  agrees  very  nearly  with 
the  estimate  of  Hwen  Thsang,  who  makes  the  circuit 
of  Multan  30  li,  or  just  5  miles.*  It  agrees  even  more 
exactly  with  the  estimate  of  Elphinstone,  who,  with 
his  usual  accuracy,  describes  Multan  as  "above  four- 
miles  and  a  half  in  circumference,  "f  The  fortress  had 
no  ditch  when  seen  by  Elphinstone  and  Burnes,  as  it 
was  originally  surrounded  by  the  waters  of  the  E^vi. 
But  shortly  after  Burnes's  visit,  a  ditch  was  added  by 
Sawan  Mall,  the  energetic  governor  of  Raujit  Singh. 
The  walls  are  said  to  have  been  built  by  Murad  Baksh, 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  iii.  173.  f  '  Kabul,"  i.  27. 


the  yoimgest  son  of  Shah  Jahan ;  but  when  I  dis- 
mantled the  defences  of  Multan  in  1854,  I  found  that 
the  walls  were  generally  double,  the  outer  wall  being 
about  4  feet  thick,  and  the  inner  wall  3^  feet  to  4  feet.* 
I  conclude,  therefore,  that  only  the  outer  wall,  or  facing, 
was  the  work  of  Murad  Baksh.  The  whole  was  built 
nf  burnt  bricks  and  mud,  excepting  the  outer  courses, 
which  were  laid  in  lime-mortar  to  a  depth  of  9  inches. 
Multan  is  known  by  several  diiferent  names,  but 
all  of  them  refer  either  to  Vishnu  or  to  the  Sun,  the 
latter  being  the  great  object  of  worship  in  the  famous 
temple  that  once  crowned  the  citadel.  Abu  Eihrm 
mentions  the  names  of  Kasyiipd-puru^  llansapura^ 
Bhdf/a/jiira,    and    Saiiibajjura^    to   which    I    may   add, 

Prahlcidapwra  and  Adyasiluhm.  According  to  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  people,  Kasyapa-pura  was  founded  by 
Kasyapa,  who  was  the  lUtlicr  of  the  twelve  Adltyas, 
or  Sun-gods,  by  Jditi,  and  of  the  Dailyas,  or  Titans, 
by  Did.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son, 
the  Daih/a^  named  Hiranya-Kasipu,  who  is  famous 
throughout  India  for  his  denial  of  the  omnipresence  of 
Vishnu,  wliich  led  to  the  manifestation  of  the  Nara- 
■sijiha^  or  "Man-lion"  aval  dr.  He  was  followed  by 
his  still  more  famous  son  FraJddda.,  the  ardent  wor- 
shipper of  Vishnu,  after  whom  the  city  was  named 
PraJdddapiirn.  His  great-grandson,  Bduia,  commonly 
called  Bd72a  the  Jxiir,  was  the  unsuccessful  antagonist 
of  Krishna,  who  took  possession   of  the  kingdom  of 

*  It  may  be  interesting  to  note  that  on  dismantling  the  wall  near 
the  Sikhi  Darwaza,  or  "  S]iilied  Gate,"  I  found  the  onty  two  shot 
that  were  fired  from  the  great  one  Imndred-pouiider  gun,  which  the 
Bhingl  3Iixr,/  of  Sikhs  brouglit  against  Multan  in  the  beginning  of 
this  cerjtury.  The  two  shot  had  completely  penetrated  through  the 
brick  wall  of  7  feet,  and  were  within  three  feet  of  each  other. 

NOirrKEKN    INDIA.  233 

Multan.  Here  Sdmba,  the  son  of  Krishna,  established 
himself  in  the  grove  of  Mitra-vana,  and  by  assiduous 
devotion  to  MUra^  or  the  "  Sun,"  was  cured  of  his 
leprosy.     He  then  erected  a  golden  statue  of  Mitra, 

in  a  temj)le  named  Adi/astlulna^  or  the  "  First  Shi'ine," 
and  the  worshi})  of  the  Sun  thus  began  by  Sdmba^  has 
continued  at  Multan  down  to  the  present  day. 

The  story  of  Sdinhu^  the  son  of  Krishna,  is  told  in 
the  BhdviAshya  Furdnu*  but  as  it  places  the  Mitra-vana^ 
or  "Sun-grove,"  on  the  bank  of  the  Chandi-abhaga, 
or  Chenab  river,  its  composition  must  be  assigned  to 
a  comparatively  late  period,  when  all  remembrance  of 
the  old  course  of  the  Eavi  flowing  past  Multan  had 
died  away.  We  know,  however,  from  other  sources, 
that  the  Sun-worship  at  Multan  must  be  very  ancient. 
In  the  seventh  century  Hwen  Thsang  found  a  mag- 
nificent temple  with  a  golden  statue  of  the  god  most 
richly  adorned,  to  which  the  kings  of  all  parts  of 
India  sent  offerings.  Hence  the  place  became  com- 
monly known  amongst  the  early  Arab  conquerors  as 
"  The  Golden  Temple  ;"  and  Masudi  even  affirms  that 
el  Midtdn  means  "  meadows  of  gold.""]'  Hwen  Thsang 
calls  it  Meu-lo-san-pu-lo,  which,  according  to  M.  Vivien 
de  St.  Martin,  is  a  transcription  of  Mulasthdnipura. 
The  people  themselves  refer  the  name  to  Mula-sthdna ^ 
which  agrees  with  the  form  of  Mula-fdna,  quoted  by 
Abu  Eihan  from  a  Kashmirian  writer.     Mtila  means 

*  Wilford,  '  Asiatic  Eesearohes,'  xi.  69 ;  and  H.  H.  "Wilson,  in 
Eeinaud,  '  Memoire  sur  I'lnde,'  p.  392. 

\  Masudi,  '  Gildemeister,'  p.  134:  "  domnm  auream  : "  so  also  Sir 
H.  M.  Elliot,  '  Muhammadan  Historians,"  p.  56  ;  but  at  p.  57  he  trans- 
lates "golden  temple."  Prof.  Dowsod,  i.  33,  has  "boundary  of  the 
house  of  gold,"  translating  Masudi ;  and  at  i.  81,  "  the  house  of  gold," 
translating  Idrisi. 


"root,  or  origin,"  and  st/idna,  or  than,  in  the  spoken 
dialects,   means   "  place,   or   shrine."     Hence,   Mula- 
sthdna  is  the  "Temple  of  3Iula,'"  which  I  take  to  be  an 
appellation  of  the  Sun.     In  the  AmaraJcosha  one  of  the 
names  of  the  Sun  is  Vradhna,  which  is  also  given  as  a 
synonym   of  3[nl(i ;  hence  vradkna  must  be  connected 
with  the  Latin  radix  and  rddim,   and  also  with  the 
Greek  pdj3Sos.     But  as  radix  signifies  not  only  origin, 
or  root,  in   general,   but   also  a  particular  root,  the 
radish,  so  also  does  mtila  signify  origin,  or  root,  and 
mulaka^  or  miUi^  a  radish.     The  connection  between  a 
sunbeam  and  a  radish  obviously  lies  in  their  similarity 
of  shape,  and  hence  the  terms  radius  and  mula  are  both 
applied  to  the  spoke  of  a  wheel.     Mitla-sthdna  is  said 
by  Wilson  to  mean  "heaven,  ether,  space,  atmosphere, 
God,"  any  one  of  which  names  would  be  applicable  to 
the  Sun  as  the  lord  of  the  ethereal  space.     Por  these 
reasons  I  infer  that  mtUa  is  only  an  epithet  of  the  Sun, 
as  the  God  of  rays,  and  that  Mula-sthdna-pura  means 
simply  the  "city  of  the  Temple  of  the  Sun.     Bhdga 
and   Hansa  are  well-known  names  of  the   Sun;   and 
therefore  Bhdtjapura    and   llaiimpura   are  only  syno- 
nyms of  the  name  of  Multan.     The  earliest  name  is 
said  t(i  have  been  Kasyapapura,   or  as  it  is  usually 
pronounced,  Kasappur,  which  I  take  to  be  the  Kaspa- 
puros  of  IIekata3us,  and  the  Kaspaturos  of  Herodotus, 
as  well  as  the  Kaspeira  of  Ptolemy.     The  last  town  is 
placed  at  a  beud  on  the  lower  course  of  the  Rhuadis, 
or  Eavi,  just  above  its  junction  with  the  Sandohdg,  or 
Chaiidrahlidga.      The  position  of  Kaspeira   therefore 
agrees  most   exactly  with   that   of  Kasyapapura   or 
Multan,  which  is  situated  on  the  old  bank  of  the  Eavi, 
just  at  the  point  where  the  channel  changes  its  course 


from  south-east  to  east.  This  identification  is  most 
important,  as  it  establishes  the  fact  that  Multan  or 
Kaspeira,  in  the  territory  of  the  Kaspeirei,  whose 
dominion  extended  from  Kashmir  to  Mathura,  must 
have  been  the  principal  city  in  the  Panjab  towards 
the  middle  of  the  second  century  of  the  Christian 
era.  But  iu  the  seventh  century  it  had  already  ac- 
quired the  name  of  Mulu^itluincqjura^  or  Multan,  which 
was  the  only  name  known  to  the  Arab  authors  down 
to  the  time  of  Abu  Kihan,  whose  acquirement  of  Sans- 
krit gave  him  access  to  the  native  literature,  from 
which   he    drew  some  of  the   other   names    already 

quoted.  The  name  of  Adyasthdna,  or  "  First  Shrine," 
is  applied  in  the  Bhdvishya  Purdna  to  the  original 
temple  of  the  Sun,  which  is  said  to  have  been  built  by 
Samba,  the  son  of  Krishna;  but  adya  is  perhaps  only 
a  corruption  of  Aditya^  or  the  Sun,  which  is  usually 
shortened  to  adit,  and  even  ait,  as  in  aditwdr  and 

aitwdr  for  Aditi/atodra,  or  Sunday.  Eihiduri  calls  the 
idol  a  representation  of  the  prophet  Job,  or  Ayub, 
which  is  an  easy  misreading  of  i^J  for  Ci^d\j  adit. 
PraJdaddpura,  or  PaJdddpur,  refers  to  the  temple  of 
the  Narsingh  Avatdr,  which  is  still  called  PaJdddpuri. 
When  Burnes  was  at  Multan,  this  temple  was  the 
principal  shrine  in  the  place,  but  the  roof  was  thrown 
down  by  the  explosion  of  the  powder  magazine  during 
the  siege  in  January,  1849,  and  it  has  not  since  been 
repaired.  It  stands  at  the  north-eastern  angle  of  the 
citadel,  close  to  the  tomb  of  Bahawal  Hak.  The  great 
temple  of  the  Sun  stood  in  the  very  middle  of  the 
citadel,  but  it  was  destroyed  during  the  reign  of 
Aurangzib,  and  the  Jamai  Masjid  was  erected  on  its 
site.  This  masjid  was  the  powder  magazine  of  the 
Sikhs,  which  was  blown  up  in  1849. 



By  the  identification  of  Kasyapapura  with,  the 
Kaspcira  of  Ptolemy  I  have  shoAvn  that  Multan  was 
situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Eavi  in  the  first  half  of 
the  second  century  of  the  Clu-istiiiu  era.  Hsyen 
Thsang  unfortunately  makes  no  mention  of  the  river ; 
but  a  few  years  alter  his  visit  the  Brahman  Eajah  of 
Sindh,  named  Chach,  invaded  and  cajjtured  Multan, 
and  the  details  of  his  camjxiign  show  that  the  Eavi 
still  continued  tu  flow  under  its  walls  in  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  centm-y.  They  show  also  that  the 
Bias  then  flowed  in  an  indei^endcnt  channel  to  the 
east  and  south  of  Multan.  According  to  the  native 
chi-oniclis  of  Sindh,  Chach  advanced  to  Pdbiija,  or 
Bnhii/a*  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Bias,  from  whence 
he  advanced  to  Sukah  or  Sikkah  on  the  bank  of  the 
Eavi,  at  a  short  distance  to  the  eastward  of  Multan. 
This  place  was  suun  deserted  by  its  defenders,  who 
retired  to\\'ards  Multan,  and  joined  Eaja  Bajhra  in 
opposing  Chach  on  the  banks  of  the  Eavi.  After  a 
stout  fight  the  ^Iidtanis  were  defeated  by  Chach,  and 
retir(,'d  into  their  fortress,  which  after  a  long  siege 
surrendered  im  terms. f 

This  brief  notice  of  the  campaign  of  Chach  will 
now  enable  us  tu  understand  mure  clearly  the  campaign 
of  Alexander  against  the  capital  of  the  Malli.  My 
last  nolici'  left  him  at  the  strong  Brahman  city,  which 
I  have  identified  with  Jlilri,  34  miles  to  the  north- 
east of  Multan,  and  on  the  high-road  from  Tulamba. 
Here  I  will  resume  the  narrative  of  Arrian.J  "  Having 

*  Sir  Henr3'  Elliot  reads  Tfxhiya.  (Prof.  Dowson's  edition,  i.  141.) 
Lieut.  Postans  reads  Bahii/a.    (Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1841,  p.  195.) 

t  Lieut.  Postans  in  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Benfjal,  1838,  p.  94.  Sir  H. 
W.  Elliot,  '  History  of  India,'  edited  by  Prof.  Dowson,  i.  143. 

+  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  S. 


tarried  there  one  day  to  refresh  his  army,  he  then  di- 
rected his  march  against  others  of  the  same  nation, 
who,  he  was  informed,  had  abandoned  their  cities  and 
retired  into  the  deserts ;  and  taking  another  day's  rest, 
on  the  next  he  commanded  Python,  and  Demetrius 
the  captain  of  a  troop  of  horse,  with  the  forces  they 
then  had,  and  a  party  of  light  armed  foot,  to  return 
immediately  to  the  river,  etc.  In  the  meanwhile  he 
led  his  forces  to  the  capital  city  of  the  Malii,  whither, 
he  was  informed,  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  other 
cities  had  fled  for  their  better  security."  Here  we 
see  that  Alexander  made  just  two  marches  from  the 
Brahman  city  to  the  capital,  which  agrees  very  well 
with  the  distance  of  34  miles  between  Atari  and 
Multan.  In  searching  for  the  chief  city  of  the  Malli 
or  Malii,  we  must  remember  that  Multan  has  always 
been  the  capital  of  the  Lower  Panjab,  that  it  is  four 
times  the  size  of  any  other  place,  and  is  undeniably 
the  strongest  fort  in  this  part  of  the  country.  All 
these  properties  belonged  also  to  the  chief  city  of  the 
Malli.  It  was  the  capital  of  the  country ;  it  had  the 
greatest  number  of  defenders,  50,000  according  to 
Arrian,  and  was  therefore  the  largest  place ;  and  lastly, 
it  must  have  been  the  strongest  place,  as  Arrian  relates 
that  the  inhabitants  of  other  cities  had  fled  tu  it  "fur 
better  security."  For  these  reasons  I  am  quite  satisfied 
that  the  capital  city  of  the  Malli  was  the  modern 
Multan;  but  the  identification  will  be  still  further 
confirmed  as  we  proceed  with  Arrian 's  narrative. 

On  Alexander's  approach  the  Indians  came  out  of 
their  city,  and  "  crossing  the  river  Hydraotes,  drew  up 
their  forces  upon  the  bank  thereof,  which  was  steep 
and  difficult   of  ascent,  as  though  they  would  have 



obstructed  his  passage  .  .  .  when  he  arrived  there,  and 
saw  the  enemy's  army  posted  on  the  opposite  bank,  he 
made  no  delay,  but  instantly  entered  the  river  with 
the  troops  of  horse  he  had  brought  with  him."     The 
Indians  at  first  retired ;  "  but  when  they  perceived 
that  their  pursuers  were  only  a  party  of  horse,   they 
faced  about  and  resolved  to  give  him  battle,  being 
about  50,000  in  number."     From  this  account  I  infer 
that  Alexander  must  have  advanced  upon  Multan  from 
the  east,  his  march,  like  that  of  Chach,  being  deter- 
mined by  the  natural  features  of  the  country.     Now 
the  course  of  the  old  bed  of  the  Eavi  for  18  miles 
above  Multan  is  almost  due  west,  and  consequently 
Alexander's  march  must  have  brought  him  to  the  fort 
of  Sul-ah  or   8ikka/i,  which  was  on  the  bank  of  the 
Eavi  at  a  short  distance  to  the  east  of  Multan.     Prom 
this  point  the  same  narrative  will  describe  the  pro- 
gress of  both  conquerors.     The  town  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Eavi  was  deserted  by  its  garrison,  who  retired 
across  the  river,  where  they  halted  and  fought,  and 
being  beaten  took  refuge  in  the  citadel.     The  fort  of 
Sukali  must   have  been  somewhat  near  the  present 
MAri  S/fr/7,  Avhich  is  on  the  bank  of  the  old  bed  of  the 
Eavi,  2^  miles  to  the  east  of  Miiltan. 

At  the  assault  of  the  capital  Alexander  was  dan- 
o'croTisly  wounded,  and  his  enraged  troops  spared 
neither  th(>  aged,  nor  the  Avomen,  nor  the  children, 
:ind  every  soul  was  put  to  the  sword.  Diodorus  and 
('urtius  assign  this  city  to  the  Oxudraka3 ;  but  Arrian 
distinctly  refutes  this  opinion,*  "for  the  city,"  he 
says  "  l)elnnged  to  the  Malii,  and  from  that  people  he 
leeei^'cd  the  wound.     Tlie  Malii  indeed  designed  to 

*  ■  Anabasis,'  vi.  11. 

NORTHERN   INDIA.     '  239 

have  joined  their  forces  with  the  Oxuclrakas,  and  so  to 
have  given  him  battle ;  but  Alexander's  hasty  and  un- 
expected march  through  the  dry  and  barren  waste 
prevented  their  union,  so  that  they  could  not  give  any 
assistance  to  each  other."  Strabo  also  says  that  Alex- 
ander received  his  wound  at  the  capture  of  a  city  of 
the  Malli.* 

When  Alexander  opened  his  campaign  against  the 
Malli,  he  dispatched  Hephgestion  with  the  main  body 
of  the  army  five  days  in  advance,  with  orders  to  await 
his  arrival  at  the  confluence  of  the  Akesines  and 
Hydraotes.f  Accordingly  after  the  capture  of  the 
Mallian  capital,  "  as  soon  as  his  health  would  admit, 
he  ordered  himself  to  be  conveyed  to  the  banks  of  the 
river  Hydraotes,  and  from  thence  down  the  stream  to 
the  camp,  which  was  near  the  confluence  of  the 
Hydraotes  and  Akesines,  where  Hepheestion  had  the 
command  of  the  army  and  Nearchus  of  the  navy." 
Ilere  he  received  the  ambassadors  from  the  Oxudrakae 
and  Malii  tendering  their  allegiance.  He  then  sailed 
down  the  Akesines  to  its  confluence  with  the  Indus, 
where  he  "  tarried  with  his  fleet  till  Perdikkas  arrived 
with  the  army  under  his  command,  having  subdued 
the  Ahasfani,  one  of  the  free  nations  of  India,  on  his 

At  the  capture  of  Multan  by  Chach,  in  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  century,  the  waters  of  the  Eavi  were 
still  flowing  under  the  walls  of  the  fortress,  but  in 
A.D.  713,  when  the  citadel  was  besieged  by  Muhammad 
bin  Kasim,  it  is  stated  by  Biladuri  j  that  "  the  city 
was  supplied  with  water  by  a  stream  flowing  from  the 

*  Geogr.,  XV.  1,  33.  t  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  5. 

%  Eeinaud,  '  Fragments  Arabes,'  p.  199. 


river  (name  left  blank  by  M.  Eeinaud) ;  Muhammad  cut 
off  the  water,  and  the  inhabitants,  pressed  by  thirst, 
surrendered  at  discretion.  All  the  men  capable  of 
bearing  arms  were  put  to  death,  and  the  women  and 
children,  with  6000  priests  of  the  temple,  were  made 
slaves."  The  canal  is  said  to  have  been  shown  to 
Muhammad  by  a  traitor.  I  am  willing  to  accept  this 
account  as  a  proof  that  the  main  stream  of  the  Eavi 
had  already  deserted  its  old  channel  ;  but  it  is  quite 
impossible  that  Multan  could  have  been  forced  to 
surrender  from  want  of  water.  I  have  already  ex- 
plained that  one  branch  of  the  Eavi  formerl}-  flowed 
between  the  city  and  fortress  of  Multan,  and  that  the 
old  bod  still  exists  as  a  deep  hollow,  in  which  water 
can  be  reached  at  most  times  by  merely  scratching 
the  surface,  and  at  all  times  by  a  few  minutes'  easy 
digging.  Even  in  the  time  of  Edrisi*  the  environs  of 
the  town  are  said  to  have  been  watered  by  a  small 
river,  and  I  conclude  that  some  branch  of  the  Eavi 
must  still  have  flowed  down  to  Multan.  But  though 
the  narrative  of  Biladuri  is  undoubtedly  erroneous  as 
to  the  immediate  cause  of  surrender,  I  am  yet  inclined 
to  believe  that  all  the  oilier  circumstances  may  be 
quite  true.  Thus,  when  the  main  stream  of  the  Etivi 
deserted  ^lultan,  the  city,  which  is  still  unwalled  on 
llie  side  towards  the  citadel,  must  have  been  protected 
by  continuing  its  defences  right  across  the  old  bed  of 
the  river  to  connect  them  with  tliose  of  the  fortress. 
In  thes(>  n(^w  walls,  eponings  must  have  been  left  for  the 
passage  of  the  waters  of  the  canal  or  branch  of  the 
Eavi,  whichev(n-  it  may  have  been,  similar  to  those 
Avhieli  existed  in  modern  times.    Edrisi  specially  notes 

*  (ieOLTi'.,  .T.nibcvrs  ti'auslation,  i.  1(')S. 


that  Multan  was  commanded  by  a  citadel,  which  had 
four  gates,  and  was  surrounded  by  a  ditch.  I  infer, 
therefore,  that  Muhammad  Kasim  may  have  captured 
Multan  in  the  same  way  that  Cyrus  captured  Babylon, 
by  the  diversion  of  the  waters  which  flowed  through 
the  city  into  another  channel.  In  this  way  he  could 
have  entered  the  city  by  the  dry  bed  of  the  river, 
after  which  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  garrison  of  the 
citadel  may  have  been  forced  to  surrender  from  want 
of  water.  At  the  present  day  there  are  several  wells 
in  the  fortress,  but  only  one  of  them  is  said  to  be 
ancient ;  and  one  well  would  be  quite  insufficient  for 
the  supply  even  of  a  small  garrison  of  5000  men. 


The  ancient  town  of  Kahror  is  situated  on  the 
southern  bank  of  the  old  Bias  river,  50  miles  to  the 
south-east  of  Multan,  and  20  miles  to  the  north-east 
of  Bahawalpur.  It  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  towns 
which  submitted  to  Chach*  after  the  capture  of  Multan 
in  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century.  But  the  interest 
attached  to  Kahror  rests  on  its  fame  as  the  scene  of  the 
great  battle  between  Vikram^ditya  and  the  Sakas,  in 
A.D.  79.  Abu  Kihan  describes  its  position  as  situated 
between  Multan  and  the  castle  of  Loni.  The  latter 
place  is  most  probably  intended  for  Zud//an,  an  ancient 
town  situated  near  the  old  bed  of  the  Satlej  river,  44 
miles  to  the  east-north-east  of  Kahror,  and  70  miles 
to  the  east-south-east  of  Multan.  Its  position  is 
therefore  very  nearly  halfway  between  Multfi,n  and 
Ludhan,  as  described  by  Abu  Kihan. 

*  Lieut.  Postans,  .Journ.  Asiat.  Soc,  Bengal,  1838,  p.  95,  where  the 
translator  reads  Karud,  ^,X,  instead  of  ,(,  Karor. 





The  old  town  of  TJchh  is  situated  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Pniijnad,  70  miles  to  the  soutli-south-west 
of  Multan,   and  45  miles  to  the   north-east  of  the 
present   confluence   with    the   Indus   at    Mithunkot. 
The  change  in  the  course  of  the  Indus  has  taken  place 
since  the  time  of  "Wilford's  surveyor,  Mirza  Mogal 
Beg,  who  surveyed  the  Panjab  and  Kabul  between 
the  years  1786  and  1796,  and  this  part  in  1787-88. 
The  former  channel  still  exists  under  the  name  of  Nala 
Purdn,  or  the  "  Old  Stream."      Uchcha  means  "  high, 
lofty,"  both  in  Sanskrit  and  in  Hindi ;  and  UchcJuma- 
gar  is  therefore  a  common  name  for  any  place  situ- 
ated on  a  height.     Thus  we  have   TJchchagaon  or  Bit- 
lanilshaJir,  as  the  Muhammadans  call  it,  on  the  high 
bank  of  the  Kali  Nadi,  40  miles  to  the  south-east  of 
Delhi.     "We  have  another  TJchh  on  a  mound  to  the 
west  of  the  confluence  of  the  Chenab  and  Jhelam ;  and 
a  third  Uchh^  which  is  also  situated  on  a  mound,  is 
the  subject  of  the  present  description.     According  to 
Burnes,*  TJchh  is  formed  of  three  distinct  towns,  a 
few  hundred  yards  apart  from  each  other,  and  each 
encompassed  by  a  briclv  wall,  now  in  ruins.     Massonf 
mentions  only  two  separat(^  towns ;    but  the  people 
themselves  say  that  there  were  once  seven  different 
toAvns   named   Uchchnnagar.      In   Mogal  Beg's  map 
TJchh  is  entered  with  the  remark,  "  consisting  of  seven 
distinct  villages."      According   to  Masson,  TJchh  is 
chiefly  "distinguished  by  the   ruins  of  the  former 
towns,  which  are  very  extensive,  and  attest  the  pris- 
liiK"  ]irosperity  of  the  locality."    According  to  Burnes, 

*  '  Bokhara,'  i.  79.  t  '  Travels,'  i.  22, 


the  town  of  Uchli  stands  on  a  mound,  which  he  judged, 
from  a  section  exposed  by  an  inundation  of  the  Chenfib, 
to  be  formed  of  the  ruins  of  houses.  This  opinion  is 
doubtless  correct,  as  the  place  has  been  repeatedly 
destroyed  and  rebuilt.  After  the  last  great  siege,  in 
A.H.  931,  or  A.D.  1524-25,  by  Husen  Shah  Arghun, 
the  walls  of  Uchh  were  levelled  to  the  ground,  and 
the  gates  and  other  materials  were  carried  off  to 
Bakar  in  boats.*  Its  favourable  position  at  the  old 
confluence  of  the  Panjab  rivers  must  have  made  it  a 
place  of  importance  from  the  earliest  times.  Accord- 
ingly, we  learn  from  Anian  that  Alexander  "  ordered 
a  city  to  be  built  at  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers, 
imagining  that  by  the  advantage  of  such  a  situation  it 
would  become  rich  and  populous.''^  It  is  probably 
this  city  which  is  mentioned  by  Rashid  ud  dinj  as  the 
capital  of  one  of  the  four  principalities  of  Sindh  under 
Ayand,  the  son  of  Kafand^  who  reigned  after  Alexan- 
der. He  calls  the  place  Askaland-usaJi,  which  would 
be  an  easy  corruption  of  Alexandria  Uchcha,  or  Ussa, 
as  the  Greeks  must  have  written  it.  I  think,  also, 
that  Uchh  must  be  the  Iskandar,  or  Alexandria^  of  the 
Chach-namah,  which  was  captured  by  Chach  on  his 
expedition  against  Multan.J  After  the  Muhammadan 
conquest  the  place  is  mentioned  only  by  its  native 
name  of  Uchh.  It  was  captui-ed  bj'^  Mahmud  of 
Ghazni,  and  Muhammad  Ghori,  and  it  was  the  chief 
city  of  Upper  Sindh  under  NS-ser  ud  din  Kubachah. 
At  a  later  period  it  formed  part  of  the  independent 
kingdom   of  Multan,  which  was  established  shortly 

*  Postans,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1841,  p.  275. 

t  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  15. 

%  Postans,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1838,  p.  94. 

R   2 



after  the  troubles  that  followed  the  invasion  of  Timur.* 
In  A.D.  1524  it  was  taken  by  storm  by  Shah  Husen 
or  Hasan  Arghun  of  Sindh,  when  its  walls  Aveio 
dismantled,  as  I  have  abeady  noticed.  But  after 
the  capture  of  Multan,  Husen  ordered  the  fort  of 
Uchh  to  be  rebuilt,  in  which  he  left  a  large  garrison 
to  secure  the  possession  of  his  recent  conquests.  In 
the  reign  of  Akbar,  Uchh  was  permanently  annexed 
to  the  Mogal  empire,  and  is  included  by  Abul  Fazl 
amongst  the  separate  districts  of  the  Subah  of 

The  country  at  the  confluence  of  the  Panjab  rivers 
is  assigned  by  Curtius  to  the  Saiahraca  or  Sabraca^  and 
by  Diodorus  to  the  Sambastce.  They  are  not  mentioned 
by  Arrian,  at  least  under  this  name  ;  but  I  think  that 
the  Ossadii,  who  tendered  their  allegiance  to  Alex- 
ander at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers,  were  the  same 
people.  It  is  probable  also  that  the  Abastani,  who 
were  subdued  by  Perdikkas,  belonged  to  the  same 
class.  Perdikkas  had  been  dispatched  by  Alexander 
to  the  east  of  the  Eavi,  where  he  captured  a  town 
which  I  have  identified  with  Harapa.  I  infer  that  his 
campaign  must  have  been  an  extended  one,  as  Alex- 
ander, whose  o-\vn  movements  had  been  delayed  by  his 
Avound,  Avas  still  obliged  to  halt  for  him  at  the  con- 
fluence of  the  rivers.  It  seems  highly  probable  there- 
fore that  he  may  have  carried  the  CTr(^ek  arms  to 
Ajii(Uian  on  the  banks  of  the  Satlcj,  from  which  his 
march  would  have  been  along  the  course  of  that  river 
by  Ludhan,  Mailsi,  Kahror,  and  Lodhran,  to  Alex- 
ander's camp  at  TJchh.  In  this  route  he  must  bare 
eiiconntcrod  the  Johhja   Rajputs,  who  haA-e   occupied 

»  Brifjgs's  '  Ferishta,'  iv,  380. 


both  banks  of  the  Satlcj  from  Ajudhan  to  Uchh  from 
time  immemorial.  T  think  therefore  that  the  Abastani, 
whom  Perdikkas  subdued  have  a  strong  claim  to  be 
identified  with  the  Johiya  Eajputs.  The  country  about 
Multan  is  still  called  Joliiya-bdr  or  Yaudheya-wdra. 

The  Johiyas  are  divided  into  three  tribes,  named 
Laiujavlra  or  Lakvira,  Ma'dhovira  or  Mddhera,  and 
Adainvlra  or  Adviera.  The  Sambracm  would  appear  to 
have  been  divided  into  three  clans,  as  being  a  free 
people  without  kings  they  chose  three  generals  to  lead 
them  against  the  Greeks.  Now  Johiya  is  an  abbrevia- 
tion of  Jodhiya,  which  is  the  Sanskrit  Yaudheya,  and 
there  are  coins  of  this  clan  of  as  early  a  date  as  the 
first  centui-y  of  the  Christian  era,  which  show  that  the 
Yaudheyas  were  even  then  divided  into  three  tribes. 
These  coins  are  of  three  classes,  of  which  the  first 
bears  the  simple  inscription  Jaya-Yaudheya-ganasya, 
that  is  (money)  "  of  the  victorious  Yaudheya  tribe. 
The  second  class  has  dwi  at  the  end  of  the  legend,  and 
the  third  has  tri,  which  I  take  to  be  contractions  for 
dwitiyasya  and  tritiyasya,  or  second  and  third,  as  the 
money  of  the  second  and  third  tribes  of  the  Yaudheya.-^. 
As  the  coins  are  found  to  the  west  of  the  Satlej,  in 
Depalpur,  Satgarha,  Ajudhan,  Kahror,  and  Multan, 
and  to  the  eastward  in  Bhatner,  Abhor,  Sirsa,  Hansi, 
Panipat,  andSonpat,  it  is  almost  certain  that  they  belong 
to  the  Johiyas,  who  now  occupy  the  line  of  the  Satlej, 
and  who  were  still  to  be  found  in  Sirsa  as  late  as  the 
time  of  Akbar.  The  Yaudheyas  are  mentioned  in  the 
Allahabad  inscription  of  Samudra  Gupta,  and  at  a 
still  earlier  date  by  Panini  in  the  Junagarh  inscription 
of  Eudra  Dama.*     Now  the  great  grammarian  was 

*  Dr.  Bhau  D^ji  in  '  Bombay  Journal,'  vii.  120. 



certainly  anterior  to  Chandra  Gupta  Maurya,  and  his 
mention  of  the  Yaudheyas  proves  that  they  must  have 
been  a  recognised  clan  before  the  time  of  Alexander. 
The  inscription  of  Rudra  Dama,  in  which  he  boasts  of 
having  "rooted  out  the  Yaudheyas^  shows  that  this 
powerful  clan  must  have  extended  their  arms  very  far 
to  the  south,  otherwise  they  would  not  have  come  into 
collision  with  the  princes  of  Surashtra.  From  these 
facts  I  am  led  to  infer  that  the  possessions  of  the 
Johiyas  in  the  time  of  Alexander  most  probably  ex- 
tended from  Bhatner  and  Pakpatan  to  Sabzalkot,  about 
halfway  between  Uchh  and  Bhakar. 

I  will  now  examine  the  different  names  of  the 
people  who  made  their  submission  to  Alexander  during 
his  halt  at  the  confluence  of  the  Panjab  rivers.  Ac- 
cording to  Curtius  they  were  called  Sambracce  or  8a- 
hracm  ;*  according  to  Orosius  Sabagrm  ;  and  according 
to  Diodorus,  who  placed  them  to  the  east  of  the  river, 
Sambast(B.'\  They  were  a  powerful  nation,  second  to 
none  in  India  for  courage  and  numbers.  Their  forces 
consisted  of  60,000  foot,  6000  horse,  and  500  chariots. 
The  military  reputation  of  the  clan  suggests  the  pro- 
bability that  the  Greek  name  may  be  descriptive  of 
their  warlike  character,  just  as  Yaudheya  means  "  war- 
rior or  soldier."  I  think,  therefore,  that  the  true 
Greek  name  may  have  been  Sambagra,  for  the  Sanskrit 
Samvciyn,  that  is,  the  "united  warriors,"  or  ^vi^iiaxoh 
which,  as  they  were  formed  of  three  allied  tribes, 
would  have  been  an  appropriate  appellation.  In  con- 
firmation of  this  suggestion,  I  may  note  the  fact  that 

*  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8.     "Inde  Sabracas  adiit,  Talidam  Indiae  gentem, 
qua'  populi,  non  regum,  imperio  regebatur." 
t  Hist.,  xvii.  10. 


the  country  of  which  Bikaner  is  now  the  capital  was  ori- 
ginally called  Bdffar-des,  or  the  land  of  the  Bdffri,  or 
"  Warriors,"  whose  leader  was  Bagri  Eao.*  Bhati  also 
means  "  warrior  or  soldier."  We  thus  find  three  tribes 
at  the  present  day,  all  calling  themselves  "  warriors," 
who  form  a  large  propi  irtion  of  the  population  in  the 
countries  to  the  east  of  the  Satlej ;  namely,  Johiyas  or 
Yaudheyas  along  the  river,  Bdyris  in  Bikaner,  and 
Bliatm  in  Jesalmer.  All  three  are  of  acknowledged 
Lunar  descent ;  and  if  my  suggested  interpretation 
of  Sambdgri  be  correct,  it  is  possible  that  the  name 
might  have  been  applied  to  these  three  clans,  and  not 
to  the  three  tribes  of  the  Yaudheyas.  I  think,  how- 
ever, that  the  Yaudheyas  have  a  superior  claim,  both 
on  accoimt  of  their  position  along  the  banks  of  the 
Satlej,  and  of  their  undoubted  antiquity.  To  them  I 
would  attribute  the  foundation  of  the  town  of  Ajudhan, 
or  Jyodhanam,  the  "  battle-field,"  which  is  evidently 
connected  with  their  own  name  of  Yaudheya,  or  Jjud- 
hiya^  the  "  warriors."  The  latter  form  of  the  name 
is  most  probably  preserved  in  the  Ossadii  of  Arrian,  a 
free  people,  who  tendered  their  allegiance  to  Alexander 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Panjab  rivers.  The  Ossadii 
of  Arrian  would  therefore  con-espond  with  the  Sam- 
bastse  of  Diodorus  and  the  Sambracse  of  Curtius,  who 
made  their  submission  to  Alexander  at  the  same  place. 
Now  Ossadioi  or  Assodioi  is  as  close  a  rendering  of 
Jjudhiya  as  could  be  made  in  Greek  characters.  We 
have  thus  a  double  correspondence  both  of  name  and 

*  This  information  I  obtained  at  the  famous  fortress  of  Bhatner  in 
the  Bikaner  territory.  The  name  is  certainly  aa  old  as  the  time  of 
Jahanglr,  as  Chaplain  Terry  describes  '  Bikaneer  '  as  the  c-Mef  city  of 
'  Bakar.'   See  'A  Voyage  to  East  India,'  p.  86. 



position  in  favour  of  my  identification  of  the  Sabagrte 
or  Sambraese  with  the  Johiyas  of  the  present  day. 


Western  India,  according  to  Hwen  Thsang,  was 
divided  into  three  great  states,  named  Sindh^  Gurjjara^ 
and  Balabhi.  The  first  comprised  the  whole  valley 
of  the  Indus  from  the  Punjab  to  the  sea,  including  the 
Delta  and  the  island  of  Kachh  ;  the  second  comprised 
Western  Eajputana  and  the  Indian  Desert,  and  the 
third  comprised  the  peninsula  of  Gujarat,  with  a  small 
portion  of  the  adjacent  coast. 

I.    SiNDH. 

In  the  seventh  century  Sindh  was  divided  into  four 
principalities,  which,  for  the  sake  of  greater  distinct- 
ness, I  will  describe  by  their  geographical  positions, 
as  Upper  Sindh,  Middle  Sindh,  Lower  Sindh,  and 
Kachh.*  The  whole  formed  one  kingdom  under  the 
Eaja  of  Upper  Sindh,  who,  at  the  time  of  Hwen 
Thsang's  visit  in  a.d.  641,  was  a  Siu-to-lo  or  Sudra. 
So  also  in  the  time  of  Chach,  only  a  few  years  later, 
the  minister  Budhiman  informs  the  king  that  the 
country  had  been  formerly  divided  into  four  districts, 
each  under  its  own  ruler,  who  acltnowledged  the  supre- 
macy of  Chach's  predecessors.f  At  a  still  earlier  date 
Sindh  is  said  to  have  been  divided  into  four  princi- 
palities by  Ayand^  the  son  of  Kafand^X  """h*^  reigned 
some  time  after  Alexander  the  Great.  These  four 
principalities  are  named  Zor,  Askalandusa,  Sdniid,  and 

*  See  Map  No.  IX. 

t  Postans  in  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1838,  p.  93. 

X  Eashid  ud  din,  in  Eeinaud's  'Fragments  Arabes,'  p.  47. 

A  Cuiming^ain  dftl'- 


Lohdna,  all  of  which  will  be  discussed  presently,  as 
they  would  appear  to  correspond  with  the  divisions 
noted  by  Hwen  Thsang. 

Upper  Sindh. 

The  single  principality  of  Upper  Sindh,  which  is 
now  generally  known  as  8lro,  that  is  the  "Head  or 
Upper"  division,  is  described  as  being  7000  li,  or 
1167  miles,  in  circuit,  which  is  too  great,  unless,  as  is 
very  probable,  it  comprised  the  whole  of  Kachh  Gran- 
dava  on  the  west.  This  was,  no  doubt,  always  the 
case  under  a  strong  government,  which  that  of  Chach's 
predecessor  is  known  to  have  been.  Under  this  view 
Upper  Sindh  would  have  comprised  the  present  dis- 
tricts of  Kachh-Gandava,  Kahan,  Shikarpur,  and 
Larkana  to  the  west  of  the  Indus,  and  to  the  east 
those  of  Sabzalkot  and  Khairpur.  The  lengths  of  the 
frontier  lines  would,  therefore,  have  been  as  follows  : — 
on  the  north  340  miles ;  on  the  west  250  miles ;  on 
the  east  280  miles,  and  on  the  south  260  miles;  or 
altogether  1030  miles,  which  is  a  very  near  approxi- 
mation to  the  estimate  of  Hwen  Thsang. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  capital  of  the  province 
Avas  named  Pi-chen-po-pu-lo,  which  M.  Julien  tran- 
scribes as  .  VicJiava-pura.  M.  Vivien  de  St.  Martin, 
however,  suggests  that  it  may  be  the  Sanskrit  Vichdla- 
pura,  or  city  of  "  Middle  Sindh,"  which  is  called 
Vicholo  by  the  people.  But  the  Sindhi  and  Panjabi 
Vick  and  the  Hindi  Bich,  or  "  middle,"  are  not  derived 
from  the  Sanskrit,  which  has  a  radical  word  of  its  own, 
Madhya,  to  express  the  same  thing.  If  Hwen  Thsang 
had  used  the  vernacular  terms,  his  name  might  have 
been  rendered  exactly  by  the  Hindi  JBichwd-pur,  or 



"Middle  City,"  but  as  he  invariably  uses  the 
Sanskrit  forms,  I  think  that  we  must  rather  look  to 
some  pure  Sanskrit  word  for  the  original  of  his  Pi- 
chen-po-pu-lo.  Now  we  know  from  tradition,  as  well  as 
from  the  native  historians,  that  Alor  was  the  capital  of 
Sindh  both  before  and  after  the  period  of  Ewen 
Thsang's  visit;  this  new  name,  therefore,  must  be 
only  some  variant  appellation  of  the  old  city,  and  not 
that  of  a  second  capital.  During  the  Hindu  jteriod  it 
was  the  custom  to  give  several  names  to  all  the  larger 
cities, — as  we  have  already  seen  in  the  case  of  Multan. 
Some  of  these  were  only  poetical  epithets ;  as  Kumma- 
pura,  or  "  Flower  City "  applied  to  Pataliputra,  and 
Fadmavati,  or,  "Lotus  Town"  applied  to  Narwar ; 
others  were  descriptive  epithets  as  Varaudsi,  or  Ba- 
naras,  applied  to  the  city  of  Kasi,  to  show  that  it  was 
situated  between  the  Varaiiu  and  Aai  rivulets ;  and 
Kdiii/akii6jn,  the  "  hump-backed  maiden,"  applied  to 
Kauoj,  as  the  scene  of  a  well-known  legend.  The 
difference  of  name  does  not,  therefore,  imply  a  new 
capital,  as  it  may  be  only  a  new  appellation  of  the  old 
city,  or  perhaps  even  the  restoration  of  an  old  name 
which  had  been  temporarily  supplanted.  It  is  true 
that  no  seci  )nd  name  of  Alor  is  mentioned  by  the  his- 
torians of  Sindh  ;  but  as  Alor  was  actually  the  capital 
in  the  time  of  Hwon  Thsang,  it  would  seem  to  be 
quite  certain  that  his  name  of  Pi-clien-po-pu-lo  is  only 
another  name  for  that  city. 

It  is  of  importance  that  this  identification  should  be 
clearly  established,  as  the  pilgrim  places  the  capital  to 
the  west  uf  the  Indus,  whereas  the  present  ruins  of 
Alor  (ir  Aror  arc  to  the  east  of  the  river.  But  this 
very  difference  confirms  the  accuracy  of  the  identifi- 


cation,  for  the  Indus  formerly  flowed  to  the  east  of 
Alor,  down  the  old  channel,  now  called  Ndra^  and  the 
change  in  its  course  did  not  take  place  until  the  reign 
of  Eaja  Daliir,*  or  about  fifty  years  after  Hwen 
Thsang's  visit.  The  native  histories  attribute  the  de- 
sertion of  Alor  by  the  Indus  to  the  wickedness  of 
Raja  Dahir ;  but  the  gradual  westing  of  all  the  Panjab 
rivers  which  flow  from  north  to  south,  is  only  the 
natural  result  of  the  earth's  continued  revolution  from 
west  to  east,  which  gives  their  waters  a  permanent  bias 
towards  the  western  banks,  f  The  original  course  of 
the  Indus  was  to  the  east  of  the  Alor  range  of  hills ; 
but  as  the  waters  gradually  worked  their  way  to  the 
westward,  they  at  last  turned  the  northern  end  of  the 
range  at  Rori,  and  cut  a  passage  for  themselves  through 
the  gap  in  the  limestone  rocks  between  Eori  and  Bha- 
kar.  As  the  change  is  assigned  to  the  beginning  of 
Dahir' s  reign,  it  must  have  taken  place  shortly  after 
his  accession  in  a.d.  '680 ; — and  as  Muhammad  Kasim, 
just  thirty  years  later,  was  obliged  to  cross  the  Indus 
to  reach  Alor,  it  is  certain  that  the  river  was  perma- 
nently fixed  in  its  present  channel  before  a.d.  711. 

The  old  bed  of  the  Indus  still  exists  under  the  name 
of  Nara,  and  its  course  has  been  surveyed  from  the 
ruins  of  Alor  to  the  Ran  of  Kachh.  From  Alor  to 
Jakrao,  a  distance  of  100  miles,  its  direction  is  nearly 
due  south.  It  there  divides  into  several  channels, 
each   bearing  a  separate   name.     The  most  easterly 

*  Postans,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1838,  p.  103. 

t  All  streams  that  flow  from  the  poles  towards  the  equator  work 
gradually  to  the  westward,  while  those  that  flow  from  the  equator 
towards  the  poles  work  gradually  to  the  eastward.  These  opposite 
effects  are  caused  by  the  same  difierence  of  the  earth's  polar  and 
equatorial  velocities  which  gives  rise  to  the  trade  winds. 


channel,  which  retains  the  name  of  Ndra^  runs  to 
the  south-east  by  Kipra  and  Umrkot,  near  which  it 
turns  to  the  south-west  by  Wanga  Bazar  and  Eomaka 
Bazar,  and  is  there  lost  in  the  great  Ean  of  Kachh. 
The  most  westerly  channel,  which  is  named  Purdna, 
or  the  "  Old  Eiver,"  flows  to  the  south-south-west, 
past  the  ruins  of  Brahmanabad  and  Nasirpur  to  Hai- 
darabad,  below  which  it  divides  into  two  branches. 
Of  these,  one  turns  to  the  south-west  and  falls  into  the 
present  river  15  miles  below  Haidarabad  and  12  miles 
above  Jarak.  The  other,  called  the  Guni,  turns  to  the 
south-east  and  joins  the  Xara  above  Eomaka  Bazar. 
There  are  at  least  two  other  channels  between  the 
Purana  and  the  jS^ara,  which  branch  off  just  below 
Jakrud,  but  their  courses  arc  only  partially  known. 
The  upper  half  of  the  old  Nara,  from  Alor  to  Jakrao, 
is  a  dry  sandy  bed,  which  is  occasionally  filled  by  the 
flood  waters  of  the  Indus.  From  its  head  down  to 
JAmiji  it  is  bounded  on  the  west  by  a  continuation  of 
the  Alor  hills,  and  is  generally  from  200  feet  to  300 
feet  wide  and  20  feet  deep.  From  Jamiji  to  Jakrao, 
Avherc  tlic  ehannel  widens  to  fiOO  feet  Avith  the  depth 
uf  12  fet'l,  the  Xara  is  bounded  on  both  sides  by  broad 
ranges  of  low  sand-hills.  Below  Jakrao  the  sand-hills 
on  the  wcst(;rn  bank  suddenly  terminate,  and  the 
Nara,  spreading  over  the  alluvial  plains,  is  divided 
into  two  main  branches,  which  grow  wider  and  shal- 
lower as  they  advance,  until  the  western  channels  are 
lost  in  the  hard  plain,  and  the  eastern  channels  in  a 
sucoossiou  of  marshes.  But  they  reappear  once  more 
below  the  parallel  of  Hala  and  Kipra,  and  continue 
their  com-ses  as  already  described  above.'* 
*  See  Map  No.  IX. 

WESTERN    INDIA.  2,55 

In  Upper  Sindh  tlic  only  places  of  ancient  note  are 
yl/or,  Rori-B/ia/,ytr,  and  Ma/iorla,  near  Lurlnhia. 
Several  other  places  are  mentioned  in  the  campaigns 
of  Alexander,  Chach,  Muhammad  bin  Kasim,  and 
Husen  Shah  Arghun ;  but  as  the  distances  are  rarely 
given,  it  is  difficult  to  identify  the  positions  where 
names  are  so  constantly  changed.  In  the  campaign 
of  Alexander  we  have  the  names  of  the  Massance^  the 
Sogdi^  the  Musikani,  and  the  Prasti,  all  of  which  must 
certainly  be  looked  for  in  Upper  Sindh,  and  which  I 
will  now  attempt  to  identify. 

MassancB  and  Sodrce,  or  Sogdi. 

On  leaving  the  confluence  of  the  PanjS,b  rivers, 
Alexander  sailed  down  the  Indus  to  the  realm  of  the 
Sogdi,  SojBoi,  where,  according  to  Arrian,*  "  he  built 
another  city."  Diodorusf  describes  the  same  people, 
but  under  a  different  name  : — "Continuing  his  descent 
(if  the  river,  he  received  the  submission  of  the  SodrcB 
and  the  Mussana,  nations  on  opposite  banks  of  the 
stream,  and  founded  another  Alexandria,  in  which  he 
placed  10,000  inhabitants."  The  same  people  are 
described  by  Curtius,J  although  he  does  not  mention 
their  names : — "  On  the  fourth  day  he  came  to  other 
nations,  where  he  built  a  town  called  Alexandria." 
From  these  accounts  it  is  evident  that  the  Sogdi  of 
Arrian  and  the  Sodra  of  Diodorus  are  the  same  people, 
although  the  former  haA'^e  been  identified  with  the 
Sodha  Eajputs  by  Tod  and  M'Murdo,  the  latter  with 
the  servile  Sudras  by  Mr.  Vaux.  The  Sod/ias,  who 
are  a  branch  of  the  Pramaras,  now  occupy  the  south- 

*  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  15.  f  Hist.  Univers.  xvii.  56. 

X  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8. 


eastern  district  of  Sindh,  about  Umarkot,  but  according 
to  M'Murdo,*  who  is  generally  a  most  trustworthy 
guide,  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  they  once 
held  large  possessions  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus,  to 
the  northward  of  Alor.  In  adopting  this  extension  of 
the  territory  formerly  held  by  the  Sodha  Eajputs,  I 
am  partly  influenced  by  the  statement  of  Abul  Fazl, 
that  the  country  from  Bhakar  to  Umarkot  was  peopled 
by  the  Sodas  and  Jharejas  in  the  time  of  Akbar,f  and 
partly  by  the  belief  that  the  Massana  of  Diodorus  are 
the  Musarnei  of  Ptolemy,  whose  name  still  exists  in 
the  district  of  Muzarka,  to  the  west  of  the  Indus 
below  Mithankot.  Ptolemy  also  gives  a  town  called 
Musarna^  which  he  places  on  a  small  affluent  of  the 
Indus,  tit  the  north  of  the  Askana  rivulet.  The 
MmantK  affluent  may  therefore  be  the  rivulet  of 
Kahan,  which  flows  past  Pulaji  and  Shahpur,  towards 
Khangarha  or  Jaeobabad,  and  Musarna  may  be  the 
town  of  Shahpur,  which  was  a  place  of  some  conse- 
quence before  the  rise  of  Shikarpur.  "  The  neigh- 
bouring country,  now  nearly  desolate,  has  traces  of 
cultivation  to  a  considerable  extent.  "J  The  So(/di^  or 
Sodrcs,  I  would  identify  with  the  people  of  Seorai, 
which  was  captured  by  Husen  Shah  Arghun  on  his 
way  from  Bhakar  to  Multan.§  In  his  time,  a.d. 
1525,  it  is  described  as  "the  strongest  fort  in  that 
country."  It  was,  however,  deserted  by  the  garrison, 
and  the  conqueror  ordered  its  walls  to  be  razed  to  the 
ground.     Its  actual  position  is  unknown,  but  it  was 

*  Journ.  Koyal  Asiat.  Soc,  i.  33.  i   '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  117. 

X  Thornlon,  '  Gazetteer,'  in  voce. 

§  Erskine's  Hist,   of  India,   i.  388.      Postans,   Journ.  Asiat.   Soc. 
Bensal,  1811,  275. 


probably  close  to  Fazilpur,  halfway  between  Sabzal- 
kot  and  Chota  Ahmedpur,  where  Masson*  heard  that 
there  was  formerly  a  considerable  town,  and  that  "the 
wells  belonging  to  it,  360  in  number,  were  still  to  be 
seen  in  the  jangals."  Now  in  this  very  position,  that 
is  about  8  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Sabzalkot,  the  old 
maps  insert  a  village  named  Sirwahi,  which  may  pos- 
sibly represent  the  Seorai  of  Sindhian  history.  It  is 
96  miles  in  a  direct  line  below  Uchh,  and  85  milee 
above  Alor,  or  very  nearly  midway  between  them. 
By  water  the  distance  from  Uchh  would  be  at  least 
one-third  greater,  or  not  less  than  120  miles,  which 
would  agree  with  the  statement  of  Curtius  that  Alex- 
ander reached  the  place  on  the  fourth  day.  It  is  ad- 
mitted that  these  identifications  are  not  altogether 
satisfactory ;  but  they  are  perhaps  as  precise  as  can 
now  be  made,  when  we  consider  the  numerous  fluctua- 
tions of  the  Indus,  and  the  repeated  changes  of  the 
names  of  places  on  its  banks.  One  fact,  preserved  by 
Arrian,  is  strongly  in  favour  of  the  identification  of 
the  old  site  near  Fazilpur  with  the  town  of  the  Sot/di^ 
namely,  that  from  this  point  Alexander  dispatched 
Kraterusf  with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  and  all 
the  elephants,  through  the  confines  of  the  Arachoti 
and  Drangi.  Now  the  most  frequented  Ghat  for  the 
crossing  of  the  Indus  towards  the  west,  via  the  Gan- 
dava  and  Bolan  Pass,  lies  between  Fazilpur  on  the 
left  bank,  and  Kasmor  on  the  right  bank.  And  as 
the  ghi.ts,  or  points  of  passage  of  the  rivers,  always 
determine  the  roads,  I  infer  that  Ivraterus  must  have 
begun  his  long  march  towards  Arachosia  and  Dran- 
giana  from  this  place,  which  is   the   most  northern 

*  '  Travels,'  i.  382.  f  'Anabasis,'  vi.  15. 


liosition  on  the  Indus  for  the  departure  of  a  large 
army  to  the  westward.  It  seems  probahlo,  however, 
that  Kraterus  Avas  detained  for  some  time  by  the 
revolt  of  Musikanus,  as  his  departure  is  again  men- 
tioned by  Arrian,*  after  Alexander's  capture  of  the 
Brahman  city  near  Sindomana. 

Between  Multan  and  Alor  the  native  historians,  as 
well  as  the  early  Arab  geographers,  place  a  strong 
fort  named  Bhdtia,  which,  from  its  position,  has  a 
good  claim  to  be  identified  with  the  city  which  Alex- 
ander built  amongst  the  Sogdi,  as  it  is  not  likely  that 
there  were  many  advantageous  sites  in  this  level  tract 
of  coimtry.  Unfortunately,  the  name  is  variously 
written  by  the  different  authorities.  Thus,  Postans 
gives  Pdya,  Bcihiya,  and  Pdhiya ;  Sir  Henry  Elliot 
gives  Pdbir/a,  Bdtia,  and  Bhdiiya^  while  Price  gives 
Baltdfia.-\  It  seems  probable  that  it  is  the  same  place 
as  TaJlidti,X  where  Jam  Janar  crossed  the  Indus ;  and 
perhaps  also  the  same  as  Mdtila^  or  Malidtila,^  which 
was  one  of  the  six  great  forts  of  Sindh  in  the  seventh 

Bhdiia  is  described  by  Ferishta  as  a  very  strong 
place,  defended  by  a  lofty  wall  and  a  deep  broad 
ditch. II  It  was  taken  by  assault  in  a.h.  393,  or  a.d. 
1003,  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  after  an  obstinate  de- 
fence, in  which  the  Raja,  named  Bajja)\  or  Bije  JRai, 
Avas  killed.  Amongst  the  plunder  Mahmud  obtained 
no  less  than  280  elephants,  a  most  substantial  proof 
of  tlie  wealth  and  power  of  the  Hindu  prince. 

*  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  17.         t  Doivaon's  edition  of  Sir  H.  Elliot,  i.  138. 
+  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1845,  p.  171.  §  Ihid.,  184,5,  p.  79. 

II  Brifjss's  '  Ferisbta,'  i.  39  ;  and  Tabatat.i.Akbari,  in  Sir  Henry 
Elliot,  p.  ISO. 


]\lusikani — Alor. 

From  the  territory  of  the  Sot/di  or  Sodrce,  Alexander 
continued  his  voyage  down  the  Indus  to  the  capital 
of  a  king  named  Musikanus,  according  to  Strabo,  Dio- 
dorus,  and  Arrian,*  or  of  a  people  named  Musicani, 
according  to  Curtius.^]"  From  Arrian  we  learn  that 
this  kingdom  had  been  described  to  Alexander  as 
"  the  richest  and  most  populous  throughout  all 
India ; "  and  from  Strabo  we  get  the  account  of 
Onesikritus  that  "  the  country  produced  everything 
in  abundance ; "  which  shows  that  the  Greeks  them- 
selves must  have  been  struck  with  its  fertility.  Now 
these  statements  can  apply  only  to  the  rich  and 
powerful  kingdom  of  Upper  Sindh,  of  which  Alor  is 
known  to  have  been  the  capital  for  many  ages. 
Where  distances  are  not  given,  and  names  disagree, 
it  is  difficult  to  determine  the  position  of  any  place 
from  a  general  description,  unless  there  are  some  pe- 
culiarities of  site  or  construction,  or  other  properties 
which  may  serve  to  fix  its  identity.  In  the  present 
instance  we  have  nothing  to  guide  us  but  the  general 
description  that  the  kingdom  of  Musikanus  was  "  the 
richest  and  most  populous  throughout  all  India."  But 
as  the  native  histories  and  traditions  of  Sindh  agree 
in  stating  that  Alor  was  the  ancient  metropolis  of  the 
country,  it  seems  almost  certain  that  it  must  be  the 
capital  of  Musikanus,  otherwise  this  famous  city  would 
be  altogether  unnoticed  by  Alexander's  historians, 
which   is   highly   improbable,    if  not    quite    impos- 

*  Strabo,  Geogr.,  xv.  i.  22-34  and  54.    Diodorus,  xvii.  10.     Arrian, 
'  Anabasis,'  vi.  15. 
t  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8. 



sible.  That  the  territory  of  Alor  was  rich  and  fertile 
we  know  from  the  early  Arab  geographers,  who  are 
unanimous  in  its  praise. 

ITie  ruins  of  Alor  are  situated  to  the  south  of  a  gap 
in  the  low  range  of  limestone-hills,  which  stretches 
from  Bhakar  towards  the  south  for  about  20  miles, 
until  it  is  lost  in  the  broad  belt  of  sand-hills  which 
bound  the  Nara,  or  old  bed  of  the  Indus,  on  the  west. 
Through  this  gap  a  branch  of  the  Indus  once  flowed, 
which  protected  the  city  on  the  north-west.  To  the 
north-east  it  was  covered  by  a  second  branch  of  the 
river,  which  flowed  nearly  at  right  angles  to  the  other, 
at  a  distance  of  3  miles.  At  the  accession  of  Eaja  Dahir, 
in  A.D.  680,  the  latter  was  probably  the  main  stream 
of  the  Indus,  which  had  been  gradually  working  to 
the  westward  from  its  original  bed  in  the  old  N&ra.* 
According  to  the  native  histories,  the  final  change 
was  hastened  by  the  excavation  of  a  channel  thi-ough 
the  northern  end  of  the  range  of  hills  between  Bhakar 
and  Eori. 

The  true  name  of  Alor  is  not  quite  certain.  The 
common  pronunciation  at  present  is  Jror,  but  it  seems 
probable  that  the  original  name  was  Bora,  and  that 
the  initial  vowel  was  derived  from  the  Arabic  prefix 
Jl,  as  it  is  written  A  Iror  in  Biladuri,  Edrisi,  and  other 
Arab  authors.  This  derivation  is  countenanced  by 
the  name  of  the  neighbouring  town  of  Rori,  as  it  is  a 
common  practice  in  India  thus  to  duplicate  names. 
So  Bora  and  Bori  Avould  mean  Great  and  Little  Bora. 
This  word  has  no  meaning  in  Sanskrit,  but  in  Hindi 
it  signifies  "noise,  clamour,  roar"  and  also  "fame." 
It  is  just  possible,  therefore,  that  the  full  name  of  the 

*  See  Map  No.  IX. 


city  may  have  been  Rora-jiura^  or  Bora-nagara^  the 
"  Famous  City."  This  signification  suggested  itself 
to  me  on  seeing  the  name  of  Abhijanu  applied  to  a 
neighbouring  village  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  2  miles  to 
the  south-west  of  the  ruins  of  Alor.  Ahhijan  is  a 
Sanskrit  term  for  "  fame,"  and  is  not  improbably 
connected  with  Hwen  Thsang's  Pi-chen-po-pu-lo, 
which,  by  adding  an  initial  syllable  o,  might  be  read  as 
AhMjanwapura.  I  think  it  probable  that  Alor  may  be 
the  Binagara  of  Ptolemy,  as  it  is  placed  on  the  Indus 
to  the  eastward  of  OsJcana^  which  appears  to  be  the 
Oxyhanus  of  Arrian  and  Curtius.  Ptolemy's  name  of 
Binagara  is  perhaps  only  a  variant  reading  of  the 
Chinese  form,  as  pulo^  or  pura,  is  the  same  as  nagara, 
and  Pichenpo  may  be  the  full  form  of  the  initial  syl- 
lable Bi. 

The  city  of  Musikanus  was  evidently  a  position  of 
some  consequence,  as  Arrian  relates  that  Alexander 
"  ordered  Kraterus  to  build  a  castle  in  the  city,  and 
himself  tarried  there  to  see  it  finished.  This  done, 
he  left  a  strong  garrison  therein,  because  this  fort 
semed  extremely  commodious  for  bridling  the  neigh- 
bouring nations  and  keeping  them  in  subjection."  It 
was  no  doubt  for  this  very  reason  that  Alor  was  ori- 
ginally founded,  and  that  it  continued  to  be  occupied 
until  deserted  by  the  river,  when  it  was  supplanted 
by  the  strong  fort  of  Bhakar. 

PrcBsti — Poriikanus,  or  Oxylcanus. 

From  the  capital  of  Musikanus  Alexander  allowed 
his  fleet  of  boats  to  continue  their  course  down  the 
Indus,    while    he    himself,    according    to    Arrian,* 

*  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  16. 

s  2 



marcliecl  against  a  neighbouring  prince  named  Oxy- 
kanus,  and  took  two  of  his  chief  cities  at  the  first 
assault.  Curtius  makes  Oxycmius  the  king  of  a  people 
named  Prasti*  and  states  that  Alexander  captured 
his  chief  city  after  a  siege  of  three  days.  Diodorus 
and  Strabo  call  the  king  Portikanus.  Now,  these 
various  readings  at  once  suggest  the  probability  that 
the  name  was  that  of  the  city,  which,  either  as 
TJchcha-gam ^  or  Porta-gdm^  means  simply  the  "Lofty 
town,"  in  allusion  to  its  height.  The  description  of 
Curtius  of  the  "  tremendous  crash"  made  by  the  fall 
of  two  towers  of  its  citadel  shows  that  the  place  must 
have  been  more  than  usually  lofty.  I  would  there- 
fore identify  it  with  the  great  mound  of  MaUoria  on 
the  bank  of  the  Ghar  river,  10  miles  from  Larkana. 
Masson  describes  it  as  "the  remains  of  an  ancient 
fortress,  on  a  huge  mound,  named  ]\Iaih:jta.'''''\  Ma- 
horta,  which  is  the  spelling  adopted  by  the  surveyors, 
is  probably  Mahorddha,  for  maJid-\- urddha-\-grdina,  or 
"the  great  lofty  city,"  which,  as  pure  Sanskrit,  is  not 
likely  to  be  a  modern  name.  This  identification  ap- 
pears to  me  to  be  very  probable,  not  only  on  account 
of  the  exact  correspondence  of  name,  but  also  on  ac- 
count of  the  relative  positions  of  Alor  and  iMahorta 
with  reference  to  the  old  course  of  the  Indus.  At 
present  Mahorta  is  within  a  few  miles  of  the  river ; 
but  in  the  time  of  Alexander,  when  the  Indus  flowed 
down  the  bed  of  the  JSTara,  the  nearest  point  of  the 
stream  was  at  Alor,  from  which  Mahorta  was  distant 
45  miles  to  the  south  of  west.  Hence  Alexander  was 
obliged  to  leave  his  fleet,  and  to  tnarcJi  against  Oxy- 


*  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8,  26.  t  'Travels,'  i.  461. 


The  site  of  Mahorta  must  always  have  been  a  posi- 
tion of  great  importance,  both  commercially  and  po- 
litically, as  it  commanded  the  high-road  from  Sindh, 
via,  Kachh-Gand^va,  to  Kandahar.  Since  its  desertion, 
the  same  advantages  have  made  Lark^na,  which  is 
situated  on  the  same  small  stream,  10  miles  to  the 
west  of  Mahorta,  one  of  the  most  flourishing  places  in 
Sindh.  The  rivulet  called  the  Ghar  rises  near  Kelat, 
and  traverses  the  whole  length  of  the  Mda^  or  Ganddva 
Pass,  below  which  it  is  now  lost  in  the  desert.  But 
the  channel  is  still  traceable,  and  the  stream  reappears 
on  the  frontier  of  Sindh,  and  flows  past  Larkana  and 
Mahorta  into  the  Indus.  Under  a  strong  and  judicious 
ruler,  who  could  enforce  an  economical  distribution  of 
the  available  waters,  the  banks  of  the  GhSr  rivulet 
must  formerly  have  been  one  of  the  most  fertile  dis- 
tricts of  Sindh. 

The  name  of  PrcesH  given  by  Curtius*  might,  ac- 
cording to  Wilson,  be  applied  to  a  people  occupying 
the  thals^  or  "  oases,"  of  the  desert.  He  refers  to 
Prasiha,  or  Prasthala,  as  derived  from  siliala,  the 
Sanskrit  form  of  the  vernacular  ihal^  which  is  the 
term  generally  used  to  designate  any  oasis  in  Western 
India.  But  as  the  name  is  simply  Vrasti^  I  think 
that  it  may  rather  be  referred  to  prastha,  which 
means  any  clear  piece  of  level  ground,  and  might 
therefore  be  applied  to  the  plain  country  about  Lar- 
kana, in  contradistinction  to  the  neighbouring  hilly 
districts  of  Sehwan  and  Gandava.  It  seems  possible, 
however,  that  it  may  be  connected  with  the  Pisica  of 
Ptolemy,  which  he  places  on  the  lower  course  of  the 
small  stream  that  flows  past  Oslcana  into  the  Indus. 

*  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8. 


Now  Oskana  is  almost  certainly  the  Oxyhanus  of 
Arrian  and  Curtius,  for  not  only  are  the  two  names 
absolutely  identical,  but  the  inland  position  of  Oskana, 
on  a  small  stream  to  the  west  of  the  Indus,  agrees 
exactly  with  that  of  Mahorta,  which  I  have  identified 
with  Oxyhanus.  I  think  also  that  Ptolemy's  Badana, 
which  lies  immediately  to  the  north  of  the  rivulet, 
must  be  the  present  Gandava,  as  the  letters  B  and  G 
are  constantly  interchanged.  In  the  books  of  the 
early  Arab  writers  it  is  always  called  Kanddbil. 

2.    MIDDLE    SINDH. 

The  principality  of  Middle  Sindh,  which  is  generally 
known  as  Vichnlo^  or  the  "  Midland,"  is  described  by 
Hwen  Tlisang  as  only  2500  li,  or  417  miles,  in  circuit. 
With  these  small  dimensions  the  province  must  have 
been  limited  to  the  modern  district  of  Sehwan,  with 
the  northern  parts  of  Haidarabad  and  Umarkot. 
Within  these  limits  the  north  and  south  frontiers 
arc  each  about  160  miles  in  length,  and  the  east  and 
Avest  frontiers  about  45  miles  each,  or  altogether  not 
more  than  410  miles  in  circuit.  The  chief  city,  named 
Of  an. da,  was  situated  at  700  //,  or  117  miles,  from  the 
capital  of  Upper  Sindh,  and  50  miles  from  Pifasila, 
the  capital  of  Lower  Sindh.  As  the  former  was  Jlor, 
and  the  latter  was  almost  certainly  the  Fattala  of  the 
Greeks,  or  Haidnrabad,  the  recorded  distances  fix  the 
position  of  O-fan-cJia  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
ruins  of  an  ancient  city  called  Bambhra-ka-Tid,  or  the 
"  Ruined  Tower,"  or  simply  BanbJiar,  which,  accord- 
ing to  tradition,  was  the  site  of  the  once  famous  city 
of  Brahmanwas,  or  Brahmanabad.  Hwen  Thsang's 
kingdom  of  Ofancha,  or  Ava7ida,  therefore,  corresponds 


as  nearly  as  possible  with   the  province   of  middle 
Sindh,  which  is  now  called  Vichalo. 

At  the  present  day  the  principal  places  in  this 
division  of  Sindh  are  Sehwau,  Hala,  Haidar^bad,  and 
Umarkot.  In  the  middle  ages,  under  Hindu  rule,  the 
great  cities  were  Sadusdn,  Brdhmana,  or  Bahmanwd, 
and  Nirunhoi.  But  as  I  shall  presently  attempt  to 
show  that  Nirunkot  was  most  probably  the  modern 
Haidarabad  and  the  ancient  Paitala,  it  will  more  pro- 
perly be  included  in  the  province  of  Lower  Sindh,  or 
Ldr.  Close  to  Bahmanwd  the  early  Muhammadans 
founded  Mansura^  which,  as  the  residence  of  their 
governors,  was  the  actual  capital  of  the  province,  and 
soon  became  the  largest  city  in  all  Sindh.  In  the 
time  of  Alexander,  the  only  places  mentioned  are 
Sindomdna,  and  a  city  of  Brahmans,  named  Harma- 
telia  by  Diodorus.  I  will  now  describe  these  places 
in  detail,  beginning  with  the  most  northerly. 

Sindomdna,  or  Sehwdn. 

From  the  city  of  Oxykanus,  Alexander  "  led  his 
forces  against  Sambus,  whom  he  had  before  declared 
governor  of  the  Indian  mountaineers."  The  E.aja  aban- 
doned his  capital,  named  Sindomana,  which,  according 
to  Arrian,*  was  delivered  up  to  Alexander  by  the 
friends  and  domestics  of  Sambus,  who  came  forth  to 
meet  him  with  presents  of  money  and  elephants. 
Curtiusf  calls  the  raja  Sabus,  but  does  not  name  his 
capital.  He  simply  states  that  Alexander,  having 
received  the  "  submission  of  several  towns,  captured 
the  strongest  by  mining."    The  narrative  of  Diodorus:|: 

*  'Anabasis,'  vi.  16.  t  Vita  Alex.,  is.  8. 

X  Hist.  TJnivers.,  xvii.  50. 



also  omits  the  name  of  the  capital,  but  states  that 
Sambus  retired  to  a  great  distance  with  thirty  ele- 
phants. Strabo*  merely  mentions  Eaja  Sabus,  and 
Sindomana  his  capital,  without  adding  any  particu- 
lars. Curtiusf  alone  notes  that  Alexander  returned  to 
his  fleet  after  the  capture  of  the  raja's  strongest  city, 
which  must  therefore  have  been  at  some  distance  from 
the  Indus. 

I  agree  with  all  previous  writers  on  the  ancient 
geography  of  this  part  of  India  in  identifying  Sindo- 
mana  with  Sehwdn  ;  partly  from  its  similarity  of  name, 
and  partly  from  its  vicinity  to  the  Lakki  mountains. 
Of  its  antiquity  there  can  be  no  doubt,  as  the  great 
mound,  which  was  once  the  citadel,  is  formed  chiefly 
of  ruined  buildings,  the  accumulation  of  ages,  on  a 
scarped  rock,  at  the  end  of  the  Lakki  range  of  hills. 
De  La  Ilosteij:  describes  it  as  an  oval,  1200  feet  long, 
750  feet  broad,  and  80  feet  high ;  but  when  I  saw  it  in 
1855,  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  almost  square  in  shape, 
and  I  judged  it  to  be  somewhat  larger  and  and  rather 
more  lofty  above  the  river  bed  than  Burnes's  esti- 
mate.§  It  Mas  then  on  the  main  stream  of  the  Indus; 
but  the  river  is  constantly  changing  its  channel,  and 
in  all  the  old  maps  it  is  placed  on  a  western  branch  of 
the  Indus.  In  ancient  times,  however,  when  the  river 
flowed  down  the  eastern  channel  of  the  Ndra^  Sehwan 
was  not  less  than  65  miles  distant  from  its  nearest 

*  Geogr.,  xr.  1,  32. 

t  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8  :  "  Eursus  aranem,  iu  quo  classem  expectare  se 
jusscrat,  repetit." 

+  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1840,  p.  913. 

§  ANV'stmacolt,  in  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal  for  1840,  p.  1209,  says 
about  100  feet  above  the  Arrul  river,  or  Aral,  which,  in  his  time  was  a 
branch  of  the  Indus. 


point  at  Jakrao,  where  it  leaves  tlie  sand-hills.  At 
present  its  water  supply  is  entirely  derived  from  the 
Indus,  which  not  only  flows  under  the  eastern  front 
of  the  town,  but  also  along  its  northern  front,  by  a 
channel  called  the  Aral  river,  from  the  great  Manchur 
lake,  which  is  supplied  by  the  other  Nara,  or  great 
western  branch  of  the  Indus.  But  as  the  site  could 
not  have  been  occupied  unless  well  supplied  with 
water,  it  is  certain  that  the  Manchur  lake  must  have 
existed  long  previous  to  the  change  in  the  course  of 
the  Indus.  Judging  by  its  great  depth  in  the  middle,* 
it  must  be  a  natural  depression ;  and  as  it  is  still  fed 
by  two  small  streams,  which  take  their  rise  in  the 
Hala  Lakki  mountains,  to  the  south,  it  seems  probable 
that  the  lake  may  have  extended  even  up  to  the  walls 
of  Sehwan,  before  the  floods  of  the  western  Nara  cut  a 
channel  into  the  Indus,  and  thus  permanently  lowered 
the  level  of  its  waters.  The  lake  abounds  in  fish, 
from  which  it  would  appear  to  derive  its  name,  as 
Manchur  is  but  a  slight  alteration  of  the  Sanskrit 
Mafsya,  and  the  Hindi  machh,  or  machhi,  "  fish."  I 
think,  therefore,  that  Manchar  may  be  only  a  familiar 
contraction  of  machhi-wdla  Tdl,  or  Fish  Lake. 

The  favourable  position  of  Sehwan,  on  a  lofty 
isolated  rock,  near  a  large  lake,  with  food  and  water 
in  abundance,  would  certainly  have  attracted  the 
notice  of  the  first  inhabitants  of  Sindh.  We  find,  ac- 
cordingly, that  its  early  occupation  is  admitted  by  all 
inquirers.  Thus,  M'Murdoj-  says,  "  Sehwan  is  un- 
doubtedly a  place  of  vast  antiquity  ;  perhaps  more  so 
than  either  Alor  or  Bahmana."     The  present  name  is 

*  Westmacott,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1810,  p.  1207. 
f  Jouru.  lioyal  Asiat.  Soc,  i.  30. 



said  to  be  a  contraction  of  Sewu/d/i,  which  was  so 
called  after  its  inhabitants,  the  Seiois,  or  Sabis.  But 
m  all  the  early  Arab  geographers  the  name  is  some- 
what differently  written,  as  Sadusfdn,  or  Sadusdn,  or 
S/tdrifsr/n,  of  which  the  first  two  syllables  agree  with 
the  Greek  Sindomana.  I  therefore  reject  the  reading 
of  Sewistdn  as  a  modern  innovation  of  the  Hindus,  to 
connect  the  place  with  the  name  of  their  god  Siva. 
The  Suido  of  the  Greek,  and  the  Sadu  of  the  early 
Muhammadans,  point  to  the  Sanskrit  name  of  the 
country,  Sindhu,  or  to  that  of  its  inhabitants,  Sain- 
dJiava,  or  SaindJm,  as  it  is  usually  pronounced.  Their 
stronghold,  or  capital,  would  therefore  have  been 
called  Saindhava-sthdna ^  or  Saindliu-sthdn.,  which,  by 
the  elision  of  the  nasal,  becomes  the  Sadmtdn  of  the 
Arab  geographers.  In  a  similar  manner  Wilson  de- 
rives the  Greek  Sindomana  from  "  a  very  allowable 
Sanskrit  compound,  Sindu-mdn^''^  the  "possessor  of 
Sindh."  I  am  inclined,  however  to  refer  the  Greek 
name  to  Scdndliava-vanam ,  or  Saiiidhiiwdn^  as  the 
"  abode  of  the  Saindhavas." 

It  seems  strange  that  a  notable  place  like  Sehwan 
should  not  be  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  under  any  re- 
cognizable name.  If  we  take  Haidarabad  as  the  most 
probable  head  of  the  Delta  in  ancient  times,  then 
Ptolemy's  Sydros,  which  is  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Indus,  may  perhaps  be  identified  with  the  old  site  of 
Mattali,  12  miles  above  Haidarabad,  and  his  Pasipeda 
with  Sehwan.  The  identification  of  Ptolemy's  Oskana 
with  the  Oxijlianufi,  or  Fortikanus,  of  Alexander,  and 
Avith  the  great  mound  of  IVLahorta  of  the  present  day, 
is,  I  think,  almost  certain.  If  so,  either  Piska  or 
Pasij^cda  must  be  Sehwan. 


Hwen  Thsang  takes  no  notice  of  SehM-^n,  but  it  is 
mentioned  in  the  native  histories  of  Sindh  as  one  of 
the  towns  captured  by  Muhammad  bin  Kasim  in  a.d. 
711.  It  was  again  captured  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni 
in  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century ;  and  under 
the  Muhammadan  rule  it  would  appear  to  have  become 
one  of  the  most  flourishing  places  in  Sindh.  It  is  now 
very  much  decayed,  but  its  position  is  so  favourable 
that  it  is  not  likely  ever  to  be  deserted. 

Brdhmana,  or  Brdhnandbdd. 

From  Sindomana  Alexander  "  marched  back  to  the 
river,  where  he  had  ordered  his  fleet  to  wait  for  him. 
Thence,  descending  the  stream,  he  came  on  the  fourth 
day  to  a  town  through  which  was  a  road  to  the  king- 
dom of  Sabus."*  When  Alexander  quitted  his  fleet 
at  Alor  (the  capital  of  Musikanus)  to  march  against 
Oxykanus,  he  had  no  intention  of  going  to  Sindo- 
mana, as  Eaja  Sambus,  having  tendered  his  submis- 
sion, had  been  appointed  satrap  of  the  hilly  districts 
on  the  Indus.f  He  must  therefore  have  ordered  his 
fleet  to  wait  for  him  at  some  point  on  the  river  not 
far  from  the  capital  of  Oxykanus.  This  point  I  would 
fix  somewhere  about  Marija  Dand,  on  the  old  Ndra, 
below  Kator  and  Tajal,  as  Mahorta,  which  I  have 
identified  with  the  chief  city  of  Oxykanus,  is  about 
equidistant  from  Alor  and  Kator.  Thence,  descending 
the  stream,  he  came  on  the  fourth  day  to  a  town, 
through  which  there  was  a  road  to  the  kingdom  of 

*  Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8.  "  Alexander.  .  .  .  rursus  amnem,  in 
quo  classem  exspectare  se  jusserat,  repetit.  Quarto  deinde  die,  secundo 
amne,  pervenit  ad  oppidum,  quS.  iter  in  regnum  erat  Sabi." 

t  Arriau,  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  16:  to>v  ipluiv  'Ivbiov  craTpdwriv. 


Sambus.  Fi-om  Marija  Dancl,  the  point  where  I  sup- 
pose that  Alexander  rejoined  his  fleet,  the  distance  to 
the  ruined  city  of  Brahmana,  or  Brahmanahad,  is  60 
miles  in  a  direct  line  by  land,  or  90  miles  by  water. 
As  this  distance  could  have  been  accomplished  with 
ease  in  four  days,  I  conclude  that  Brahmana  was  the 
actual  city  of  Brahmans  which  is  described  by  Alexan- 
der's historians.  The  king  of  this  city  had  previously 
submitted,  but  the  citizens  withheld  their  allegiance, 
and  shut  their  gates.  By  a  stratagem  they  were  in- 
duced to  come  out,  and  a  conflict  ensued,  in  which 
Ptolemy  was  seriously  wounded  in  the  shoulder  by  a 
poisoned  sword.*  The  mention  of  Ptolemy's  wound 
enables  us  to  identify  this  city  with  that  of  Ilarmatelia^ 
which  Diodorus  describes  as  the  "  last  town  of  the 
Brahmans  on  the  river."t  Now,  Harmatelia' is  only  a 
softer  pronunciation  of  Brdhma-thala,  or  Brahnana- 
sfhala,  just  as  Hermes,  the  phallic  god  of  the  Greeks, 
is  the  same  as  Brahma,  the  original  phallic  god  of  the 
Indians.  But  Brahmana  was  the  old  Hindu  name  of 
the  city  which  the  Muhammadans  called  Brahmana- 
bad ;  hence  I  conclude  that  the  town  of  Brahmans 
captured  by  Alexander  corresponds  both  in  name  and 
position  with  the  great  city  of  Brahmanabad. 

The  narrative  of  Arrian  after  the  capitulation  of 
Sindomana  is  unfortunately  very  brief.  His  words 
are,  "he  attacked  and  won  a  city  which  had  revolted 
from  him,  and  put  to  death  as  many  of  the  Brahmans 
as  fell  into  his  hands,  having  charged  them  with  being 
the  authors  of  the  rebellion."!     This  agrees  with  the 

*  Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8.  t  Hist.  Unirers.,  xjii.  56. 

X   '  Anabasis,'  vi.  16.     'O  hi  koI  aWrjv  noKiv  iv  rovra  dwoiTTaa-av  elXe, 
Trnv  Bpaxi^dvoiv  .       .   oaoi  alrwi  rfjs  anoa-TdiTcas  iyivovTO,  aTrtKTiiVfV. 



statement  of  Diodorus,  who  mentions  that  j\.lexanclor 
"was  satisfied  with  punishing  those  who  advised  the 
resistance,  and  pardoned  all  the  others."  From  a 
comparison  of  the  three  narratives,  I  infer  that  Har- 
matelia,  or  Brdhmana,  was  in  the  dominions  of  Musi- 
kanus  ;  for  Curtius  states  that  the  king  of  this  city 
had  previously  submitted  to  Alexander,  while  Arrian 
says  that  he  had  revolted,  and  Diodorus  adds*  that 
Alexander  punished  the  advisers  of  the  rebellion. 
Now,  all  these  facts  apply  to  Musikanus,  who  had  at 
first  submitted,  and  then  revolted,  and  was  at  last 
crucified,  "  and  with  him  as  many  of  the  Brahmans  as 
had  instigated  him  to  revolt."  This  identification  is 
of  some  importance,  as  it  shows  that  the  dominions  of 
Musikanus  must  have  embraced  the  whole  of  the 
valley  of  the  Indus  down  to  the  head  of  the  Delta, 
with  the  exception  of  the  two  outlying  districts  of 
Oxykanus  and  Sambus,  under  the  western  mountains. 
This  extension  of  his  dominions  explains  the  report 
which  Alexander  had  previously  received  from  the 
people,  that  the  kingdom  of  Musikanus  "  was  the 
richest  and  most  populous  throughout  all  India."  It 
also  explains  how  Sambus  was  at  enmity  with  Musi- 
kanus, as  the  southern  territories  of  the  latter  were 
bounded  on  the  west  by  those  of  the  former.  The 
king  of  this  city,  where  Ptolemy  was  wounded  by  a 
poisoned  arrow,  is  called  Ambiger  by  Justin, -j"  which  was 
probably  the  true  name  of  Musikanus,  the  chief  of  the 
Musikani,  in  whose  territory  Brahmana  was  situated. 
It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  none  of  the  names 
preserved  by  Ptolemy  can  be  certainly  identified  with 
this  city  of  the  Brahmans.     Parabali  corresponds  with 

*  Hist.  TJnirers.,  xvii.  56.  f  Justin,  Hist.,  xii.  10. 



it  in  position,  and  partly  also  in  name,  as  the  first  two 
syllables,  Parab,  are  not  very  different  from  Baram, 
and  the  termination,  ali,  may  represent  ihala  of  BraJi- 
viathala,    or    Harmatelia.     After   Ptolemy's   time  we 
know  nothing  of  Brahmana  until  the  Muhammadan 
conquest,  a  period  of  nearly  six  centuries.     From  the 
native   histories,  however,  we  learn  that  Brahmana 
was  the  chief  city  of  one  of  the  four  governments* 
into  which  Sindh  was  divided  during  the  rule  of  the 
Rais  dynasty,   or  from  a.d.  507  to   642,  and  that  it 
continued  to  be  so  until  the  accession  of  Dahir  in  a.d. 
680,  who  made  it  the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  after  the 
destruction  of  Alor  by  the  Indus.     In  a.d.  641  Sindh 
■was  visited  by  Hwen   Thsang,  whose    account  has 
already  been  noticed.     He  found  the  kingdom  divided 
into  the  four  districts,  which  for  greater  distinctness 
I  have   named  Upper  Sindh,  Middle  Sindh,  Lower 
Sindh,  and  Kachh.      The  first  has  already  been  de- 
scribed in  my  account  of  Alor.     The  second,  0-fan- 
cha,   I  have  just  identified  with  Brdliynandbdd.     M. 
Stanislas  Julien  transcribes  the  Chinese  syllables  as 
Ai-anda^  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  find  an  exact  equi- 
valent.    But  I  have  a  strong  suspicion  that  it  is  only 
a  variation  of  the  name  of  Brdhmana,  which  was  pro- 
nounced in  many  different  ways,  as  Bahmana,   Bah- 
mana,  Babhana,  Babhana,  Bambhana.f     Speaking  of 
Mansura,  which  we  know  was  quite  close  to  Brah- 
manabad,  Ibn  Haukal  adds  that  the  Sindhians  call  it 
Bdmhvdii^X  which  Ediisi  alters  to  Mkindii.^     But  in 

*  Postans,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  1838,  pp.  93-96. 
t  See  Dhauli  inscription  of  Asoka  for  Babhano,  Babhana,  andBam- 
bliana :  ediots  iii.  iv.  viii.  ix.,  in  Journ.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soc,  vol.  xu. 
+  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  p.  63. 
§  Jaubert's  '  Edrisi,'  i.  162. 


his  list  of  places  in  Sindh,  Edrisi  adds  after  Mansura 
the  name  of  Wdriddn^  or  Kdnddn,*  which  I  take  to 
be  only  a  various  reading  of  Bamanwa,  or,  as  the 
Sindhians  would  have  pronounced  it,  Vdmanwd,  and 
Vdnwd.  The  Chinese  syllable  fan^  which  is  the  well- 
known  transcript  of  Brahma,  is  a  notable  example  of 
this  very  contraction,  and  tends  to  confirm  the  opinion 
that  Avanda  is  but  a  slight  variation  of  Bdhmanwd,  or 

Shortly  after  the  Muhammadan  conquest  Brdhmana 
was  supplanted  by  Mansm-a,  which,  according  to 
Biladuri,  was  founded  by  Amru,  the  son  of  Muham- 
mad bin  Kasim,  the  conqueror  of  Sindh,  f  and  named 
after  the  second  Abasside  Khalif  Al  Mansur,  who_ 
reigned  from  a.d.  753  to  774.  But  according  to 
Masudi,:]:  it  was  founded  by  Jamhur,  the  governor  of 
Sindh,  under  the  last  Omnicad  Khalif,  a.d.  744  to 
749,  who  named  it  after  his  own  father  Mansur.  The 
new  city  was  built  so  close  to  Brahmanabad  that  Ibn 
Haukal,  Abu  Eihan,  and  Edrisi,  all  describe  it  as  the 
same  place.  Ibn  Haukal' s  words  are,  "  Mansura, 
which  in  the  Sind  language  is  called  Bamiwan."§ 
Abu  Eih4n  states  that  it  was  originally  called  Ba- 
manhwd,  and  afterwards  Hamandbdd,  for  which  we 
may  read  Balimanabad^  by  simply  adding  an  initial  B, 
which  must  have  been  accidentally  dropped.     It  was 

*  Jaubert's  'Edrisi,'  i.  160. 

t  Keinaud,  '  Fragments  Arabes  ; '  and  Jaubert's  '  Edrisi,'  i.  162. 

X  Sir  Henry  Elliot's  'Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  p.  57. 

§  Sir  Henry  Elliot's  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  Dowson's 
edition,  p.  34;  and  Jaubert's  'Edrisi,'  i.  162.  "  Le  nom  de  la  ville 
(Mansura)  est  en  Indien  Mirimdn."  In  Gildemeister's  'Ibn  Haukal,' 
this  name  is  Tdmirman,  which  is  an  obvious  mistake  for  Bdmiwdn,  or 


situated  on  the  eastern  brancli  of  the  Mihran,  or 
Indus,  and  was  1  mile  in  length,  and  the  same  in 
breadth,  or  just  4  miles  in  circuit.  Its  position  is 
approximately  fixed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hala,  by 
the  number  of  days'  journey  in  the  routes  to  different 
places.  It  was  12  days  from  Multan,  8  from  Kan- 
dabil,  via  Sehwan,  and  6  days  from  Debal,  via  Man- 
habari,  which  was  itself  4  days  from  Mansura.  It 
was  therefore  at  two-thirds  of  the  distance  from  Mul- 
tan to  the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  or  very  nearly  in  the 
same  parallel  as  Hala. 

Now  in  this  very  position  the  ruins  of  a  large  city 
have  been  discovered  by  Mr.  Bellasis,  to  whose  zeal 
and  energy  we  are  indebted  for  our  knowledge  of  this 
interesting  place.  The  ruins  are  situated  near  an  old 
bed  of  the  Indus,  at  47  miles  to  the  north-east  of 
Haidarabad,  28  miles  to  the  east  or  east-north-east  of 
Hala,  and  20  miles  to  the  west  of  the  eastern  Nara.* 
The  place  is  known  as  Bambltra-ka-tJml,  or  "  the 
Ruined  Tower,"  from  a  broken  brick  tower  which  is 
the  only  building  now  standing.  The  present  appear- 
ance of  the  site,  as  described  by  its  discoverer,  is  "one 
vast  mass  of  ruins,  varying  in  size  according  to  the  size 
of  the  original  houses."  Its  circumference,  measured 
by  a  perambulator,  is  within  a  few  yards  of  4  miles. 
But  besides  the  groat  mound  of  Bamhhra-ka-tkll^  there 
is,  at  a  distance  of  about  \\  mile,  "the  distinct  and 
ruined  city  of  Dolora,  the  residence  of  its  last  king, 
and  5  miles  in  another  direction  is  the  ruined  city  of 
Depur,  the  residence  of  his  Prime  Minister,  and  be- 
tu-een  these  cities  are  the  ruins  of  suburbs  extending 

t  Journ.  Asiat.   Soc,   Bombay,  v.  413;  and  Thomas's  Prinsep,  ii. 
119.     Eastwick's  '  Handbook  for  Bombay,'  p.  490. 


for  miles  far  and  wide  into  the  open  country."  The 
great  mound  of  Bambhraka-tldl  is  "  entirely  sur- 
rounded with  a  rampart,  mounted  with  numerous 
turrets  and  bastions."  In  the  time  of  Akbar  there 
were  "considerable  vestiges  of  this  fortification," 
which  Abul  Fazl*  says  "had  140  bastions,  one  tandb 
distant  from  each  other."  The  tandb  was  a  measuring 
rope,  which  the  emperor  Akbar  ordered  to  be  changed 
for  bambus  joined  by  iron  links.  Its  length  was  60 
Ildhi  gaz^  which,  at  30  inches  each,  give  150  feet  for 
the  tandb;  and  this  multiplied  by  140,  makes  the 
circuit  of  the  city  21,000  feet,  or  very  nearly  4 
miles.  Now  it  will  be  remembered  that  Ibn  Haukal 
describes  Mansura  as  being  1  mile  square,  or  4  miles 
in  circuit,  and  that  Mr.  Bellasis's  measure  of  the  cir- 
cumference of  the  ruined  mound  of  Bambhraka  tlntl 
was  within  a  few  yards  of  4  miles.  From  this  abso- 
lute correspondence  of  size,  coupled  with  the  close 
agreement  of  position,  which  has  already  been  pointed 
out,  I  conclude  that  the  great  mound  of  Bambhra  ha 
tJml  represents  the  ruined  city  of  Mansura^  the  capital 
of  the  Arab  governors  of  Sindh.  The  Hindu  city  of 
Brahmana,  or  Brahmanabad,  must  therefore  be  looked 
for  in  the  neighbouring  mound  of  ruins  now  called 
Dilura,  which  is  only  1\  mile  distant  from  the  larger 

Mr.  Bellasis,    the    discoverer    of  these   ruins,    has 
identified  the  great  mound  with  Brahmanabad  itself  ; 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  115.  Gladwyn's  translation  has  1400  bastions, 
wliich.  would  give  to  the  city  a  circuit  of  40  miles  ;  the  MSS.  have  149. 
The  Ilahi  gaz  contained  41^  Sikandari  tanghas,  and  as  the  average 
breadth  of  62  Sikandaris  in  my  collection  is  ■7334  inches,  the  length 
of  the  Ilahi  gaz  will  be  300311  inches.  Mr.  Thomas,  ii.  133,  found 
exactly  30  inches. 



but  to  this  it  has  been  justly  objected  by  ]\Ir.  Thomas* 
that  amongst  the  multitudes  of  mediasval  coins  found 
during  the  excavations,  "  the  number  of  Hindu  pieces 
was  very  limited,  and  that  even  these  seem  to  be 
casual  contributions  from  other  provinces,  of  no  very 
marked  uniformity  or  striking  age."  The  local  coins 
consist  exclusively  of  specimens  of  the  Arab  governors 
of  Sindh,  with  the  name  of  ^lansura  in  the  margin ; 
and  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  there  is  not  a  single  piece 
that  can  be  attributed  to  any  of  the  Hindu  rajas  of 
Sindh.  It  is  therefore  to  be  regretted  that  Mr.  Bel- 
lasis  did  not  make  more  extensive  excavations  in  the 
smaller  movmd  of  Dilura,  which  would  probably  have 
yielded  some  satisfactory  evidence  of  its  superior 

According  to  the  native  histories  and  traditions  of 
the  people,  Brahmanabad  was  destroyed  by  an  earth - 
C[uake,  in  consequence  of  the  wickedness  of  its  ruler, 
named  Dilu  Rai.  The  date  of  this  prince  is  doubtful. 
M'lTurdo  has  assigned  a.h.  140,  or  a.d.  757,t  ais  the 
year  in  which  C/tota,  the  brother  of  Dilu,  returned 
from  his  pilgrimage  to  Mekka ;  but  as  Mausura  was 
still  a  flourishing  city  in  the  beginning  of  the  tenth 
century,  when  visited  by  Masudi  and  Ibn  Haukal,  it 
is  clear  that  the  earthquake  cannot  have  happened 
earlier  than  a.d.  950.  Dilu  and  C'liota  are  said  to 
have  been  the  snus  of  Amir,  the  Rai  or  ruler  of  Brah- 
manribad.  But  it  is  diificult  to  believe  that  there 
were  any  Hindu  cliici's  in  Brahmana  during  the  rule 
of  the  Arab.-;  in  Mansura.     The  fact  is  that  the  same 

*  Prin^^op's  •  Essays,'  vol.  ii.  p.  121,  where  all  tke  local  coins  are 
most  carcfutlj^  described  and  attributed, 
t  Journ.  Koyal  Asiat.  Soo..  i.  28. 

WESTERN    INDIA.  ^  275 

stereotyped  legend  is  told  of  all  the  old  cities  in  the 
Panjab,  as  well  as  of  those  in  Sindh.  Shorkot,  Harapa, 
and  At^i,  are  all  said  to  have  been  destroyed  on  account 
of  the  sins  of  their  rulers,  as  well  as  Alor,  Brahmana, 
and  Bambhura.  But  the  same  story  is  also-  told  of 
Tulamba,  which  we  know  to  be  false,  as  I  have  been 
able  to  trace  its  downfall  to  its  desertion  by  the  Eavi, 
at  a  very  recent  date.  The  excavations  of  Mr.  Bel- 
lasis  have  shown  conclusively  that  Brahmana  was 
overwhelmed  by  an  earthquake.  The  human  bones 
"  were  chiefly  found  in  doorways,  as  if  the  people 
were  attempting  to  escape ;  others  in  the  corners  of 
the  rooms ;  some  upright,  some  recumbent,  with  their 
faces  down,  and  some  crouched  in  a  sitting  posture."* 
The  city  was  certainly  not  destroyed  by  fire,  as  Mr. 
Richardson  notes  that  he  found  no  remains  of  charcoal 
or  burnt  wood,  and  that  the  old  walls  bore  no  traces 
of  fire.  On  the  contrary,  he  also  found  the  human 
remains  crushed  in  the  corners  of  the  rooms,  as  if  the 
terror-stricken  inhabitants,  finding  their  houses  fall- 
ing about  them,  hud  crouched  in  the  corners  and  been 
buried  by  the  falling  material.!  Mr.  Eichardson  also 
picked  up  a  brick  which  had  "  entered  cornerways  into 
a  skull,  and  which,  when  taken  out,  had  a  portion  of 
the  bone  adhering  to  it."  His  conclusion  is  the  same 
as  that  of  Mr.  Bellasis,  "  that  the  city  was  destroyed 
by  some  terrible  convulsion  of  nature." 

The  local  coins  found  in  the  ruins  of  Bambhra  ka- 
tul  belong  to  the  Arab  governors  of  Mansura,  from 
the  time  of  Jamhur,  son  of  Mansur,  the  reputed  founder 
of  the  city,  down  to  Umar,  the  contemporary  of  Ma- 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bombay,  v.  417. 
t  Ihid.,  V.  423. 

T   2 



sudi*    It  was  therefore  in  existence  during  the  whole 
of  that  time,  or  from  a.d.  750  to  940,  or  even  later. 
This  agrees  exactly  with  what  I  have  already  noted, 
that  the   city  was  still  flourishing  when  visited  by 
Masudi  and  Ibn  Haukal  in  the  first  half  of  the  tenth 
century  ;  and  I  would  therefore  assign  its  destruction 
to  the  latter  half  of  that  century,  and  not  earlier  than 
a.d.  970.     It  is  true  that  Mansura  is  mentioned  by 
Abu  Eihan  in  the  beginning  of  the  next  century,  and 
at  a  still  later  period  by  Edrisi,  Kazvini,  and  Eashid- 
ud-din ;  but  the  last  thi-ee  were  mere  compilers,  and 
their  statements  accordingly  belong  to  an  earlier  age. 
Abu  Rihan,  however,  is  entirely  original,  and  as  his 
knowledge  of  the  Indian  language  gave  him  special 
facilities  for  obtaining  accurate  information,  his  evi- 
dence is   sufficient  to  prove  that  Mansura  was  still 
existing  in  his  time.     In  speaking  of  the  itinerary  of 
Sindh,   he    says,f   "  From  Aror   to   Bahmanwa,   also 
named  el  Mansura,  is  reckoned  20  parasangs;   from 
thence  to   Loharani,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  30 
parasangs."      Mansura   therefore   still   existed  when 
Abu  Eihan  wrote  his  work,  about  a.d.  1031 ;  but  as 
it  is  mentioned  by  only  one  author  in  the  campaigns 
of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  it  is  almost  certain  that  it  no 
longer  existed  as  a  great  fortress,  the  capital  of  the 
country,  otherwise  its  wealth  would  have  attracted  the 
cupidity   of   that  rapacious   conqueror.      I   conclude, 
therefore,  that  Mansura  was  already  very  much  de- 
cayed before  the  accession  of  Mahmud,  and  that  the 
earthquake  -which  levelled  its  walls  and   overthrew 
its    houses,   must   have   happened  some  time  before 

*  Thomas  in  Trhisep's  '  Essays,'  ii.  113. 
t  Et'inaiid,  '  Fragments  Arabes,'  etc.  p.  113. 


the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  most  of  the  inhabitants  who  escaped  the 
great  catastrophe  would  have  returned  to  the  ruined 
city  to  look  after  their  buried  property,  and  that  many 
of  them  again  reared  their  houses  on  the  old  sites. 
But  the  walls  of  the  city  were  fallen,  and  there  was 
no  security ;  the  river  was  gradually  failing,  and 
there  was  a  scarcity  of  water ;  and  the  place  was  alto- 
gether so  much  decayed,  that  even  in  a.h.  416,  or 
A.D.  1025,  when  the  conqueror  of  Somnath  returned 
through  Sindh,  the  plunder  of  Mansura  was  not  suffi- 
cient to  tempt  him  out  of  his  direct  march ;  so  he 
passed  on  by  Sehwan  to  Ghazni,  leaving  the  old 
capital  unvisited,  and  even  unnoticed,  unless  we 
accept  the  solitary  statement  of  Ibn  Athir,  that  Mah- 
mud  on  this  occasion  appointed  a  Muhammadan  go- 
vernor to  Mansura. 

The  district  of  Pitasila,  or  Lower  Sindh,  is  described 
by  Hwen  Thsang  as  being  3000  //,  or  500  miles,  in 
circuit,  which  agrees  almost  exactly  with  the  dimen- 
sions of  the  Delta  of  the  Indus  from  Haidarabad  to 
the  sea,  including  a  small  tract  of  country  on  both 
sides,  extending  towards  the  desert  of  Umarkot  on  the 
east,  and  to  the  mountains  of  Cape  Monz  on  the  west. 
Within  these  limits  the  dimensions  of  Lower  Sindh 
are  as  follows.  From  the  western  mountains  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Umarkot,  160  miles;  from  the  same 
point  to  Cape  Monz,  85  miles ;  from  Cape  Monz  to 
the  Kori  mouth  of  the  Indus,  135  miles;  and  from 
the  Kori  mouth  to  Umarkot,  140  miles ;  or  altogether 
520  miles.     The  soil,  which  is  described  as  sandy  and 


salt,  produced  plenty  of  corn  and  vegetables,  but  very- 
few  fruits  and  flowers,  which  is  true  of  the  Delta  to 
the  present  day. 

In  the  time  of  Alexander,  the  only  place  of  note  in 
the  Delta  was  Patala ;  but  he  is  said  to  have  founded 
several  towns  himself*  during  his  long  stay  in  Lower 
Sindh,  waiting  for  the  Etesian  winds  to  start  his  fleet. 
Unfortunately  the  historians  have  omitted  to  give  the 
names  of  these  places.  Justin  alone  notes  that  on  his 
return  up  the  Indus  he  built  the  city  of  Bai-ce,'\  to 
which  I  shall  hereafter  refer.  Ptolemy  has  preserved 
the  names  of  several  places,  as  Barbara^  Sousikana, 
Bonis,  and  Kolaka,  of  which  the  first  is  most  probably 
the  same  as  the  Barbarike  emporium  of  the  'Periplus,' 
and  perhaps  also  the  same  as  the  Barce  of  Justin.  In 
the  time  of  the  author  of  the  'Periplus,'  the  capital 
of  Lower  Sindh  was  ]\linnagara,  which  the  foreign 
merchants  reached  by  ascending  the  river  from  Bar- 
barike. In  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  Hwen 
Thsang  mentions  only  Pitasila,  or  Patala.  But  in  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  the  historians  of  Mu- 
hammad bin  Kasim's  expedition  add  the  names  of 
Bebal  and  Nirankot  to  our  scanty  list,  which  is  still 
further  increased  by  the  Arab  geographers  of  the 
tenth  century,  who  place  Manhdtara,  or  Manlidbari, 
or  Manjubari,X  to  the  west  of  the  Indus,  and  two  days' 
journey  from  Debal,  at  the  point  where  the  road  from 
Debal  crosses  the  river.  The  position  of  these  places 
I  will  now  investigate  in  their  order  from  north  to 

*  Ciirtius,  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  10:  "  Interim  et  urbes  plcrasque  condidit." 
t  Hist.,  xii.  10. 

%  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  Dowson's 
edition,  i.  35,  quoting  Ibn  Haukal. 

WESTERN   INDIA.  ,  279 

south,   beginning  with   Patala,   at   the   head   of  the 

Patala^  or  Nirankot. 

The  position  of  Nirankot  is   fixed  at  Haidar^bad 
by  the  concurrent  testimony  of  M'Murdo,    Masson, 
Burton,  and  Eastwiek.*    Sir  Henry  Elliot  alone  places 
it  at  Jarak,  as  he  thinks  that  that  locality  agrees  better 
with  the  descriptions  of  the  native  historians.     But 
as  Haidarabad  is  the  modem  name  of  the  city,  which 
the  people  still  know  as  Nirankot,  there  would  seem  to 
be  no  doubt  of  its  identity  with  the  Nirim,  or  Nirunkot, 
of  the  Arab  historians  and  geographers.     Its  position 
is  described  by  Abulfeda  as  25  parasangs  from  Debal, 
and  15  parasangs  from  Mansura,  which  accords  with 
the  less  definite  statements  of  Istakhri  and  Ibn  Haukal, 
who  simply  say  that  it  was  between  Debal  and  Man- 
sura, but  nearer  to  the  latter.     It  was  situated  on  the 
western  bank  of  the  river,  and  is  described  as  a  well- 
fortified  but  small  town,  with  few  trees.     Now,  Hai- 
darabad is  47  miles  from  the  ruined  city  of  Bri,h- 
manabad,  or  Mansura,  and  85  miles  from  Lari-bandar, 
which  I  will  presently  show  to  have  been  the  most 
probable  position  of  the  ancient  Debal ;  while  Jarak 
is   74  miles  from  Br^hmanabad,  and  only  60  miles 
from  Lari-bandar.    The  position  of  Haidarabad,  there- 
fore, corresponds  much  better  with  the  recorded  dis- 
tances  than   that  of   Jarak.      At   present  the  main 
channel  of  the  Indus  runs  to  the  west  of  Haidarabad, 
but  we  know  that  the   Phuleli,   or  eastern   branch, 

*  M'Murdo  in  Journ.  Koyal  Asiat.  Soe.,  i.  30;  Masson,  'Travels,' 
i.  463 ;  Burton,  '  Sindh,'  pp.  131,  376  ;  and  Eastwiek,  '  Handbook  for 
Bombay,'  p.  483.     See  Map  No.  IX. 


was  formerly  the  principal  stream.  According  to 
M'Murdo,*  tlic  change  of  the  main  stream  to  the 
westward  of  Haidarabad  took  place  prior  to  a.h. 
1000,  or  A.D.  1592,  and  was  coincident  with  the 
decay  of  Nasirpnr,  which  was  only  founded  in  a.h. 
751,  or  A.D.  1350.  As  Nasirpur  is  mentioned  by 
Abul  Fazlf  as  the  head  of  one  of  the  subdivisions 
of  the  province  of  Thatha,  the  main  channel  of  the 
Indus  must  have  flowed  to  the  eastward  of  Nirun- 
kot  or  Haidarabad  at  as  late  a  date  as  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  Akbar. 

Nirunkot  was  situated  on  a  hill,  and  there  was  a 
lake  in  its  neighbourhood  of  sufficient  size  to  receive 
the  fleet  of  Muhammad  Kasim.  Sir  Heiiry  Elliot 
identifies  the  former  with  the  hill  of  Jarak,  to  the 
west  of  the  Indus,  and  the  latter  Avith  the  Kinjur 
lake,  near  Helai,  to  the  south  of  Jarak.  But  the 
Kinjur  lake  has  no  communication  with  the  Indus, 
and  therefore  could  not  have  been  used  for  the  recep- 
tion of  the  fleet,  which  at  once  disposes  of  the  only 
special  advantage  that  Jarak  was  supposed  to  possess 
over  Haidarabad  as  the  representative  of  Ntrunkot. 
Sir  Henry  J  admits  "that  the  establishment  of  its 
locality  depends  chiefly  upon  the  sites  which  are  as- 
signed to  other  disputed  cities,  more  especially  to 
Debal  and  Mansura."  The  former  he  identifies  with 
Karachi,  and  the  latter  with  Haidarabad;  and  con- 
sistently with  these  emplacements  he  is  obliged  to 
fix  Nirunkot  at  Jarak.  But  since  he  wrote  his  '  Ap- 
pendix to  tlie  Arabs  in  Sindh,'  the  ancient  city  of 

»  Journ.  Eoyal  Asinl.  Soc,  i.  236.  t  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  272. 

+  Sir  H.  Elliot's  '  Muliammadan  Historians  of  India,'  Dowsou's  edi- 
tion, i.  400. 


Bamhhra-ka-Thul  lias  been  found  by  Mr.  Bcllasis  in 
tbe  very  position  that  was  long  ago  pointed  out  by 
M'lMurdo  as  the  site  of  Brahmanabad.  Its  identifica- 
tion as  the  site  of  the  famous  cities  of  Mansura  and 
Brahmanabad  leaves  Haidarabad,  or  the  ancient  Ni- 
rankot,  available  as  the  true  representative  of  the 
Nirunkot  of  Biladuri  and  the  Chach-nama.  Its  dis- 
tance of  47  miles  from  Bambhra-ka-tul,  and  of  85 
miles  from  Lari-bandar,  agree  almost  exactly  with  the 
15  and  25  parasangs  of  Abulfeda.  It  is  also  situated 
on  a  hill,  so  that  it  corresponds  in  position,  as  well  as 
in  name,  with  Nirunkot.  The  hill,  called  Ganja,  is 
1^  mile  long,  and  700  yards  broad,  with  a  height  of 
80  feet.*  The  present  fort  was  built  by  Mir  Ghulam 
Shah  in  a.h.  1182,  or  a.d.  1768.+  About  one-third 
of  the  hill,  at  the  southern  end,  is  occupied  by  the 
fort,  the  middle  portion  by  the  main  street  and  strag- 
gling houses  of  the  city,  and  the  northern  end  by 

In  A.D.  641,  when  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen 
Thsang  visited  Sindh,  he  travelled  from  Koteswara, 
the  capital  of  Kachh,  a  distance  of  700  lij  or  117 
miles,  due  north  to  Pi-io-shi-lo,\  from  whence  he  pro- 
ceeded 300  /«',  or  50  miles,  to  the  north-east,  to 
cha,  which  I  have  already  identified  with  Brahmana- 
bad. M.  Julien  renders  the  Chinese  syllables  by 
Pitasild,  but  I  should  prefer  Pdtasila,  or  the  "flat 
rock,"  which  is  an  accurate  description  of  the  long 
flat-topped  hill  on  which  Haidarabfi,d  is  situated. 
This  name  recalls  that  of  Fdtalptir,  which,  according 

*  Wood,  'Journey  to  the  Source  of  the  Oxus,'  p.  30. 
t  M'Murdo,  Journ.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soc,  i.  234. 
X  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  iii.  180. 


to  Burton,*  was  an  old  appellation  of  Ilaidarabad,  or 
Nirankot ;  and  as  this  city  is  exactly  120  miles  to  the 
north  of  Kofesar^  in  Kachh,  and  47  miles  to  the  south- 
west of  Brahmanab^d,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  identify- 
ing it  with  the  Pitasila  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim.  The 
size  of  the  hill  also,  which  is  1^  mile  in  length,  by 
700  yards  in  breadth,  or  upwards  of  3  miles  in  circum- 
ference, corresponds  very  closely  with  the  dimensions 
of  Pitasila,  which,  according  to  Hwen  Thsang,  was  20 
li,  or  3-|  miles,  in  circuit. 

The  names  of  Fdtalpur  and  Pdtasila  further  suggest 
the  probability  that  Ilaidarabad  may  be  the  Pattala  of 
Alexander's  historians,  which  they  are  unanimous  in 
placing  near  the  head  of  the  Delta.     Now,  the  present 
head  of  the  Delta  is  at  the  old  town  of  Mattari,  12 
miles  above  Haidarabad,  where  the  Fhuleli  separates 
from  the  main  channel  of  the  Indus.     But  in  ancient 
times,  when  the  main  stream,  which  is  now  called 
Purdna,  or  the   "Old  Eiver,"  flowed  past  Alor  and 
Brahmanabad  to  Nirunkot,  the  first  point  of  separa- 
tion of  its  waters  was  either  at  Haidarabad  itself,  past 
which  a  branch  is  said  to  have  flowed  by  Miani  to 
Trikal,  or  15  miles  to  the  south-east  of  it  where  the 
PliuJeli  now  throws  off  the  Guni  branch  to  the  south, 
and  then  proceeds  westerly  to  join  the  present  stream 
of  the  Indus  at  Trikal.     The  true  head  of  the  old 
Delta  was  therefore  either  at  Haidarabad  itself,  or  15 
miles  to  the   south-east  of  it,  where   the   Guni,    or 
eastern  branch  of  the  Indus,  separated  from  the  Phu- 
Icli,  or  western  branch. 

NoAV,  the  position  of  Patala  can  be  determined  by 
several  independent  data: — 

*  '  Sindh,'  chap,  i-  note  7. 


1st.  According  to  Ptolemy,  the  head  of  the  Delta 
was  exactly  midway  between  Os/cana  and  the  eastern 
mouth  of  the  Indus,  called  Lonihare  ostium.  This  fixes 
Patala  at  Haidartlbad,  which  is  equidistant  from  the 
capital  of  Oxykanus.,  that  is,  from  Mahorta  near  Lar- 
kana,  and  the  Kori.,  or  eastern  mouth  of  the  Indus, 
which  is  also  the  mouth  of  the  Loni  river^i  or  Lonibare 

2nd.  The  base  of  the  Delta  was  reckoned  by  Aris- 
tobulus  at  1000  stadia,  or  115  miles;  by  Nearchus  at 
1800  stadia,  and  by  Onesikritus  at  2000  stadia*  But 
as  the  actual  coast  line,  from  the  Ghara  mouth  on  the 
west,  to  the  Kori  mouth  on  the  east,  is  not  more  than 
125  miles,  we  may  adopt  the  estimate  of  Aristobulus 
in  preference  to  the  larger  numbers  of  the  other  au- 
thorities. And  as  Onesikritus  states  that  all  three 
sides  of  the  Delta  were  of  the  same  length,  the  dis- 
tance of  Patala  from  the  sea  may  be  taken  at  from 
1000  stadia,  or  115  miles,  up  to  125  miles.  Now, 
the  distance  of  Haidarabad  from  the  Ghara,  or  western 
mouth  of  the  Indus,  is  110  miles,  and  from  the  Kori,  or 
eastern  mouth,  135  miles,  both  of  which  agree  suffi- 
ciently near  to  the  base  measurement  to  warrant  the 
descriptions  of  Onesikritus  that  the  Delta  formed  an 
equilateral  triangle.  Consequently,  the  city  of  Patala, 
which  was  either  at  or  near  the  head  of  the  Delta, 
may  be  almost  certainly  identified  with  the  present 

3rd.  From  a  comparison  of  the  narratives  of  Arrian 
and  Curtius,  it  appears  that  the  Eaja  of  Patala,  having 
made  his  submission  to  Alexander  at  Brdhmana,  or 
the  city  of  Brahmans,  the  conqueror  sailed  leisurely 

*  Strabo,  Geogr.,  xy.  i.  33. 


down  tile  river  for  three  days,  when  he  heard  that  the 
Indian  prince  had   suddenly  abandoned  his   country 
and  fled  to  the  desert.*     Alexander  at  once  pushed 
on  to  Patala.     Now,  the  distance  from  Brahmanabad 
to  Haidarabad  is   only  47  miles  by  the  direct  land 
route ;  but  as  the  old  bed  of  the  Indus  makes  a  wide 
sweep  round  by  Nasirpur,  the  route  along  the  river 
bank,  which  was  doubtless  followed  by  the  army,  is 
not  less  than  55  miles,  while  the  distance  by  water 
must  be  fully  80  miles.     His  progress  during  the  first 
three  days,  estimated  at  the  usual  rate  of  10  or  12 
miles  by  land,  and  18  or  20  miles  by  water,  would 
have  brought  him  within  19  miles  of  Haidarabad  by 
land,  and  26  miles  by  water,  which  distance  he  would 
have  easily  accomplished  on  the  fourth  day  by  a  forced 
march.     From  Patala  he  proceeded  down  the  western 
branch  of  the  river  for  a  distance  of  400  stadia^  or  46 
miles,  when  his  naval  commanders  first  perceived  the 
sea  breeze.     This  point  I  believe  to  have  been  Jarak, 
which  is  30  miles  below  Haidarabad  by  land,  and  45 
miles,  or  nearly  400  stadia,   by  water.     There  Alex- 
ander  procured    guides,   and,  pressing  on  with  still 
greater  eagerness,  on  the  third  day  he  became  aware 
of  his  vicinity  to  the  sea  by  meeting  the  tide.f     As 
the  tides  in  the  Indus  are  not  felt  more  than  60  miles 
from  the  sea,  I  conclude  that  Alexander  must  then 
have  reached  as  far  as  Bambhra,  on  the  Ghara,  or 
western  branch  of  the  river,  which  is  only  35  miles 
from  the  sea  by  land,  and  about  50  miles  by  water. 
Its  distance  fi'om  Jarak  by  land  is  50  miles,  and  by 

*  Arrian,  '  Anabasis,'  vi.  17  ;  Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  8,  28,  says  that 
lie  fled  to  the  mountaius. 

t  Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  9,  29. 


water  75  miles,  wMch  the  fleet  might  have  easily  ac- 
complished by  the  third  day.  From  these  details  it 
is  clear  that  Patala  must  have  been  at  a  considerable 
distance  from  the  sea,  that  is,  not  less  than  the  length 
of  the  tidal  reach,  plus  three  days'  sail  on  the  river, 
plus  400  stadia.  These  distances  by  land  are  respec- 
tively 33  miles,  50  miles,  and  30  miles,  or  altogether 
113  miles,  which  corresponds  almost  exactly  with  the 
measurement  of  Aristobulus  of  1000  stadia,  or  115 

As  these  three  independent  investigations  all  point 
to  the  same  place  as  the  most  probable  representative 
of  Patala,  and  as  that  place  is  called  Patasila  by  Hwen 
Thsang  in  the  seventh  century,  and  is  still  known  as 
Pdtalpur,  I  think  that  we  have  very  strong  grounds 
for  identifying  Haidarabad  with  the  ancient  Patala. 

In  his  account  of  the  Indus,  Arrian*  says,  "this 
river  also  forms  a  delta  by  its  two  mouths,  no  way 
inferior  to  that  of  Egypt,  which,  in  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, is  called  Pattala.''^  As  this  statement  is  given 
on  the  authority  of  Nearchus,  who  had  ample  oppor- 
tunities during  his  long  detention  in  Sindh  of  inter- 
course with  the  people,  we  may  accept  it  as  the  general 
belief  of  the  Sindhians  at  that  time.  I  would  there- 
fore suggest  that  the  name  may  have  been  derived 
from  Pdiala,  the  "trumpet-flower"  {^Bignonia  suave- 
Glens'),  in  allusion  to  the  "  trumpet "  shape  of  the 
province  included  between  the  eastern  and  western 
branches  of  the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  as  the  two 
branches,  as  they  approach  the  sea,  curve  outwards 
like  the  mouth  of  a  trumpet. 

I  cannot  close  the  discussion  on  the  site  of  this 

*  '  Indica,'  p.  2. 



ancient  city  without  noticing  another  name  of  which 
the  conflicting  accounts  appear  to  me  to  have  a  con- 
fused reference  to  Nirunkot.  This  name  is  the  Piruz 
of  Istakhri,  the  Kannazhur  of  Ibn  Haukal,  and  the 
Firahuz  of  Edrisi.  According  to  Istakhri,  Piruz  was 
4  days'  journey  from  Debal,  and  2  days  from  Mehd- 
bari,  which  was  itself  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Indus,  at  2  days'  journey  from  Debal.  Ibn  Haukal 
and  Edrisi  agree  that  the  road  to  Kannazbur,  or  Fira- 
buz,  lay  through  Manhdbari,  or  Manjdbari,  which  was 
on  the  western  bank  of  the  Indus,  at  2  days  from 
Debal ;  but  they  make  the  whole  distance  beyond 
Debal  14  days  instead  of  \.  Now,  Ibn  Haukal  and 
Edi-isi  place  their  city  in  Mekran,  a  position  which 
they  were  almost  forced  to  adopt  by  their  long  dis- 
tance of  14  days,  although  the  first  two  days'  journey 
lie  exactly  in  the  opposite  direction  from  Mekran.  But 
if  we  take  the  shorter  distance  of  4  days  from  Debal, 
which  is  found  in  Istakhri,  the  earliest  of  the  three 
geographers,  the  position  of  their  unknown  city  will 
then  accord  exactly  with  that  of  Niraidvf.  Bebal 
I  will  hereafter  identify  with  an  old  city  near  Lari- 
bandar  and  Maii/tdburi  Avith  Thutha,  which  is  just  mid- 
way between  Lari-bandar  and  Haidarabad.  Now,  Ibn 
Haukal  specially  notes  that  3Ianjdbari  was  situated 
"to  the  west  of  the  Mihran,  and  there  any  one  who 
proceeds  from  Debal  to  Mansui'a  will  have  to  pass  the 
river,  the  latter  place  being  opposite  to  Manjabari."* 
This  extract  shows  that  Manjabari  was  on  the  western 
branch  of  the  Indus,  and  therefore  on  the  high-road 
to  Nirankot  as  •\\ell  as  to  Pirn.?,  or  Kannezbur,  or 
Firabuz.  I  would  therefore  suggest  that  the  first  of 
*  Prof.  Dowson's  edition  of  Sir  H.  Elliot's  Hist,  of  India,  i.  37. 


these  names,  wliicli  is  thus  mentioned  in  conjunction 
with  Manhabari  might  possibly  be  intended  for  Nirun, 
and  the  other  two  for  JSirunkot,  as  the  alterations 
in  the  original  Arabic  characters  required  for  these 
two  readings  are  -very  slight.  But  there  was  cer- 
tainly a  place  of  somewhat  similar  name  in  Mekran, 
as  Biladuri  records  that  Kizbun  in  Mekran  submitted 
to  Muhammad  Kasim  on  his  march  against  Debal. 
Comparing  this  name  with  Ibn  Haukal's  Kannazbur,* 
and  Edrisi's  Firabuz^  I  think  it  probable  that  they 
may  be  intended  for  Panjffur,  as  suggested  by  M. 
Reinaud.  The  14  days'  journey  would  agree  very 
well  with  the  position  of  this  place. 


The  little  town  of  Jarak  is  situated  on  an  eminence 
overhanging  the  western  bank  of  the  Indus,  about 
midway  between  Haidarabad  and  Thatha.  Jarak  is 
the  present  boundary  between  Vichalo,  or  Middle 
Sindh,  and  Ldr^  or  Lower  Sindh,  which  latter  I  have 
been  obliged  to  extend  to  Haidarabad,  so  as  to  include 
the  Pafala  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Pitasila  of  the 
Chinese  pilgrim,  within  the  limits  of  the  ancient 
Delta.  This  is  perhaps  the  same  place  as  Khor,  or 
Alkhor,  a  small  but  populous  town,  which  Edrisi 
places  between  Manhabari  and  Firabuz,  that  is,  be- 
tween Thatha  and  Nirunkot.  Three  miles  below 
Jarak  there   is  another  low  hill  covered  with  ruins, 

*  Prof.  Dowson's  edition  of  Sir  Henry  Elliot's  H  ist.  of  India,  i.  40. 
Ibn  Haukal :  Kannazhur.  At  page  29  lie  gives  Istakhri's  name  as 
Kannazhun,  which  Mordtmann  reads  Firiun.  The  most  probable  ex- 
planation of  these  differences  is  some  confusion  in  the  Arabic  characters 
between  the  name  of  Nirun  and  that  of  the  capital  of  Mekran. 


which  the  people  call  Kdjiv  kof,  and  attribute  to  Eaja 
Manjhira*  The  principal  ruin  is  a  square  basement 
ornamented  with  fiat  pilasters  at  regular  distances. 
This  is  supposed  to  be  the  remains  of  a  temple. 
Amongst  the  ruins  were  found  some  fragments  of 
Buddhist  statues  ;  and,  at  a  short  distance  from  the  hill, 
an  inscription  in  early  Indian  characters,  of  which  I 
can  read  only  the  words  put  rasa  and  Bhagavaiasa^  and 
a  few  letters  in  different  parts ;  but  these  are  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  inscription  is  Buddhist,  as  well  as 
the  other  remains. 

Minnagar^  Manhabari^  or  Thafha. 

The  city  of  Thatha  is  situated  in  a  low  swampy 
valley,  3  miles  from  the  western  bank  of  the  Indus, 
and  4  miles  above  the  separation  of  the  Bdgar^  or 
western  branch,  from  the  Satct^  or  main  stream  of 
the  river.  Littlewood  remarks  that  "  the  mounds  of 
rubbish  upon  which  the  houses  are  piled  slightly 
raise  its  site  above  the  level  of  the  valley."!  The 
place  was  visited  by  Captain  Hamilton  in  a.d.  1699, 
who  describes  it  J  as  situated  on  a  spacious  plain  about 
2  miles  from  the  Indus.  It  is  highly  probable,  there- 
fore, that  the  town  originally  stood  on  the  bank  of  the 
river,  which  has  been  gradually  receding  from  it.  Its 
name  also  would  seem  to  point  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion, as  tlialtha  means  a  "  shore  or  bank,"  so  that 
'Nngar-Thaiha^  which  is  the  common  name  of  the  place, 
would  mean  the  "  city  on  the  river  bank."  Its  date 
is  not  certainly  known ;  but  M'Murdo,  who  is  gene- 

*  '  Bombay  Journal,'  v.  356. 

t  Mourney  to  the  Source  of  the  Oxus,'  p.  17. 

X  'New  Account  of  the  East  Indies,'  i.  123. 


rally  very  acccurate,  states  that  it  was  founded  in  the 
year  a.h.  900,  or  a.d.  1495,  by  Nizam-ud-din  Nanda, 
the  Jam,  or  ruler  of  Sindh.  Before  his  time,  the  chief 
city  of  Lower  Sindh  was  Sumina^ar,  the  capital  of  the 
Satnmd  tribe,  which  stood  on  a  rising  ground,  3  miles  to 
the  north-west  of  the  site  of  Thatha.  M'Murdo  refers 
its  foundation  to  the  time  of  Ala-ud-din  of  Delhi,  who 
reigned  from  a.h.  695-715,  or  a.d.  1295  to  1315.  Of 
a  still  earlier  date  is  the  great  fort  of  Kalydn-kot,  or 
Tughlakabad,  which  stands  on  the  limestone  hill,  4 
miles  to  the  south-west  of  Thalha.  Its  second  name 
was  derived  from  Ghazi  Beg  Tughlak,  who  was  the 
governor  of  Multt,n  and  Sindh,  during  the  latter  part 
of  Ala-ud-din' s  reign,  in  thebeginning  of  the  fourteenth 

The  site  of  Thatha  itself  is  admitted  to  be  modern, 
but  those  of  Saminagar  and  Kalyan-kot  are  said  to  be 
of  great  antiquity.  This  belief  of  the  people  is  no 
doubt  true,  as  the  position  at  the  head  of  the  inferior 
Delta  commanded  the  whole  traffic  of  the  river,  while 
the  hill-fort  gave  security.  Lieut.  Wood  i*emarks* 
that  the  site  of  Thatha  is  so  advantageous  for  com- 
mercial purposes  that  it  is  probable  that  a  mart  has 
existed  in  its  neighbourhood  from  the  earliest  times. 
"  But,"  he  judiciously  adds,  "  as  the  apex  of  the  Delta 
is  not  a  fixed  point,  the  site  of  this  city  must  have 
varied  as  the  river  changed."  This  change  of  site 
would  naturally  have  entailed  a  change  of  names ; 
and  I  am  therefore  led  to  believe  that  Thatha  was  the 
actual  position  of  the  Manhdbari  of  the  Arab  geogra- 
phers, and  of  the  Minnagara  of  the  author  of  the 
'  Periplus.'t 

*  'Oxus,'  p.  20.  +  See  Map  No.  IX. 



Manhcihari  is   described   by  all  tbe  authorities   as 
situated  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Indus,  at  2  daj^s' 
journey  from  Debal.     Now,  this  is  the  very  position  of 
Thatha,  which  is  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Indus, 
at  40  miles,  or  2  days'  journey,  from  Lari-bandar, 
which,  as  I  will  presently  show,  was  almost  certainly 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  famous  city  of  Debal.     The 
name  of  Manlidbari  is  variously  written  as  Mehdbari, 
and  Ilanjdbari,  for  which  I  would  suggest  that  we 
might   perhaps  read  Manddbari,   or  Manddivari,   the 
"  city  of  the  Mand''"'  tribe,  just  as  Sdininagar  was  the 
"city  of  the  Sammfi,"  tribe.     This  derivation  of  the 
name  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  the  M^m^/ tribe 
have  occupied  Lower  Sindh  in  great  numbers  from 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.    Edrisi*  describes 
the  Mand  as  a  numerous  and  brave  tribe,  who  occu- 
pied the  desert  on  the  borders  of  Sindh  and  India,  and 
extended  their  wanderings  as  far  as  Alor  on  the  north, 
Mekran  on  the  west,  and  Maniehel  (or  Umarkot)  on 
the  east.     Ibn   Haukalf   records   that   "the   Mands 
dwell  on  the  banks  of  the  Mihran,  from  the  boundary 
of  Multan   to  the   sea,   and   in  the  desert  between 
Mekran  and  Famhal  (or  Umarkot).     They  have  many 
cattle-sheds  and  pasturages,  and  form  a  large  popula- 
tion."    Rashid-ud-din$  locates  them  in  Sindh  at  a 
still  earlier  period.     According  to  his  account,  Med 
and  Zaf,  two  descendants  of  Ham,  the  son  of  Noah, 
were  the  progenitors  of  the  people  of  Sindh  prior  to 

*  Geogr.,  i.  163. 

t  In  Elliot,  '  Muliammadan  Historians  of  India,'  i.  67 ;  and  m 
Gildemeister,  '  De  Eebus  Indicis,'  p.  172,  where  he  gives  Kamuhal  as 
the  eastern  limit  of  their  ivanderings. 

X  Reinaud,  '  Fragments  Arabes,'  etc.,  p.  25. 


the  Mahabharata.  The  name  is  variously  written  as 
Mer,  Med,  Mand,  in  all  of  which  forms  it  is  found 
even  at  the  present  day.  To  these  I  would  add  Mind, 
which  is  the  form  of  the  name  given  by  Masudi.*  I 
have  already  identified  this  people  with  the  Medi  and 
Mandrueni  of  the  classical  writers ;  and  as  their  name 
is  found  in  northern  India  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era  downwards,  and  not  before  that  time,  I 
conclude  that  the  Mandrueni  and  latii  of  the  Oxus, 
who  are  coupled  together  by  Pliny,  must  be  the  Sacoe 
Indo-Scythians,  who  occupied  the  Panjab  and  Sindh, 
and  who  under  the  name  of  Mands  and  Zais  of  the 
early  Muhammadan  authors,  were  in  full  possession  of 
the  valley  of  the  Indus  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh 

To  show  that  the  various  spellings  of  the  name  are 
but  natural  modes  of  pronunciation,  I  can  refer  to  the 
two  large  maps  of  the  S/td/ipur  and  Jhelam,  districts, 
which  have  been  published  within  the  last  few  years 
by  the  Surveyor-General  of  India.  In  the  latter  the 
name  of  a  village  on  the  Jhelam,  6  miles  above  Jalal- 
pur,  is  spelt  Meridla,  and  in  the  former  Mandidli. 
Abul  Fazl  calls  the  same  place  Merali,  while  Ferishta 
names  it  Meridla.  Lastly,  Wilford's  surveyor,  Mogal 
Beg,  writes  Mandydla,  which  is  also  the  form  that  I 
received  from  two  different  persons,  while  in  General 
Court's  map  it  is  spelt  Mdmriala. 

To  this  people  I  refer  the  name  of  Minnagar,  or 
"  city  of  the  Min,"  which  was  the  capital  of  Lower 
Sindh  in  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era. 
That   Min  was  a  Scythian  name  we  know  from  its 

*  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot,  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  Dowson's 
edition,  i.  57. 




occurrence  in  the  list  of  Isidor  of  Kharax  as  one  of 
the  cities  of  Sakastene,  or  Sejistan.  The  appearance 
of  the  name  in  Sindh  would  alone  be  sufficient  to 
suggest  the  presence  of  Scythians  ;  but  its  connection 
with  them  is  placed  beyond  all  doubt  by  the  mention 
that  the  rulers  of  Minna^ara  were  rival  Partlnans, 
who  were  mutually  expelling  each  other.*  These 
Parthians  were  Daha3  Scythians  from  the  Oxus,  who 
gave  the  name  of  Indo-Scythia  to  the  valley  of  the 
Indus,  and  whose  mutual  rivalry  points  to  their 
identity  with  the  rival  Mods  and  Jats  of  the  Mu- 
hammadan  authors. 

The  actual  position  of  Minnagar  is  unknown,  and 
we  have  but  few  data  to  guide  us  in  attempting  to 
fix  its  site.  As  it  is  not  found  in  Ptolemy,  who  wrote 
in  the  first  half  of  the  second  century,  I  infer  either 
that  the  new  name  had  not  then  been  imposed  on  the 
capital,  or  Avhat  is  more  probable,  that  Ptolemy  has 
inserted  only  the  old  name.  If  I  am  right  in  iden- 
tifying iIi?V?-wr/'yffra,  or  the  "city  of  the  J/iw,"  with 
Mand-dbari^  or  the  "place  of  the  Mand^''  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  great  Indo-Scythian  capital  was 
at  Thatha.  Edrisif  describes  Manhabar  as  situated 
on  a  low  plain,  and  surrounded  with  gardens  and 
running  water.  Captain  Hamilton^  gives  the  same 
description  of  Thatha,  which,  he  says,  "stands  in  a 
spacious  plain,  and  they  have  canals  cut  from  the 
river,  that  bring  water  to  the  city,  and  some  for  the 
use  of  their  gardens."     According  to  the  author§  of 

*  Peripl.  Mar.  Eryth. ;  in  Hudson's  Geogr.  Vet.,  i.  22. 

f  Geogr.,  i.  164i. 

J  '  New  Account  of  the  East  Indies,'  i.  123. 

§  Hudson,  Geogr.  Vet.,  i.  22. 


tlie  '  Peripkis,'  the  merchant  vessels  anchored  at  the 
emporium  of  Barbarike,  where  the  goods  were  un- 
loaded, and  conveyed  to  the  capital  by  the  river. 
Just  so  in  modern  times  the  ships  anchored  at  L^ri- 
bandar,  while  the  merchants  carried  their  goods  to 
Thatha  either  by  land  or  by  water.  The  position  of 
Minnagar  is  too  vaguely  described  as  "  inland,"*  to 
be  of  any  use  in  its  determination.  If  it  was,  as  I 
suppose,  at  Thatha^  then  it  may  perhaps  be  identified 
with  Ptolemy's  Sousikana,  which  I  would  interpret  as 
Susi-ffdma,  or  the  "town  of  the  Su,  tribe,"  an  etymo- 
logy which  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  the  Mands, 
or  Meds,  were  a  branch  of  the  great  horde  of  Sus,  or 
Abars,  who  gave  one  name  to  Susiana^  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Euphrates,  and  the  other  to  Jbiria,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Indus.  I  should  mention,  however,  that 
according  to  M'Murdo,t  "  Minagar  was  one  of  the 
cities  dependent  on  Multan  in  the  twelfth  century, 
and  was  the  possession  of  a  chief  by  caste  an  Agri, 
and  descended  from  Alexander.  It  was  situated  on 
the  Lohdna  Bargd,  not  far  from  Bahmana,  in  the  par- 
ganah  now  called  ShelidddpurT  It  is  a  suspicious  cir- 
cumstance that  this  passage  has  not  been  verified 
either  by  Postans  or  by  Elliot.  The  latter,  who  con- 
stantly refers  to  his  own  MS.  of  the  '  Tohfat-ul-Kiram,' 
quotes;f  this  notice  of  Minagar  at  second-hand  from 
M'Murdo.  I  may  add  that  the  Agari  is  a  well-known 
caste,  of  low  degree,  who  are  employed  in  the  manu- 

*  The  words  are,  Kara,  varov  fiecroyews,  which  can  only  mean  "  inland 
and  beyond"  Barbarike. 

t  Journ.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soc,  i.  31 ;  and  again  at  p.  233,  quoting  the 
Tolifat-ul  Gir&m. 

X  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  Dowson's  edition,  i.  66. 


facture  of.  salt.  I  am  therefore  not  inclined  to  admit 
that  this  petty  place  could  have  any  connection  with 
the  great  capital  of  Indo-Scythia.  On  the  contrary, 
I  am  disposed  to  look  upon  this  name  of  Min-nagara 
as  meaning  simply  the  city  of  Min. 

Barbarike-Emporiam,  or  Bliamhura. 

The  ruined  town  of  Bambhora,  or  Bhambura,  is 
situated  at  the  head  of  the  Ghdra  creek,  which  is 
"supposed  by  the  natives  to  he  the  site  of  the  most 
ancient  seaport  in  Sindh."*  "Nothing  now  remains 
but  the  foundations  of  houses,  bastions,  and  walls," 
but  about  the  tenth  century  13hambhura  was  .the  capital 
of  a  chief  named  Bhambo  Eaja.  According  to  the 
traditions  of  the  people,  the  most  westerly  branch  of 
the  Indus  once  flowed  past  Bhambura.  It  is  said  to 
have  separated  from  the  main  river  just  above  Thatha, 
and  M'Murdof  quotes  the  '  Tabakat-i-Akbari '  for  the 
fact  that  in  the  reign  of  Akbar  it  ran  to  the  westward 
of  Thatha.  To  the  same  effect  Sir  Henry  Elliot;}:  quotes 
Mr.  N.  Crow,  who  was  for  many  years  the  British 
Eesident  at  Thatha.  Writing  in  a.d.  1800,  Crow 
says,  "By  a  strange  turn  that  the  river  has  taken 
within  these  five-and-twenty  years  just  above  Tatta, 
that  city  is  flung  out  of  the  angle  of  the  inferior 
Delta,  in  which  it  formerly  stood,  on  the  mata  land 
towards  the  hills  of  Biluchistan."  From  these  state- 
ments it  would  appear  that  the  Ghara  river  was  the 
most  westerly  branch  of  the  Indus  down  to  the  latter 
half  of  the  last  century.     But  long  before  that  time, 

*  Eastwick,  '  Handbook  of  Bombay,'  p.  481. 

t  Journ.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soc,  i.  25.    See  Map  No.  IX. 

X  Muhamm.  Hist,  of  Jbdia,  Dowson's  edition,  i.  399. 


according  to  M'Murdo,  it  had  ceased  to  be  a  navigable 
stream,  as  both.  Bhambur  and  Debal  were  deserted 
about  A.D.  1250,  on  account  of  the  failure  of  the 
river.*  My  own  inquiries  give  the  same  date,  as 
Debal  was  still  occupied  when  Jalaladdin  of  KhwS,- 
razm  invaded  Sindh  in  a.d.  1221, f  and  was  in  ruins 
in  A.D.  1333,  when  Ibn  Batuta  visited  Ldhari  Bandar, 
which  had  succeeded  Debal  as  the  great  port  of  the 

M'Murdo  quotes  native  authors  to  show  that  this 
western  branch  of  the  Indus  was  called  the  Sdgdra 
river,  which,  he  thinks,  may  .be  identified  with  the 
Sagapa  Ostium  of  Ptolemy,  which  was  also  the  most 
westerly  branch  of  the  Indus  in  his  time.  It  is  there- 
fore quite  possible,  as  supposed  by  M'Murdo,  that 
this  was  the  very  branch  of  the  Indus  that  was  navi- 
gated by  Alexander.  From  the  latest  maps,  however, 
it  appears  that  about  midway  between  Thatha  and 
Ghara  this  channel  threw  off  a  large  branch  on  its  left, 
which  flowed  parallel  to  the  other  for  about  20  miles, 
when  it  turned  to  the  south  and  joined  the  main 
channel  just  below  Lari-bandar.  Now  this  channel 
passes  about  2  or  3  miles  to  the  south  of  Bhambura, 
so  that  the  town  was  also  accessible  from  the  Piti^  the 
Pfiundi,  the  Kgdi;  and  the  Pintiani  mouths  of  the 
river.  I  am  therefore  inclined  to  identify  Bhambura 
not  only  with  the  town  of  Barke^  which  Alexander 
built  on  his  return  up  the  river,  as  stated  by  Justin, 
but  also  with  the  Barbari  of  Ptolemy,  and  the  Bar- 
bar  ike  Emporium  of  the  author  of  the  '  Periplus.'  The 
last  authority   describes   the   middle   branch   of  the 

*  Jonrn.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soc,  i.  25  and  232. 

f  Easliid-ud-din  in  Elliot,  Dowson's  edition,  i.  26. 


Indus  as  the  only  navigable  channel  in  his  time  up  to 
BarbariJce*  all  the  other  six  channels  being  narrow  and 
full  of  shoals.  This  statement  shows  that  the  Ghara 
river  had  already  begun  to  fail  before  a.d.  200.  The 
middle  mouth  of  the  river,  which  was  then  the  only 
navigable  entrance,  is  called  Khariphon  Ostium  by 
Ptolemy.  This  name  I  would  identify  with  the  Kydr 
river  of  the  present  day,  which  leads  right  up  to  the 
point  where  the  southern  branch  of  the  Ghara  joins 
the  main  river  near  Lari-bandar. 

From  this  discussion  I  conclude  that  the  northern 
channel  of  the  Ghara  was  the  western  branch  of  the 
Indus,  which  was  navigated  by  Alexander  and  Near- 
chus ;  and  that  before  a.d.  200,  its  waters  found 
another  channel  more  to  the  south,  in  the  southern 
Ghara,  which  joins  the  main  stream  of  the  Indus 
just  below  Lari-bandar.  By  this  channel,  in  the 
time  of  the  author  of  the  '  Periplus,'  the  merchant 
vessels  navigated  the  Indus  up  to  Barbarike^  where 
the  goods  were  unloaded,  and  conveyed  in  boats  to 
Minnaffar,  the  capital  of  the  country.  But  after  some 
time  this  channel  also  failed,  and  in  the  beginning  of 
the  eighth  century,  when  the  Arabs  invaded  Sindh, 
Bebal  had  become  the  chief  port  of  the  Indus,  and 
altogether  supplanted  Bhambura,  or  the  ancient  Bar- 
barike.  But  though  the  Ghara  river  was  no  longer  a 
navigable  channel,  its  waters  still  continued  to  flow 
past  the  old  town  down  to  the  thirteenth  century, 
about  which  time  it  would  appear  to  have  been  finally 

*  Hudson,  Geogr.  Vet.,  i.  22. 


Debal  Sindldy  or  Debal. 

The  position  of  the  celebrated  port  of  Debal,  the 
emporium  of  the  Indus  during  the  middle  ages,  is 
still  unsettled.  By  Abul  Fazl  and  the  later  Muham- 
madan  writers,  Debal  has  been  confounded  with 
Thatha;  but  as  Debal  was  no  longer  in  existence 
when  they  wrote,  I  conclude  that  they  were  misled 
by  the  name  of  Debal  Thatha^  which  is  frequently  ap- 
plied to  Thatha  itself.  Similarly,  Brdhmana,  or  Brdh- 
mandbdd,  was  called  Debal  Kdngi-a,  and  the  famous 
seaport  of  Debal  was  named  Debal  Sindhi.  But 
Diwal,  or  Debal,  means  simply  a  temple,  and  there- 
fore Debal  Sindhi  means  the  temple  at,  or  near,  the 
town  of  Sindhi.  Major  Burton  says  that  the  shawls 
of  Thatha  are  still  called  Shdl-i-Debali,  but  this  only 
proves  that  Debal  was  the  place  where  the  merchants 
procured  the  Thatha  shawls.  Just  so  the  name  of 
Multdni-matti,  that  is  Multan  clay,  or  Armenian  bole, 
is  derived  from  the  place  where  the  merchants  obtain 
the  article,  as  the  clay  is  actually  found  in  the  hills  to 
the  west  of  the  Indus,  beyond  Dera  Ghazi  Khan.  So 
also  Indian-ink  is  named  from  India,  where  the  mer- 
chants first  obtained  it,  although,  as  is  now  well 
known,  it  is  all  manufactured  in  China.  Sir  Henry 
Elliot,  who  is  the  last  inquirer  into  the  geography  of 
Sindh,  places  Debal  at  Karachi  ;  but  admits  that  Lari- 
bandar  "is  the  next  most  probable  site  after  Kara- 
chi."* But  I  incline  to  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Crow, 
who  was  for  many  years  the  British  resident  in  Sindh, 
that  Debal  occupied  a  site  between  Karachi  and  Thatha. 
His  opinion  is  entitled  to  special  weight,  as  he  is  ad- 

*  '  Sindh,'  pp.  222  and  224. 


mitted  by  M'Murclo  and  Elliot  to  have  "  combined 
much,  discrimination  with  ample  opportunities  of  local 
inquiry."  Sir  Henry  quotes  the  Chacli-ndma  for  the 
fact  that  "the  Serandip  vessels  were  in  their  distress 
driven  to  the  shore  of  Debal,"  to  show  that  the  port 
must  have  been  close  to  the  sea.  There  they  were 
attacked  by  pirates  of  the  Tangdmara  tribe,  who  oc- 
cupied the  seacoast  from  Karachi  to  Lari  -  bandar. 
This  statement  shows  that  if  Debal  cannot  be  iden- 
tified either  with  Karachi  or  with  Lari-bandar,  it  must 
be  looked  for  somewhere  between  them. 

In  favour  of  Karachi  Sir  Henry  quotes  Biladuri, 
who  records  that  in  the  year  a.h.  15,  or  a.d.  636, 
Hakim  dispatched  his  brother  Mughira  on  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  Bay  of  Debal.  But  as  the  city  of  Lyons  is 
not  on  the  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Lyons,  so  it  does  not 
necessarily  follow  that  Debal  was  on  the  shore  of  the 
Bay  of  Debal.  In  fact  it  is  described  by  Ibn  Khor- 
dadbeh  as  being  2  farsangs  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Mihran,  which  is  still  further  extended  to  2  days' 
journey  by  Masudi.*  But  as  Debal  was  situated  on 
the  Indus,  it  cannot  be  identified  with  Karachi,  which 
is  on  the  seacoast  beyond  the  mouth  of  the  river.  All 
our  authorities  agree  in  stating  that  it  was  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Mihran, f  that  is  of  the  main  stream 
of  the  river,  or  Baghar,  which  flows  past  Lari-bandar, 
and  discharges  itself  into  the  sea  by  several  different 
mouths  named  the  Piti,  the  Phundi,  the  Kyar,  and 
the  Pintiani.     But  M'Murdo  also  quotes  the  native 

*  Elliot,  Muhamm.  Hist,  of  India,  Dowson's  edition,  i.  53-57. 

t  These  will  be  found  in  Elliot's  Muhamm.  Hist.,  by  Dowson,  i.  61 ; 
'  Istakhri,"  i.  65  ;  '  Ashkal-ul-Bilad,'  i.  65,  note  Ibn  Haulial.  See  also 
Gildcmeister,  '  De  Kcbus  Indicis,'  p.  205,  for  Kazvini. 


authorities  to  show  that  it  was  on  the  Sdydra  branch 
of  the  Indus,  which  flowed  past  Bhambura.  Accord- 
ing to  these  accounts,  Debal  must  have  been  situated 
on  the  western  bank  of  the  Bagh^r  river,  below  the 
junction  of  the  southern  branch  of  the  Gh^ra,  or 
Sagara,  branch.  Its  position  may  therefore  be  fixed 
approximately  at  the  point  of  junction,  which  is  5 
miles  to  the  north  of  Lelri-bandar,  17  miles  to  the 
south-west  of  Bhambura,  and  about  30  miles  from  the 
Piti  and  Pintiani  mouths  of  the  river.  This  position 
also  fulfils  the  other  condition  quoted  by  Sir  Henry 
Elliot,  that  Debal  was  between  Karachi  and  Lari 
bandar,  in  the  territory  of  the  Tangamara  tribe  of 
pirates.  It  further  agrees  with  the  position  assigned 
to  it  by  Mr.  Crow,  who  places  it  between  Karachi  and 
Thatha,  which  is  an  exact  description  of  the  locality 
following  the  course  of  the  river,  which  is  the  only 
course  that  can  be  taken,  as  Debal  was  situated 
amongst  the  intersecting  streams  of  the  Delta. 

Unfortunately,  this  part  of  the  Delta  has  not  yet 
been  minutely  explored ;  and  to  this  cause  I  would 
attribute  our  ignorance  of  the  remains  of  an  ancient 
city,  which  were  noticed  by  Ibn  Batuta  in  a.d.  1333 
in  the  very  position  which  I  have  assigned  to  Debal.* 
As  his  statement  is  of  great  importance,  I  will  quote 
the  passage  at  full  length: — "I  then  proceeded  by 
the  Sind  to  the  city  of  Ldhari,  which  is  situated  upon 
the,  shores  of  the  Indian  Sea,  where  the  Sind  joins  it. 
It  has  a  large  harbour,  into  which  ships  from  Persia, 
Yemen,  and  other  places  put.  At  a  few  miles  from 
this  city  are  the  ruins  of  another,  in  which  stones  in 
the  shape  of  men  and  beasts  almost  innumerable  are 

*  '  Travels,'  by  Dr.  Lee,  p.  102. 



to  be  found.  The  people  of  tliis  place  think  that  it  is 
the  opinion  of  their  historians  that  there  was  a  city 
formerly  in  this  place,  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  which  were  so  base  that  God  transformed 
them,  their  beasts,  their  herbs,  even  to  the  very  seeds, 
into  stones ;  and  indeed  stones  in  the  shape  of  seeds 
are  here  almost  innumerable."  Tliis  large  ruined  city, 
with  its  stones  in  the  shape  of  men  and  beasts,  I  take 
to  be  the  remains  of  the  once  great  emporium  of  Debal. 
According  to  M'Murdo,  the  people  of  Debal  moved  to 
Lari-bandar,*  and  according  to  Captain  Hamilton, 
Lari-bandar  possessed  "a  large  stone  fort,"  for  the 
protection  of  merchants  against  the  Biluchis  and 
Makranis.  It  is,  I  think,  a  very  fair  and  legitimate 
deduction  that  the  people  who  deserted  Debal  removed 
the  materials  of  their  old  city  for  the  construction  of 
the  new  one,  and  therefore  that  the  stones  of  the  fort 
of  Lari-bandar  were  brought  from  the  deserted  city  of 
Debal,  the  remains  of  which  excited  the  curiosity  of 
Ibn  Batuta  in  a.d.  1333. 

This  statement  of  Ibn  Batuta  I  would  connect  with 
the  curious  account  of  an  Indian  city  in  the  '  Arabian 
ISTights,'  which  is  found  in  the  story  of  Zobeide.  Ac- 
cording to  the  common  edition,  this  lady  sailed  from 
the  port  of  Bassora,  and  after  twenty  days  anchored 
in  the  harbour  of  a  large  city  in  India,  where  on 
landing  she  found  that  the  king  and  queen  and  all  the 
people  had  been  tvirned  into  stone.  One  person  only 
had  escaped  the  general  transformation,  and  he  was 
the  king's  son,  who  had  been  brought  up  as  a  Mu- 
hammadan  by  his  nurse,  who  was  a  Musalm^ni  slave. 
Xow  this  legend  appears  to  be  the  same  as  that  of 
*  Journ.  Royal  Asiat.  Soc,  i.  29  and  233. 


Eaja  Dilu  and  his  brother  Chota  of  the  native  histories 
of  Sindh,*  according  to  which  Chota  had  become  a 
Muhammadan,  and  when  the  city  of  Brahmana  was 
destroyed  by  an  earthquake,  on  account  of  the  wicked- 
ness of  the  king,  Chota  alone  escaped.  As  a  similar 
story  is  told  of  the  ruin  of  all  the  chief  cities  in  the 
Panjab  as  well  as  in  Sindh,  the  scene  of  the  story  in 
the  '  Arabian  Nights '  may  be  fairly  placed  in  Sindh  ; 
and  as  Debal  was  the  only  large  city  on  the  coast, 
and  was  besides  the  chief  mart  to  which  the  Muham- 
madan merchants  traded,  it  seems  to  me  almost  certain 
that  it  must  be  the  Indian  city  in  which  Zobeide 
found  all  the  people  turned  into  stone. 

According  to  M'Murdo,  the  destruction  of  Brah- 
mana took  place  in  a.h.  140,  or  a.d.  757,  and  as  the 
story  of  Zobeide  is  laid  in  the  time  of  the  Khalif 
Harun-ul-Rashid,  who  reigned  from  a.d.  786  to  809, 
there  are  no  difficulties  of  chronology  to  interfere  with 
the  identification  of  the  two  legends. 

The  position  of  Debal  may  also  be  fixed  on  the 
Bagh^r  river,  or  main  channel  of  the  Indus,  by  its 
name  of  Dihal  Sindhi,  or  Dibal  on  the  Indus.  That  it 
was  near  Lari-bandar  we  learn  incidentally  from  Captain 
Hamilton,!  who  says  that  the  river  of  Sindhi  "  is  only 
a  small  branch  of  the  Indus,  which  appellation  is  now 
lost  in  this  country  which  it  so  plentifully  waters,  and 
is  called  Divellee,  or  Seven  mouths."  This  statement 
shows  that  the  branch  of  the  Indus  leading  up  to 
Li,ri-bandar  was  called  Bihali,  or  the  river  of  Dibal, 
so  late  as  a.d.  1699,  when  visited  by  Hamilton.    That 

*  M'Murdo,  Journ.  Royal  Asiat.  Soc.  i.  28 ;  and  Postans,  Journ. 
Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  rii.  193. 

t  '  New  Account  of  East  Indies,'  i.  130. 


this  was  the  Piti  branch  of  the  Indus  I  infer  from  its 
other  name  of  &ndhi,  which  I  take  to  be  the  same  as 
the  Sinthon  Ostium  of  Ptolemy,  or  the  second  mouth  of 
the  river,  reckoning  from  the  west.  As  the  Piti  is 
one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Baghar  river,  this  position 
agrees  with  that  which  I  have  ah'eady  assigned  to 
Dibal,  on  the  concurring  testimony  of  all  the  previous 

Since  Hamilton  wrote,  Lari-bandar  itself  has  been 
deserted,  and  the  present  port  of  the  western  half  of 
the  Delta  is  Dharaja,  which  is  only  a  few  miles  to  the 
east  of  Lari-bandar. 

IV.    KACHH. 

The  fourth  province  of  Sindh,  in  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, was  Kachh,  and  it  was  still  attached  to  Sindh  in 
the  time  of  Akbar.  It  is  described  by  Hwen  Thsang 
as  situated  at  1600  //,  or  267  miles,  to  the  south-west 
of  the  capital  of  Sindh,*  which  at  that  time  was  Alor^ 
near  Bhakar,  on  the  Indus.  This  agrees  with  the 
details  given  elsewhere,  +  which  make  the  route  as 
follows  :  from  Alor  to  Brahmana,  700  U  to  the  south, 
then  to  Pitasila  300  //  to  the  south-west,  and  then  to 
Kaehh  700  //  to  the  south ;  the  whole  distance  being 
16-30  U.  But  the  general  direction  is  south,  instead 
of  south-west,  which  agrees  with  the  actual  position 
of  Kachh.  The  province  is  named  ^0-tien-po-chi-lo, 
which  ]\I.  Julien  renders  as  Ad/u/avakila^  or  Ati/anvakela, 
but  for  whit'h  no  Sanskrit  equivalent  is  offered  either 
by  himself  or  by  ^L  Vivien  de  St.  Martin.  I  think, 
however,  that  it  may  be  intended  for  Judimbatim,  or 

*  U.  Julien's  '  Hiouon  Thsang,'  i.  207,  208.     See  Map  No.  IX. 
t  Ibid.,  iii.  17o. 


Audumbara^  which  Professor  Lasseu  gives  as  the  name 
of  the  people  of  Kachh.  They  are  the  Odomboera  of 
Pliny,*  but  there  is  no  trace  of  this  name  at  the 
present  day. 

The  province  is  described  as  being  5000  li,  or  833 
miles,  in  circuit,  which  is  much  too  great,  unless  the 
whole  of  the  Nagar  Parkar  district  to  the  north  of  the 
Ean  was  included,  which  is  most  probable,  as  this 
tract  has  always  been  considered  as  a  part  of  Kachh, 
and  i«  still  attached  to  it.  Taking  its  northern  boun- 
dary as  stretching  from  Umarkot  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Mount  Abu,  the  whole  length  of  frontier  will  be 
upwards  of  700  miles.  The  capital,  named  Kie-tsi-shi- 
fa-lo,  was  30  li,  or  5  miles,  in  circuit.  This  name  is 
rendered  as  Khajiswara  by  M.  Julien,  and  as  KachcMes- 
wara  by  Professor  Lassen.  But  as  the  Chinese  syllable 
tse  represents  the  cerebral  t,  I  think  that  tsi  must 
have  the  same  value  ;  and  I  would  therefore  read  the 
whole  as  Kotiswara,  which  is  the  name  of  a  cele- 
brated place  of  pilgrimage  on  the  western  shore  of 
Kachh.  That  this  is  the  place  actually  intended  is 
rendered  certain  by  the  pilgrim's  description  of  its 
position,  which  is  said  to  be  on  the  western  frontier  of 
the  country  close  to  the  river  Indus,  and  to  the  great 
ocean.f  This  is  a  most  exact  description  of  the  posi- 
tion of  the  holy  Kotesar,  which  is  situated  on  the 
western  frontier  of  Kachh,  on  the  bank  of  the  Kori 
branch  of  the  Indus,  and  close  to  the  great  Indian 
Ocean.    This  identification  is  further  supported  by  the 

*  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  23. 

t  M.  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  iii.  175  :  "EUe  est  situ6e,  a  I'ecart, 
sur  les  frontieres  de  I'ouest :  elle  est  voisine  du  fleuve  Sin-tu  (Sindh), 
et  a  proximite  d'une  grande  mer." 


statement  that  in  the  middle  of  the  city  there  was  a 
famous  temple  of  Siva.  The  name  of  the  place  is 
derived  from  Koti-{-iswara,  or  the  "  ten  million  Is- 
waras,"  and  refers  to  the  small  I'mgam  stones  that  are 
found  there  in  great  numbers.  Iswara  is  the  well- 
known  name  of  Siva,  and  the  lingam  is  his  symbol. 

M.  Vivien  de  St.  Martin  has  identified  this  capital 
with  Karachi ;  but  the  distance  from  Alor  is  not  more 
than  1300  li,  or  217  miles,  while  only  the  initial 
syllable  of  the  name  corresponds  with  the  Chinese 
transcript.  The  country  is  described  by  Hwen 
Thsang  as  low  and  wet,  and  the  soil  impregnated 
with  salt.  This  iis  an  exact  description  of  the  low- 
lands of  Kachli^  which  means  a  "morass"  {KacIicMa) , 
and  of  the  salt  desert,  or  Rati  (in  Sanskrit  Irina),  which 
forms  about  one-half  of  the  province.  But  it  is  quite 
inaccurate  if  applied  to  the  dry  sandy  soil  of  Karachi. 
There  is  also  a  large  swamp  extending  for  many  miles, 
immediately  to  the  south  of  Kotesar. 

Districts  to  the  West  of  the  Indus. 

To  the  west  of  the  Lower  Indus  all  the  classical 
writers  agree  in  placing  two  barbarous  races  called 
Aratjii,  or  Jrabifa,  and  Oritce,  or  HoritcE,  both  of 
whom  appear  to  be  of  Indian  origin.  The  country 
of  the  Arabii  is  said  by  Arrian  to  be  the  "last  part 
of  India  "  towards  the  west,  and  Strabo  also  calls  it  a 
"  part  of  India,"*  but  both  exclude  the  Oritee.  Cur- 
tius,  however,  includes  the  Horitse  in  India,  f  while 
Diodorus    states    that   generally   they  resemble    the 

*  Arrian,  '  Iiidica,'  22  ;  Strabo,  Geogr.,  xv.  2,  1. 
t  Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  10,  33. 


Indians ;  and  Arrian  admits  that  the  Oritse,  who 
"  inhabited  the  inland  parts,  were  clothed  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Indians,  and  used  the  same  weapons, 
but  their  language  and  customs  were  different."  In 
the  seventh  century,  however,  both  their  language 
and  customs  were  considered  to  be  like  those  of  the 
Indians  by  a  much  more  competent  observer,  the 
Chinese  pilgrim,  Hwen  Thsang.  According  to  him, 
the  customs  of  the  inhabitants  of  Lanff-kie-lo,  which 
was  2000  li,  or  333  miles,  to  the  west  of  Kotesar,  in 
Kachh,  were  like  those  of  the  people  of  Kachh,  and 
their  written  characters  closely  resembled  those  of 
India,  while  their  language  was  only  slightly  differ- 
ent.* For  these  reasons  I  think  that  the  Oritse,  as 
well  as  the  Arabitse,  may  fairly  be  included  within 
the  geographical  limits  of  India,  although  they  have 
always  been  beyond  its  political  boundary  during  the 
historical  period.  As  early  as  the  sixth  century  B.C. 
they  were  tributary  to  Darius  Hystaspes,  and  they 
were  still  subject  to  Persia  nearly  twelve  centuries 
later,  when  visited  by  Hwen  Thsang.  But  their  Indian 
origin  is  beyond  all  doubt,  as  will  be  shown  when  I 
come  to  speak  of  the  Oritse. 

Jraiii,  or  Arahitce. 
The  Jrabii  of  Arrian  are  the  Arahitce  of  Curtius,  the 
Arbiti  of  Ptolemy,  the  Ambrila  of  Diodorus,  and  the 
Arbies  of  Strabo.  They  are  said  to  have  derived  their 
name  from  the  river  Arabia,  or  Arbis,  or  Arabius,  which 
flowed  along  their  confines,  and  divided  their  territory 
from  that  of  the  Oritae.f     From  a  comparison  of  the 

*  M.  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  iii.  177. 

t  Arrian,  '  Indica,    21  ;  Strabo,  Geogr.,  xv.  2.  1 ;  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat., 
vii.  2. 



details  of  Alexander's  marclies  witli  the  diary  of 
Nearclms,  it  is  certain  that  this  boundary  river  was 
the  Purali,  which  flows  through  the  present  district 
of  Las  into  the  bay  of  Sonmiani.  According  to 
Curtius,*  Alexander  reached  the  eastern  boundary  of 
the  Arabitse  in  nine  days  from  Patala,  and  their 
western  boundary  in  five  days  more.  Now,  from 
Haidarabad  to  Karachi,  the  distance  is  114  miles,  and 
from  Karachi  to  Sonmiani  50  miles,"]"  the  former  being 
usually  performed  by  troops  in  nine  marches,  and  the 
latter  either  in  four  or  five.  Karachi,  therefore,  must 
have  been  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  the  Arabitse,  a 
deduction  which  is  admitted  by  the  common  consent 
of  all  inquirers,  who  have  agreed  in  identifying  the 
Kolaka  of  Ptolemy  and  the  sandy  island  of  KroJcola, 
where  Nearchus  tarried  with  his  fleet  for  one  day, 
with  a  small  island  in  the  Bay  of  Karachi.  Krokola 
is  further  described  as  lying  off  the  mainland  of  the 
Arabii.  It  was  150  stadia,  or  17^  miles,  from  the 
western  mouth  of  the  Indus,  which  agrees  exactly 
with  the  relative  positions  of  Karachi  and  the  mouth 
of  the  Ghara  river,  if,  as  we  may  fairly  assume,  the 
present  coast-line  has  advanced  5  or  6  miles  during 
the  twenty-one  centuries  that  have  elapsed  since  the 
time  of  Alexander.  The  identification  is  confirmed 
by  the  fact  that  "the  district  in  which  Karachi  is 
situated  is  called  Karkalla  to  this  day."j 

On  leaving  Krokola,  Nearchus  had  Mount  Eiros 
(iVEanora)  on  his  right-hand,  and  a  low  flat  island  on 
his  left,  which  is  a  very  accurate  description  of  the 

•  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  10,  33. 

t  Eastwick,  'Handbook  of  Bombay,'  pp.  474  and  477. 

X  Ibid.,  p.  476  ;  Burncs,  '  Bokhara,'  i.  10,  writes  the  name  Crocola. 


entrance  to  Karachi  harbour,  and  after  stopping  at 
several  small  places,  reached  Morontohara,  which  was 
called  the  "  Women's  Haven  "  by  the  people  of  the 
country.*  From  this  place  he  made  two  courses  of 
70  stadia  and  120  stadia,  or  altogether  not  more  than 
22  miles,  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Arabius,  which 
was  the  boundary  between  the  country  of  the  Arabii 
and  the  Oritse.  The  name  of  Morontohara  I  would 
identify  with  Mudri,  which  is  now  applied  to  the 
headland  of  Bds  Mudri,  or  Cape  Monz,  the  last  point 
of  the  Pabb  range  of  mountains.  Bdra,  or  bari,  means 
a  roadstead  or  haven,  and  moronta  is  evidently  con- 
nected with  the  Persian  mard,  a  man,  of  which  .the 
feminine  is  still  preserved  in  Kashmiri,  as  mahrin,  a 
woman.  The  haven  itself  may  be  looked  for  between 
Cape  Monz  and  Sonmitini,  but  its  exact  position  can- 
not be  determined.  From  the  distances  given  by 
Arrian  in  his  account  of  the  voyage  of  Nearchus,  I 
am  inclined  to  fix  it  at  the  mouth  of  the  Bahar  rivulet, 
a  small  stream  which  falls  into  the  sea  about  midway 
between  Cape  Monz  and  Sonmiani.  If  I  am  right  in 
considering  Miiari  as  an  abbreviation  of  Morontohara, 
the  cape  must  have  received  its  name  from  the  neigh- 
bouring haven.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Arabius  Near- 
chus  found  a  large  and  safe  harbour,  corresponding 
with  the  present  Bay  of  Sonmiani,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Pur^li,  which  is  described  by  Pottingerf  as  "a  very 
noble  sheet  of  water,  capable  of  affording  anchorage 
to  the  largest  fleet." 

OritcB,  or  Horltce. 
On  crossing  the  river  Arabius,  Alexander  marched 

*  Arrian,  '  Indica,'  p.  22.  f  '  Biluchistan,'  p.  9. 

X  2 



for  a  whole  night  through  a  desert,  and  in  the  morning 
entered  a  well-inhabited  country.  Then  coming  to  a 
small  river,  he  pitched  his  tents,  and  waited  for  the 
main  body  of  the  army  under  Hephsestion.  On  its 
arrival,  says  Arrian,  Alexander  "  penetrated  further 
into  the  country,  and  coming  to  a  small  village  which 
served  the  Oritse  instead  of  a  capital  city,  and  was 
named  RamhaMa^  he  was  pleased  with  its  situation, 
and  imagining  that  it  would  rise  to  be  a  rich  and 
populous  city,  if  a  colony  were  drawn  thither,  he  com- 
mitted the  care  thereof  to  Hephajstion."*  On  the 
approach  of  Alexander,  the  Oritse  made  their  sub- 
mission to  the  conqueror,  who  appointed  ApoUo- 
phanes  their  governor,  and  deputed  Leonatus  with  a 
large  force  to  await  the  arrival  of  Nearchus  with  the 
fleet,  and  to  look  after  the  peopling  of  the  new  city. 
Shortly  after  Alexander's  departure,  the  Oritse  rose 
against  the  Greeks,  and  ApoUophanes,  the  new  go- 
vernor, was  slain,  but  they  were  signally  defeated  by 
Leonatus,  and  all  their  leaders  killed.*  Nearchus 
places  the  scene  of  this  defeat  at  Kokala,  on  the  coast, 
about  halfway  between  the  rivers  Arabius  and  To- 
merus.  Pliny  calls  the  latter  river  the  Tonberos^\ 
and  states  that  the  country  in  its  neighbourhood  was 
well  cultivated. 

From  these  details  I  would  identify  the  Oritse,  or 
HoritcB,  or  Neotcrita^  as  they  are  called  by  Diodorus, 
with  the  people  on  the  Aghor  river,  whom  the  Greeks 
would  have  named  Agorit(e,  or  Jorifce,  by  the  sup- 
pression of  the  guttural,  of  which  a  trace  still  remains 
in  the  initial  aspirate  of  Eoritts.     In  the  bed  of  this 

*  Arrian,  Anab.,  vi.  21,  22  ;  and  '  Indica,'  23 ;    Curtius,  ix.  10,  34. 
t  Hist.  Nat.,  vi.  25. 


river  there  are  several  jets  of  liquid  mud,  which,  from 
time  immemorial,  have  been  known  as  Rdm-Chandar- 
ki-kup^  or  "  Ram  Chaudar's  wells."  There  are  also 
two  natural  caves,  one  dedicated  to  Kali,  and  the 
other  to  Hinffuldj,  or  Hinguld  Devi,  that  is,  the  ' '  Eed 
Goddess,"  who  is  only  another  form  of  Rdli.  But  the 
principal  objects  of  pilgrimage  in  the  Aghor  valley 
are  connected  with  the  history  of  E&ma.  The  pil- 
grims assemble  at  the  Rdmbdgh,  because  Eama  and 
Sita  are  said  to  have  started  from  this  point,  and 
proceed  to  the  Gorakh  Tank,  where  Eama  halted; 
and  thence  to  Tonga-bhera,  and  on  to  the  point  where 
Eama  was  obliged  to  turn  back  in  his  attempt  to 
reach  Hingulaj  with  an  army.  Udmhdgli  I  would 
identify  with  the  Bambakia  of  Arrian,  and  Tonga- 
hhera  with  the  river  Tonberos  of  Pliny,  and  the  To- 
meriLs  of  Arrian.  At  Eambakia,  therefore,  we  must 
look  for  the  site  of  the  city  founded  by  Alexander, 
which  Leonatus  was  left  behind  to  complete.  It 
seems  probable  that  this  is  the  city  which  is  described 
by  Stephanus  of  Byzantium  as  the  "  sixteenth  Alex- 
andria, near  the  bay  of  MelaneP*  Nearchus  places 
the  western  boundary  of  the  Oritse  at  a  place  called 
Malana,  which  I  take  to  be  the  bay  of  Malan,  to  the 
east  of  Eds  Mdldn,  or  Cape  Mdldn  of  the  present  day, 
about  twenty  miles  to  the  west  of  the  Aghor  river. 
Both  Curtius  and  Diodorusf  mention  the  foundation 
of  this  city,  but  they  do  not  give  its  name.  Diodorus, 
however,  adds  that  it  was  built  on  a  very  favourable 

*  In  voce  Alexandria,  Kara  tov  Mekava  koXttov. 

t  Curtius,  Vita  Alex.,  ix.  10: — "In  hac  quoque  regione  urbem  con- 
didit."    Diodorus,  Hist.  xvii. 


site  near  the  sea,  but  above  the  reach  of  the  highest 

The  occurrence  of  the  name  of  Bdmhdgh  at  so  great 
a  distance  to  the  west  of  the  Indus,  and  at  so  early  a 
period  as  the  time  of  Alexander,  is  very  interesting 
and  important,  as  it  shows  not  only  the  wide  exten- 
sion of  Hindu  influence  in  ancient  times,  but  also  the 
great  antiquity  of  the  story  of  Eama.  It  is  highly 
improbable  that  such  a  name,  with  its  attendant  pil- 
grimages, could  have  been  imposed  on  the  place  after 
the  decay  of  Hindu  influence.*  During  the  flourish- 
ing period  of  Buddhism  many  of  the  provinces  to  the 
west  of  the  Indus  adopted  the  Indian  religion,  which 
must  have  had  a  powerful  influence  on  the  manners  and 
language  of  the  people.  But  the  expedition  of  Alex- 
ander preceded  the  extension  of  Buddhism,  and  I  can 
therefore  only  attribute  the  old  name  of  RamhaJcia  to 
a  period  anterior  to  Darius  Hystaspes. 

These  districts  are  described  by  Hwen  Thsang 
under  the  general  name  of  Lang-kie-lo^  which  M. 
Julien  renders  by  Langala.  M.  de  St.  Martin,  how- 
ever, refers  it  to  the  tribe  of  Langa^  but  it  is  ex- 
tremely doubtful  whether  this  is  an  ancient  name, 
The  other  name  of  Langalas,  quoted  from  the  Vishnu 
Purana,  is  only  a  variant  reading  of  Jdtiffalas,  which 
is  almost  certainly  the  correct  form,  as  it  is  immedi- 
ately followed  by  Kurx-Jdin/alas.  Hwen  Thsang  fixes 
the  capital  of  Lang-Me-lo  at  2000  li,  or  333  miles,  to 
the  west  of  Kotesar  in  Kachh.  But  as  this  bearing 
would  place  it  in  the  middle  of  the  Indian  Ocean,  the 

*  Hingulaj  (Khingalatchi)  is  mentioned  by  the  Tibetan  Taranath, 
see  '  Vassilief,'  French  translation,  p.  45,  as  a  Eakshasa  in  the  west  of 
India,  beyond  Barukaoha,  or  Barooh. 


true  direction  must  be  north-west.  Now  this  latter 
bearing  and  distance  correspond  with  the  position  of 
the  great  ruined  city  of  Ldkoridn,  which  Masson* 
found  between  Khozdar  and  Kilat.  In  older  maps 
the  name  is  written  simply  Lakura,  which  appears  to 
me  to  be  very  fairly  represented  by  the  Chinese  Lang- 
kie-lo^  or  Ldnkara.\  Masson  describes  the  ruined 
fortifications  as  "  remarkable  for  their  magnitude,  as 
well  as  for  the  solidity  and  the  skill  evident  in  their 
construction."  From  the  size  and  importance  of  these 
ruins,  I  conclude  that  they  are  the  remains  of  a  large 
city,  which  has  at  some  former  period  been  the  capital 
of  the  country.  The  Chinese  pilgrim  describes  the 
province  as  being  many  thousands  of  li  in  breadth  as 
well  as  in  length.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  it  cor- 
responded, as  nearly  as  possible,  with  the  modern 
district  of  Biluchistan,  of  which  the  present  capital, 
Kilat,  is  only  60  miles  to  the  north  of  Ldkwa.  In  the 
seventh  century,  the  capital  was  called  Su-neu-li-sld- 
fa-lo,  and  was  30  li,  or  5  miles,  in  circuit.  The  Chinese 
syllables  are  rendered  by  M.  Julien  as  Sunuriswara^  of 
which  he  offers  no  translation.  But  as  Hwen  Thsang 
describes  a  magnificent  temple  of  Siva  in  the  middle  of 
the  city,  I  infer  that  the  Chinese  transcript  may  be 
intended  for  Sambhuriswara,  which  is  a  well-known 
title  of  Siva  as  the  "lord  of  divine  beings,"  or  the 
"  god  of  gods."  By  assuming  that  this  name  belongs 
properly  to  the  temple,  the  other  name  of  Lang-kie-lo^ 
or  Ldkara,  may  be  applied  to  the  capital  as  well  as  to 
the  province. 

*  '  Kilat,'  p.  63  ;  and  '  Biluchistan,'  ii.  46. 

t  The  same  Chinese  character,  lang,  is  found  in  the  transcript  of 
Baghalan,  where  the  vowel  of  the  final  syllable  is  long. 



HwenThsang  places  the  second  kingdom  of  Western 
India,  named  Kiu-che-lo  or  Gurjjara,  at  about  1800  li, 
or  300  miles,  to  the  north  of  Balabhi,  and  2800  li,  or 
467  miles,  to  the  north-west  of  Ujain.  The  capital  was 
named  Pi-Io-mi-lo  or  Bdlmer,  which  is  exactly  300 
miles  to  the  north  of  the  ruins  of  Balabhi.  From 
Ujain  in  a  straight  line  it  is  not  more  than  350  miles ; 
but  the  actual  road  distance  is  between  400  and  500 
miles,  as  the  traveller  has  to  turn  the  Aravali  moun- 
tains, either  by  Ajmer  on  the  north,  or  by  Analwara 
on  the  south.  The  kingdom  was  5000  li^  or  833  miles, 
in  circuit.  It  must,  therefore,  have  comprised  the 
greater  part  of  the  present  chiefships  of  Bikaner, 
Jesalmer,  and  Jodhpur.  Its  boundaries  can  only  be 
described  approximately,  as  extending  about  1 30  miles 
on  the  north  from  Balar  or  Sirdarkot  to  Junjhnu ;  250 
miles  on  the  east  from  Junjhnu  to  near  Mount  Abu ; 
170  miles  on  the  south  from  Abu  to  near  Umarkot ; 
and  310  miles  on  the  west  fi-om  Umarkot  to  Balar. 
These  figures  give  a  total  circuit  of  860  miles,  which 
is  as  close  an  approximation  to  the  measurement  of 
Ilwen  Thsang  as  can  be  reasonably  expected. 

All  the  early  Arab  geographers  speak  of  a  kingdom 
named  Jurz  or  Juzr^  which  from  its  position  Avould  ap- 
pear to  be  the  same  as  the  Kiu-che-lo  of  Hwen  Thsang. 
The  name  of  the  country  is  somewhat  doubtful,  as  the 
unpointed  Arabic  characters  may  be  read  as  Haraz  or 
lJa~ar,  and  Kliaraz  or  Khaz(n\  as  well  as  Jurz  or  Juzr. 
But  fortunately  there  is  no  uncertainty  about  its  posi- 
tion, which  is  determined  to  be  Eajputana  by  several 
concurring  circumstances.   Thus  the  merchant  Suliman, 


in  A.D.  851,*  states  that  Haraz  was  bounded  on  one  side 
by  Tdfek  or  Tdkin^  which,  as  I  have  already  shown,  was 
the  old  name  of  the  Panjab.  It  possessed  silver  mines, 
and  could  muster  a  larger  force  of  cavalry  than  any 
other  kingdom  of  India.  All  these  details  point  un- 
mistakably to  Eajputana,  which  lies  to  the  south-east 
of  the  Panjab,  possesses  the  only  silver  mines  known  in 
India,  and  has  always  been  famous  for  its  large  bodies 
of  cavalry. 

According  to  Ibn  Khordadbeh,-}-  who  died  about  a.d. 
912,  the  Tdtariya  dirhems  were  current  in  the  country 
of  Hazar ;  and  according  to  Ibn  Haukal,  who  wrote 
aboi;t  A.D.  977, J  these  dirhems  were  also  current  in 
the  kingdom  of  Gandhara,  which  at  that  time  included 
the  Panjab.  Suliman  says  the  same  thing  of  the  king- 
dom of  the  Balhara,  or  the  present  Gujarat ;  and  we 
learn  incidentally  that  the  same  dirhems  were  also 
current  in  Sindh,  as  in  a.h.  107,  or  a.d.  725,  the 
public  treasury  contained  no  less  than  eighteen  mil- 
lions of  Tatariya  du'hems.§  The  value  of  these  coins 
is  variously  stated  at  from  \\  dirhem  to  \\^  or  from 
54  to  72  grains  in  weight.  From  these  data  I  con- 
clude that  the  Titariya  dirhems  are  the  rude  silver 
pieces  generally  known  as  Indo-Sassanian,  because 
they  combine  Indian  letters  with  Sassanian  types. 
They  would  appear  to  have  been  first  introduced  by 
the  Scythic  or  Tatar  princes,  who  ruled  in  Kabul  and 
north-western  India,  as  they  are  now  found  through- 
out the  Kabul  valley  and  Panjab,  as  well  as  in  Sindh, 

*  Dowson's  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  i.  4. 

t  Dowsoa's  edition  of  Sir  Henry  Elliot's  Muhamm.  Hist.,  i.  13. 

:  lUA.,  i.  35. 

§  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  '  Arabs  in  Sindh,'  p.  36.     Dowson's  edit.  i.  3. 


Eajputana,  and  Gujarat.     Colonel  Stacy's  specimens 
were  chiefly  obtained   from   tlie  last  two  countries, 
while  my  own  specimens  have  been  procured  in  all  of 
them.     In  weight  they  vary  from  50  to  68  grains ; 
and  in  age  they  range  from  the  fifth  or  sixth  century 
down  to  the  period  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni.       They 
are   frequently   found   in   company    with  the    silver 
pieces  of  the  Brahman  kings  of  Kabul,  which  agrees 
with  the    statement    of    Masudi   that   the   Tatariya 
dirhems  were  current  along  with  other  pieces  which 
were  stamped  at  Gandhara.*     The  latter  I  take  to  be 
the  silver  coins   of   the   Brahman  kings    of  Kabul, 
whose  dynasty  began   to   reign   about  a.d.   850,   or 
shortly  before  the  time  of   Masudi,  who  flourished 
from  A.D.  915  to  956.     I  have  also  found  some  of  the 
Indo-Sassanian  or  Tatar  dirhems  in  central  India  to  the 
east  of  the  Aravali  range,  as  well  as  in  the  Upper 
Gangetic  Doab ;  but  in  these  provinces  they  are  ex- 
tremely scarce,  as  the  common  coin  of  Northern  India 
in   the   mediaeval  period  was  the   Vardha,  with   the 
figure  of   the  Boar  incarnation  of   Yishnu,    varying 
from  55  to  65  grains  in  weight.     From  this  examina- 
tion  of  the  coins  I  conclude  that  the  kingdom  named 
llazar  or  Juzr  by  the  early  Arab  geographers,  is  re- 
presented as  nearly  as  possible  by  Western  Eajpu- 

Edrisi,t  quoting  Ibn  Khordadbeh,  states  that  Juzr 
or  Huzr  was  the  hereditary  title  of  the  king,  as  well 
as  the  name  of  the  country.  This  statement  confirms 
my  identification  of  Juzr  with  Guzr  or  Gujar^  which  is 
a  very  numerous  tribe,   whose  name   is  attached  to 

*  Dowson's  edition  of  Sir  Hcury  Elliot's  Muliamm.  Hist.,  i.  24. 
t  Geogr.,  i.  175,  Jaubert's  translation. 


many  important  places  in  north-west  India  and  the 
Panjab,  and  more  especially  to  the  great  peninsula  of 
Gujarat.  It  is  not  known  when  this  name  was  first 
applied  to  the  peninsula.  In  early  times  it  was  called 
Saurashtra,  which  is  the  Surastrene  of  Ptolemy ;  and 
it  continued  to  bear  this  name  as  late  as  a.d.  812, 
as  we  learn  from  a  copper-plate  inscription  found  at 
Baroda.*  In  this  record  of  the  Saurashtra  kings, 
Gurjjara  is  twice  mentioned  as  an  independent  king- 
dom. About  A.D.  770  the  king  of  Grurjjara  was  con- 
quered by  Indra  Raja  of  Saurashtra,  but  was  after- 
wards reinstated;  and  about  a.d.  800  Indra's  son 
Karka  assisted  the  ruler  of  Malwa  against  the  king  of 
Gurjjara.  These  statements  show  most  clearly  that 
Gurjjara  still  existed  as  a  powerful  kingdom,  quite 
distinct  from  Saurashtra,  nearly  two  centuries  after 
Hwen  Thsang's  visit  in  a.d.  640.  They  show  also  that 
Gurjjara  must  have  been  adjacent  to  Malwa,  as  well  as 
to  Saurashtra,  a  position  which  clearly  identifies  it 
with  Eajputana,  as  I  have  already  determined  from 
Hwen  Thsang's  narrative. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  king  is  said  to  have 
been  a  Tsa-ti-li  or  Kshatriya ;  but  two  centuries  earlier 
a  dynasty  of  Gurjjara  or  Gujar  Eajas  was  certainly 
reigning  to  the  north  of  Mah^rfi,shtra,  as  we  have  con- 
temporaneous inscriptionsf  of  a  Ch^lukya  prince  of 
Paithan,  and  of  a  Gurjjara  prince  of  an  unnamed  terri- 
tory, which  record  grants  of  land  to  the  same  persons. 
These  inscriptions  have  been  translated  by  Professor 
Dowson,  who  refers  the  dates  to  the  era  of  Vikrama- 
ditya,  but  in  the  total  absence  of  any  authentic  ex- 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  viii.  300. 

t  Journ.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soc,  new  series,  i.  270,  277. 


ample  of  the  use  of  this  era  before  tlie  sixth  century 
A.D.,  I  must  demur  to  its  adoption  in  these  early  re- 
cords. The  Saka  era,  on  the  contrary,  is  found  in  the 
early  inscriptions  of  the  Chalukya  Eaja  Pulakesi,  and 
in  the  writings  of  the  astronomers  Arya  Bhatta  and 
Yaraha  Mihira.  The  inscription  of  Pulakesi  is  dated  in 
the  Saka  year  411,  or  a.d.  489,  from  which  I  conclude 
that  the  record  of  the  earlier  Chalukya  Prince  Yijaya, 
which  is  dated  in  the  year  394,  must  refer  to  the  same 
era.  The  contemporary  records  of  the  Gurjjara 
prince,  which  are  dated  in  S.  380  and  385  must 
therefore  belong  to  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  a.d. 
All  these  copper-plate  inscriptions  were  found  toge- 
ther at  Khaidra,  near  Ahmedabad.  The  first  inscrip- 
tion of  the  Gurjjara  Eaja  records  the  grant  of  lands  to 
certain  Brahmans  "who  having  left  the  town  of 
Jdvibusara,  dwell  in  the  village  of  Sirishapadraka,  in- 
cluded in  the  district  of  Aki'ureswara."  Five  years 
latfr  the  same  Brahman  grantees  are  described  as  those 
"  who  are  to  dwell  in  the  town  of  Jambusara ;"  and 
accordingly  in  the  Chalukya  inscription,  which  is 
dated  nine  years  subsequent  to  the  latter,  they  are  de- 
scribed as  actually  dwelling  in  the  town  of  Jambusara. 
This  town  is  no  doubt  Jambosir,  between  Khambay  and 
Baroch,  and  as  it  belonged  to  the  Chalukya  princes, 
who  ruled  over  Maharashtra,  the  kingdom  of  Gurjjara 
must  have  been  situated  to  the  north  of  Khambay,  that 
is,  in  Eajputana,  where  I  have  already  placed  it  on  the 
authority  of  Ilwen  Thsang,  and  other  independent 

III.  Valabhadea,  or  Balabhi. 
The  ruins  of  the  famous  city  of  Balabhi  were  dis- 


covered  by  Tod  near  Bhaonagar,  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  peninsula  of  Gujarat.     In  an  inscription  of  the 
fifth  century  the  country  is  called  "  the  beautiful  king- 
dom of  ValahJiadra,''''*  but  in  the  local  histories  and 
traditions   of  the  people,  it  is  generally   known   as 
Balabhi.      This  also  was  the  name    in  the  time  of 
Hwen  Thsang,  who  calls  the   kingdom  Fa-la-pi,  or 
Balabhi.      In  ancient  times,  however,  the  peninsula 
of  Gujarat  was  only  known  as  Surashtra,  and  under 
this  name  it  is  mentioned  in  the  Mahabh^rata  and  in 
the  Puranas.     It  is  called  SurasJdrene  by  Ptolemy  and 
the  author  of  the  '  Periplus ;'  and  its  people  are  most  pro- 
bably intended  by  Pliny  under  the  corrupt  name  of 
Suaratarata,  or  Varetata,  for  which  I  would  propose 
to  read  Suratce.      The  change   in   the  name  of   the 
country  is  alluded  to  in  an  inscription,  dated  in  the 
SaJca  year  734,  or  a.d.  812,  of  Raja  Karka,  whose  re- 
mote ancestor  Govinda  is  said  to  have  been  the  orna- 
ment of  the  Saurdshtra  kingdom,  "  which  lost  its  ap- 
pellation of  Sau-rajya  from  the  ruin  that  had  fallen 
npon  it."t  Karka's  father  is  called  Eaja  of  Ldteswara, 
which  at  once  identifies  his  kingdom  with  Balabhi,  as 
Hwen   Thsang  notes  that   Balabhi   was   also   called 
Pe-Lo-lo,  or  northern  Lara,  which  is  the  common  pro- 
nunciation of  the  Sanskrit  Lata.     As  Karka  was  only 
the  fifth  in  descent  from  Govinda,  the  name  of  Saurdjya 
or  Saurashtra  could  not  have  been  restored  by  these 
representatives  of  the  old  family  before  the  middle  of  the 
seventh  century.    From  a  comparison  of  all  the  data  I 
conclude  that  the  old  name  of  Saurashtra  was  lost  in  a.d. 
319,  when  the  successors  of  the  Sdh  kings  were  sup- 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1838,  p.  976. 

t  Ibid.,  1839,  p.  300.     Inscription  from  Earoda. 


planted  by  the  Vallabhm,  and  the  capital  changed  from 
Junagmh  to  Valabhi.  The  establishment  of  the  Balabhi 
era,  which  dates  from  a.d.  319,  is  said  by  Abu 
Eihan  to  mark  the  period  of  the  extinction  of  the 
Gupta  race,  whose  coins  are  found  in  considerable 
numbers  in  Gujarat.  This  date  may  therefore  be  ac- 
cepted with  some  certainty  as  that  of  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Balabhi  dynasty,  and  most  probably  also 
as  that  of  the  foundation  of  their  city  of  Balabhi. 

According  to  the  native  histories  and  local  tradi- 
tions Balabhi  was  attacked  and  destroyed  in  the 
Samvat  year  580,  which  is  equivalent  to  a.d.  523,  if 
in  the  Vikrama  era,  or  a.d.  658,  if  in  the  Saka  era. 
Colonel  Tod  has  adopted  the  former;  but  as  Hwen 
Thsang  visited  Balabhi  in  a.d.  640,  the  date  must 
clearly  be  referred  to  the  later  era  of  Saka.  If  the 
statement  is  correct,  we  may  refer  the  capture  of 
Balabhi  to  Eaja  Govinda  of  the  Baroda  copper-plate 
inscription,  who  is  recorded  to  have  re-established  the 
old  family,  as  well  as  the  old  name  of  the  former  king- 
dom of  Saurashtra.  As  he  was  the  great-grandfather  of 
the  grandfather  of  Karka  Eaja,  who  was  reigning  in 
a.d.  812,  his  own  accession  must  have  taken  place  in 
the  third  quarter  of  the  seventh  century,  that  is,  be- 
tween A.D.  650  and  675,  which  agrees  with  the  actual 
date  of  A.D.  658,  assigned  by  the  native  historians 
for  the  destruction  of  Balabhi,  and  the  extinction 
of  the  Balabhi  sovereignty  in  the  peninsula  of  Gu- 

About  a  century  after  their  expulsion  from  Balabhi 
the  representative  of  the  Balabhis,  named  Bappa  or 
Vappal-a,  founded  a  new  kingdom  at  Chitor,  and  his 
son  Guhila^  or  Guhdditya,  gave  to  his  tribe  the  new 


name  of  Guhildwat^  or  Gahilot,  by  wliich  tlicy  are  still 
known.     About  the  same  time*  a  chief  of  the  C/iaiira 
tribe,  named  Ban  Baja,  or  the  "  Jangal  Lord,"  founded 
a  city  on  the  bank  of  the  Saraswati,   about  seventy 
miles  to  the  south-west  of  Mount  Abu,  called  Analwdra 
Pattan,  which  soon  became  the  most  famous  place  in 
Western  India.     Somewhat  earlier,  or  about  a.d.  720, 
Krishna,  the  Pahlava  prince  of  the  peninsula,  built 
the  fort  of  Eldpura,  the  beauty  of  which,  according 
to  the  inscription,  astonished  the  immortals.     In  it  he 
established  an  image  of  Siva  adorned  with  the  crescent. 
Following  this  clue  I  incline  to  identify  Mdpura  with 
the  famous  city  of  Somndth^  which,  as  the  capital  of  the 
peninsula,  was  usually  called  Pattan  Somnath.  Accord- 
ing to  Postansf  the  old  "  city  of  Pattan"  is  built  upon 
a  projection  of  the  "  mainland,  forming  the  southern 
point  of  the  small  port  and  bay  of  VerdwalT     This 
name  I  take  to  be   the  same  as  Eldpura  or  Eldivar, 
which,  by  a  transposition  that  is  very  common  in  India, 
would  became  Erdwal.      Thus  Nar-sinh  has   become 
Man-si^  and  Banod  is  used  indifferently  with  Narod, 
but  we  have  a  still  more  striking  instance   in    the 
change  from  the  ancient  Vdrul  to  the  modern  Elur  or 
Elora.     Now  Patau  Somnath  was  famous  for  a  temple 
of  Siva,   which  enshriaed  a  figure  of  the  god  bear- 
ing a  crescent  on  his  head  as  Somndfh,  or  the  "  lord 
of  the  moon."      This   appellation  was  therefore   the 
proper  name  of  the  temple,  and  not  of  the  city,  which 
I  conclude  must  have  been  Eldpura  or  Erawal,  the 
modern  Verdwal. 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,"  ii.  73.     Abul  Fazl  gives  Samvat  802,  or  a.d.  745, 
if  referred  to  the  era  of  Vukramaditya. 
f  Journ.  Aaiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  1838,  p.  866. 


The  oarlicst  notice  that  we  possess  of  Somnath  is 
contained  in  the  brief  account  of  the  successful  cam- 
paign of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni.  According  to  Ferishta* 
the  fortified  city  of  Somnath  was  situated  "  on  a  nar- 
row peninsula,  washed  on  three  sides  hy  the  sea."  It 
was  the  residence  of  the  Eaja,  and  Naharwdla  (a  trans- 
position of  Analw^ra)  was  then  only  "  a  frontier  city 
of  Gujarat."  This  agrees  with  the  native  histories, 
which  place  the  close  of  the  Chaura  dynasty  of  Jnal- 
wdra  in  S.  998,  or  a.d.  941,  when  the  sovereignty 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Chalukya  prince  Mida 
Raja,  who  became  the  paramount  ruler  of  Somnath. 
and  Analwai'a. 

After  the  time  of  Mahmud,  Somnath  would  appear 
to  have  been  abandoned  by  its  rulers  in  favour  of 
Analwdrn,  which  is  mentioned  as  the  capital  of  Gujarat 
in  the  time  of  Muhammad  Ghori  and  his  successor 
Aibeg.f  It  was  still  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  in 
A.H.  697,  or  A.D.  1297,  when  the  country  was  invaded 
by  the  army  of  Ala-ud-din  Muhammad  Khilji,  which 
occupied  Nahrwdia,  or  Aiialwdra,  and  annexed  the 
province  to  the  empire  of  Delhi. 

During  all  these  transactions  Ferishta  invariably 
designates  the  peninsula,  as  well  as  the  country  to 
the  north  of  it,  by  the  modern  name  of  Gujarat.  The 
name  is  not  mentioned  by  Abu  Rihan,  although  he 
notices  both  Analwara  and  Somnath.  It  occurs  first 
in  the  Mojmal-ut-tawarikh  of  Rashid-ud-din,  who 
wrote  in  a.d.  1310,  just  thirteen  years  after  the  con- 
quest of  the  country  by  the  Muhammadan  king  of 
Delhi.  Now  I  have  already  shown  that  the  name  of 
Gur'ijara  was  confined  to  Western  Rajputana  in  the 

t  Ihid.,  i.  179,  194. 


time  of  n^ven  Tlisang,  and  that  it  was  still  a  di.stiuct 
country  from  SaurasJilm  in  a.d.  812,  when  ICarka 
Eaja  of  Ldlenoara  recorded  his  grant  of  land.  Be- 
tween this  date  and  a.d.  1310,  there  is  a  gap  of  five 
centuries,  during  which  period  we  have  no  mention 
of  Gurjjara  in  any  contemporary  records.  I  liave 
a  strong  suspicion,  hoAvcvcr,  that  the  movement  of 
the  Gujars  towards  the  peninsula  must  have  been 
connected  with  the  permanent  conquest  of  Delhi, 
Kanoj  and  Ajmer  by  the  Muhammadans,  which  ejected 
the  Chohuns  and  Eathors  from  K'orthcrn  Eajputana 
and  the  Upper  Ganges,  and  thrust  them  towards  the 
south.  "\Yc  know  that  the  Rathors  occupied  Pali  to 
the  cast  of  Balmer  in  the  Samvat  year  1283,  or  a.d.t 
1220.  This  settlement  of  the  Rathors  must  have 
driven  the  great  body  of  the  Gujars  from  their  ancient 
seats  and  forced  them  to  the  south  towards  Analwara 
Pattan  and  Eder.  This  was  actually  the  case  of  the 
Gohils,  who,  being  expelled  from  Marwar  by  the 
Rathors,  settled  in  the  eastern  side  of  the  peninsula, 
which  was  named  after  them  Gohilwara.  In  the  time 
of  Akbar  the  Gujars  had  certainly  not  penetrated  into 
the  peninsula,  as  Abul  Fazl  does  not  name  them  in 
his  notice  of  the  different  tribes  which  then  occupied 
the  Sirkar  of  S/m/'f.  But  even  at  the  present  day 
there  is  no  large  community  of  Gujars  in  the  penin- 
sula, so  that  we  must  look  for  some  other  cause  for 
the  imposition  of  their  name  on  a  large  province  which 
they  have  never  completely  occupied. 

In  my  account  of  the  province  of  Gurjjara  I  have 
already  noticed  an  old  inscription  of  the  kings  of  the 
Guijjara  tribe.  From  this  record  Ave  learn  that  in  s. 
380,  or  A.D.  458  the  Gujars  had  pushed  their  conquests 



as  far  soutli  as  tlie  banks  of  tlic  Xarbadii.  In  that 
year,  and  subseqnontly  in  A.n.  4G3,  their  king  Sri 
Datta  luisali*  made  several  grants  of  land  to  certain 
Brahmaus  in  the  district  of  Jkr/hrswara,  neav  Janibn- 
sara,  Trhich  I  talce  to  bo  JUc^nr,  on  the  south  bank  of 
the  Nai-bada,  dppositc  ]jharoch.  Ent  before  s.  391,  or 
A.D.  47l^,  the  Gujars  must  have  been  driven  back  to 
the  north,  as  far  at  least  as  Khambay,  as  the  Chalnkya 
prince  Vijaya  made  several  grants  of  land  to  the  same 
Ijrahmans  in  the  town  of  Jambusara,  which  lies  between 
Bhiu-och  and  Khtimbay.  It  is  certain,  therefore,  that 
the  Gnjars  had  occupied  the  coimtry  to  the  north  of 
the  peninsula  as  early  as  the  fifth  century  of  the 
Clu'istian  era.  But  two  centuries  later  they  had 
already  lost  their  power,  as  Hwen  Tlisang  found  a 
K-shatrij/a  prince  on  the  throne  of  Gtirjjara.  They 
must  still,  however,  have  Cijntinued  to  form  the  bulk 
oJ'  the  population  of  the  ciamtrics  to  tlie  west  and 
soutli  of  Mount  Abu ;  and  as  Alaf  Ivhan,  the  first 
Muhammadan  conqueror,  under  Ala-nd-din  Khilji, 
fixed  his  head-quarters  at  Nti'incu'ra,  or  Analwura^  in 
tlie  very  heart  of  tlie  Gujar  country,  I  think  it  pro- 
bable that  tJic  name  of  Gujarat  Avas  then  first  applied 
to  tliis  new  province  of  the  Delhi  empire ;  and  as  the 
peninsula  of  Saurashtra  formed  a  part  of  the  province, 
it  was  also  included  under  the  same  general  appellation. 
I  therefore  look  upon  the  extension  of  the  name  of 
Gujarat  to  the  peninsula  as  a  political  eonvenieuco 
rather  than  an  ethnograpliieol  aj^plication.  Hamilton^ 
iiutes  that  the  greater  part  of  MalA\'a  and  Khandes  was 
fnrmerly   called  rhijarat;  and  this    is  boriic  out   by 

■•'  Professor  Dowson  in  Jourii.  T!o3'al  Aslat.  Soc,  new  series,  i.   SnO. 
t  Gazetleer,  in  voce  '■  GujerAl,'  i.  GO. 


Marco  Polo,  who  distinguishes  between  the  peninsula, 
which  he  calls  Sumenat  (Somnath)  and  the  kingdom  of 
Gozinrif,  which  he  places  on  the  coast  to  the  north  of 
Tana ;  that  is,  about  Bharoch  and  Surat.  Even  at  the 
present  day  the  name  of  Gujarat  is  not  known  to  the 
natives  of  the  peninsula  itself,  who  continue  to  call  their 
country  Saraih  and  Kaihiuwar  ;*  the  latter  name  having 
been  a  recent  adoption  of  the  Mahrattas. 

The  capital  of  Balabhi  is  described  by  Hwen  Thsang 
as  30  /z,  or  5  miles,  in  circuit.  Its  ruins  were  first 
discovered  by  Tod,  although  he  did  not  actually  visit 
them.t  But  they  have  since  been  visited  by  Dr. 
Nicholson,!  according  to  whom  they  are  situated  at 
18  miles  to  the  Avest-north-west  of  Bhaonagar,  near 
the  village  of  IFale.  The  ruins  are  still  known  by 
the  name  of  Vamilapura^  which  is  only  a  slight  trans- 
position of  Valami,  or  Valahlnpiira.  The  remains  are 
scattered  over  a  wide  extent,  but  there  is  nothing 
remarkable  about  them,  except  the  unusually  large 
size  of  the  bricks.  In  the  time  of  Akbar,  however, 
these  remains  would  appear  to  haA^e  been  much  more 
considerable,  as  Abul  Fazl§  was  informed  that  "at 
the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Sirouj  is  a  large  city, 
now  out  of  repair,  although  the  situation  is  A'erj^  de- 
sirable. Mabidchin  and  the  port  of  Ghoga  are  de- 
pendent upon  it."  The  A'icinity  of  Gliogn  is  a  suffi- 
cient indication  to  enable  us  to  identify  this  ruined 
city  with  the  present  remains  of  Balabhi,  which  are 
only  about  20  miles  distant  from  Ghoga. 

*  Elphiiistone,  'ludia,'  i.  550. 
t  '  Travels  in  AVcsteru  India,'  p.  268. 
J  Jouni.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soc,  xiii.  146. 
§  '  Ayiu  Akbai-i,'  ii.  69. 



In  tlio  sevciitli  century  Ilwcn  Thsang  describes  the 
kingdom  of  Bakblii  as  GOOO  //,  or  1000  miles,  in 
circuit,  wliicli  is  very  near  tlie  truth,  if  Ave  include 
the  districts  of  Bliaroch  and  Snrat,  on  the  neighbour- 
ing coast,  as  well  as  the  Avholo  of  the  peninsula  of 
Surashtra.  But  in  this  part  of  the  pilgrim's  travels 
the  narrative  is  frequently  imperfect  and  erroneous, 
and  we  must  therefore  trust  to  our  own  sagacity,  both 
to  supply  his  omissions  and  to  correct  his  mistakes. 
Thus,  in  liis  description  of  Blidroch,  Ilwcn  Tlisaug 
omits  to  tell  us  -whether  it  was  a  separate  and  inde- 
pendent chiefship,  or  only  a  tributary  of  one  of  its 
powerful  neighbours,  Balabhi,  Malwa,  or  Maharashtra. 
But  as  it  has  generally  been  attached  to  the  peninsula, 
I  infer  that  it  most  probably  belonged  to  the  great 
Idngdom  of  Balabhi  in  the  seventh  century.  In  the 
second  century,  according  to  Ptolemy,  Bari/ffa:a 
formed  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Laril-c,  which,  in  Hwcn 
Thsang's  time,  y,'as  onlj'  another  name  for  Balabhi. 
In  the  tenth  ccntiuy,  accordiug  to  Ibn  Ilaukal,*  it 
belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Balhara,  whose  capital 
was  Analwara ;  but  as  this  city  was  not  founded  for 
more  than  a  hmidrod  years  after  Ilvicn  Thsang's  visit, 
I  conclude  that  in  the  seventh  century  Bhriroch  must 
have  formed  part  of  the  famous  kingdom  of  Balablii. 
"With  this  addition  to  its  territories,  the  froniii.r 
circuit  of  Balabhi  -\vould  have  been  as  iio:irly  as  pos- 
sible 1000  miles. 


According  to  TTwen  Tlisang,  the  province  of  Su-Ja- 
cha,    or    Siirdi/ia,   was  a  dependant    of  Balabhi.     Its 

'■  Elliul,  ■  ]\ruliammixtl.nn  rU'lnriaiis  of  Iiidin,'  i.  03. 

■WESTERN   INDIA.  oil-) 

capital  was  situated  ut  500  //,  or  8^j  uiilus,  to  tlio  west 
of  Balablii,  at  the  foot  of  Moimt  Ycu-chcn-la^  or  JJjjanla. 
This  is  the  Pali  form  of  the  Sanskrit  Ujjai/aiila,  whioh 
is  only  another  name  for  the  Girinar  hill  that  rises 
ahovc  the  old  city  of  Junac/arli.  The  name  of  JJjjaijania 
is  mentioned  in  both  of  the  Girinar  inscriptions  of 
Eudra  Dama  and  Skanda  Gupta,  although  this  im- 
portant fact  escaped  the  notice  of  the  translators.* 
The  mention  of  this  famous  hill  fixes  the  position  of 
the  capital  of  Snrashtra  at  Junacjcirh^  or  Yacana-ffadh, 
which  is  87  miles  to  the  west  of  Balabhi,  or  very 
nearly  the  same  as  stated  by  Ilwen  Thsang.  The 
pilgrim  notices  that  the  mountain  was  co-vered  with 
thick  forests,  and  that  its  scarped  sides  contained 
numerous  chambers  and  galleries.  This  description 
agrees  with  the  account  of  Postans,f  who,  in  1838, 
found  the  hill  covered  with  "  a  thick  jungul  of  the 
custard- apple  tree,"  and  a  number  of  excavations  at 
the  base,  consisting  of  "  small  flat  roofed  rooms,  sup- 
ported by  square  pillars  without  ornament." 

The  name  of  Surafh  is  still  known  in  this  part  of 
the  peninsula ;  but  it  is  confined  to  a  comparatively 
small  tract,  which  forms  one  of  the  ten  divisions  of 
Gujarat.J  In  the  time  of  Akbar,  however,  it  was  ap- 
plied to  the  southern  or  larger  half  of  the  peninsula, 
which,  according  to  Abul  Fazl,  extended  from  the 
port  of  Ghoga  to  the  port  of  Aramroy,  and  from 
Sirdhar  to  the  port  of  Diu.§    The  name  of  the  district 

*  Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bombay,  vii.  119,  "  the  Urjayata  hill ;''  p.  123, 
'■  Urjaijat  ;^^  and  p.  12-1.,  "  tlio  Jayanta  niouutain,"  sliould  all  be  ren- 
dered Ujayanta. 

t  Journ.  Eoyal  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  1838,  pp.  874,  87C. 

J  Eastwick,  '  Handbook  of  Bombay,'  p.  424. 

§  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  66. 

326         THE  ANCIENT  geoghapuy  of  india. 

IS  also  preserved  by  Terry,*  whose  information  was 
obtained  at  the  Court  of  Jahangir.  According  to  his 
account,  the  chief  city  of  Sorct  Avas  called  Janagar^  that 
is,  Javanagarh^  or  Jonac/arh.  The  province  was  small, 
but  very  rich,  and  had  the  ocean  to  the  souih.  At  that 
time  also  it  would  appear  not  to  have  been  included 
in  Gujarat,  as  Terry  describes  it  as  lijlng  vpon  Gujairtt. 
In  the  seventh  century  Ilwen  Thsang  states  that 
SaratJi,  or  Sura-Mra,  was  4000  /?,  or  GG7  r.iiles,  in 
circuit,  and  touched  the  river  Mo-ld  on  the  west. 
This  river  has  always  been  identified  with  the  Mahi 
of  Mahva,  Avhich  falls  into  the  Gulf  of  Khambay.-j- 
Accepting  this  identification  as  correct,  the  province 
of  Saraih  in  the  time  of  Hwcn  Thsang  must  have 
comprised  the  whole  of  the  peninsula,  including  the 
city  of  Ealabhi  itself.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  mea- 
surement of  the  frontier  given  by  the  pilgrim,  which 
agrees  exactly  with  that  of  the  entire  peninsula  to  the 
south-west  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  Lesser  Eau  of 
Ivachh  to  Khambay.  In  spite  of  the  fame  of  Balabhi, 
the  old  name  of  Snrath  -^mis  still  applied  to  the  whole 
peninsula  so  late  as  a.d.  GIO. 

2.    BnAEOCII,    OR   BAUYGAZA. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  district  of  Po-lu-lie-che' 
po,  or  liurul-achoa^  was  from  2400  to  2500  /z,  or  from 
400  to  417  miles,  in  circuit;  and  its  chief  city  was  on 
the  bank  of  the  Nai-mo-tho,  or  Narmmadd  river,  and 
close  to  the  sea.    With  these  data  it  is  easy  to  identify 

*  '  A'oyau;?  to  East  India,'  p.  SO. 

t  As  tlio  Miihl  rivor  lies  to  the  north-cast  of  Qujari'it,  wo  must  citlicr 
read  cast,  or  suppose  that  the  pilgrim  referred  to  the  western  bank  of 
the  stream. 

the  capital  witli  tlio  well-laiowu  soapurt  town  of 
lUtdrocJi,  under  its  Sanskrit  name  of  Tjhriyn-Kachhn^ 
as  written  by  tlic  Bralimans,  or  Bhurulachha^  as  found 
in  the  old  inscriptions.  The  latter  was  no  doubt  tlie 
more  usual  form,  as  it  is  almost  literally  preserved  in 
the  Bapvya^a  of  Ptolomy,  and  the  '  Teriplus/  From 
Ilwen  Thsang's  measurement  of  its  circuit,  the  limits 
of  the  district  may  be  determined  approximately  as 
extending  from  the  3Id/ti*  i-ixqv  on  the  north,  to 
Daman  on  the  south,  and  from  tlic  Gulf  of  Ivhambay 
on  the  west  to  the  Saliijddrl  mountains  on  the  east. 

According  to  the  text  of  Hwen  Thsang,  Bhriroch 
and  Balabhi  were  in  Southern  India,  and  Surashtra 
in  "Western  India ;  but  as  he  places  Malwa  in  Southern 
India,  and  Ujain  in  Central  India,  I  look  upon  these 
assignments  as  so  many  additional  proofs  of  the  con- 
fusion which  I  have  already  noticed  in  the  narrative 
of  his  travels  in  Western  India.  I  would  therefore 
assign  both  Balabhi  and  Bhriroch  to  Western  India, 
as  they  formed  part  of  the  great  province  of  Surashtra. 
The  correctness  of  this  assignment  is  confirmed  by  the 
author  of  the  'Periplus,'  who  notes  that  below  Bary- 
gasa  the  coast  turns  to  the  south,  whence  that  region 
is  named  Dakhinafjades,  as  the  natives  call  the  south 


According  to  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  the  great  division 
of  Central  India  extended  from  the  Satlej  to  the  head 
of  the  Gangetic  Delta,  and  from  the  Himalaya  moun- 
tains to  the  Narbada  and  Mahanadi  rivers.     It  coni- 

*  The  Mais  river  of  Ploleuiy. 

t  Peripl.  Mar.  Erytlir.,  in  Hudson's  Geogr,  Vet.,  i.  20i 


prised  all  the  richest  and  most  populous  districts  of 
India,  -with  the  single  exception  of  the  Gangetic 
Delta,  or  Bengal  proper.*  Of  the  seventy  separate 
states  of  India  that  existed  in  the  seventh  century,  no 
less  than  thirty-seven,  or  rather  more  than  one-half, 
belonged  to  Central  India.  The  Avhole  of  these  dis- 
tricts were  visited  hj  IIwcu  Thsang,  Avhose  footsteps 
I  will  now  attend  in  describing  the  different  princi- 
palities from  west  to  cast  in  the  following  order : — 



20.  Kusinagara. 



21.  Varanasi. 



22.  Todhapatipura. 



23.  A^aisCda. 



21.  Vriji. 



25.  NepCda. 



26.  Magadha. 



27.  Iliranya  Parvata. 



28.  Champa,   i 



29.  Kankjol. 



30.  Paundra  Yardhana. 



31.  Jajhoti. 



32.  Maheswarapura. 



33.  Ujain. 



31.  Malwa. 



35.  Kheda,  or  Khaira. 



30.  Anandapura. 



37.  Vadari,  or  Edcr. 




In  the  seventh  cciitmj  Sa- la- /li-s/ii-fa-lo,  or  Sthdncti- 
wara,  was  the  capital  of  a  separate  kingdom,  which  is 
*  See  Map  No.  I. 

Cl;XXUAL   iNUlA.  o-!U 

described  as  behii!,'  7000  //,  or  1107  miles,  in  circuit. 
No  Idug  is  mentioned,  bnt  tlie  state  was  tributary  to 
Uarslia  Varddhana  of  Kanoj,  who  was  the  paramount 
sovereign  of  Central  India.     From  the  large  dimen- 
sions given  by  Hwen  Thsang,  I  infer  tliat  the  district 
must  have  extended  from  the  Satlej  to  the  Ganges.* 
Its  northern  boundary  may  be  approximately  described 
as  a  straight  line  draM'-n  from  Ilari-ld-patan,  on  the 
Satlej,   to  Muzafarnagar,  near   the  Ganges;    and  its 
southern  boundary  as  an  irregular  line  drawn  from 
near  Pak-patan,  on  the  Satlej,  via  Bhatner  and  ISTaruol, 
to  Anupshahar  on  the  Ganges.     These  limits  give  a 
boundary  of  about  900  miles,  Avliich  is  nearly  one- 
fourth  less  than  is  stated  by  the  pilgrim.     Bnt  it  is 
certain  that  many  of  these  boundary  measurements 
mnst  be   exaggerated,    as   the  distances  conld  only 
have  been   estimated,   and   the   uatnral   tendency  of 
most  persons  is  rather  to  overstate  the  actual  size  of 
their  native  districts.     Another  source  of  error  lies  in 
the  deficient  information  of  II wen  Thsang's  OAvn  nar- 
rative, which  describes  each  of  the  37  districts  as  a 
distinct  and  separate  state,  whereas  it  is  almost  certain 
that  several  of  the  minor  states  shoiild  be  included 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  larger  ones.     Thus  I 
believe  that  the  petty  districts  of  Govisana  and  Ahich- 
Iiaira  must  have  formed  part  of  the  state  of  Maddwar ; 
that  Vaisdkha  and  Knsapura^  ai^d  the  other  small  dis- 
tricts of  the  Gangetic  Doab,  Ji/iilo,  IlayaiiiuJcha,  Ko- 
sdmhi,  and  Prajjdr/a,  were  included  in  Kauoj  ;  that  Ktc- 
dna(jara  belonged  to  Kcipila;  and  that  Vadari  andlUieda 
were  integral  parts  of  Ifahoa.    In  some  instances  also, 
I  believe  that  thousands  have  been  inserted  in  the 

-  See  Map  No,  X. 


text  iustcad  of  hmulrcds.  I  refer  specially  to  tlie 
petty  districts  in  the  lovrer  Gangetic  Doal>.  Thus, 
Prrii/ii'i/a,  or  Allaliabad,  is  said  to  be  5000  //,  or  833 
miles,  in  circnit,  and  Kosdiitbi^  Avliicli  is  only  30  miles 
from  Allahabad,  is  said  to  be  GOOO  //,  or  1000  miles, 
in  circnit !  In  both  of  these  instances  I  ^vuuld  read 
the  smaller  nnmbers  of  500  //,  or  83  miles,  and  GOO  //, 
or  100  miles,  which  Avonld  then  agree  with  the  actnal 
dimensions  of  these  petty  divisions.  It  is  quite  cer- 
tain that  they  could  not  ha^-e  been  larger,  as  they 
"were  completely  surrounded  by  other  -syell-hnown  dis- 
tricts. By  making  due  allowance  for  one  or  other  of 
these  sources  of  error,  I  think  it  will  be  found  that 
Ilwen  Thsang's  measurements  are  in  general  not  very 
far  from  the  truth. 

The  town  of  Slhuncmava,  or  Thanesar,  euiisists  of 
an  old  ruined  fort,  about  1200  feet  square  at  tep, 
A\ith  the  modern  town  on  a  mound  to  the  east,  and 
a  suburb  called  Biihari^  or  "without,"  on  another 
mound  to  the  west.  Altogether,  the  three  old  mounds 
occupy  a  space  nearly  one  mile  in  length  from  east  to 
Avest,  and  about  2000  feet  in  average  breadth.  These 
dimensions  give  a  circuit  of  14,000  feet,  or  less  than 
2  J  miles,  which  is  somewhat  under  the  20  //,  or  3-5- 
miles,  of  Ilwen  Thsang.  But  before  the  inroads  of  the 
]\Iuhammadans,  it  is  certain,  from  the  number  of  brick 
ruins  still  existing,  as  Avell  as  from  the  statements  of 
the  people  theraseh-es,  that  the  whole  of  the  inter- 
vening space  between  the  present  town  and  the  lake, 
which  is  now  called  Barrd,  must  have  formed  part  of 
the  old  city.  Taking  in  this  space,  the  original  city 
woidd  ha^-e  been,  as  nearly  as  possible,  an  exact 
square  of  one  mile  on  each  side,  which  woidd  give  a 

Cii.NTliAL   INDIA. 


circuit  of  4  miles,  or  a  little  more  tlian  the  measure- 
ment of  the  Cliincso  pilgrim.  Accordiug  to  tradition, 
tlic  fort  was  built  by  Raja  Dilijuc,  a  descendant  of 
Kuru,  five  generations  anterior  tu  the  Pandus.  It  is 
said  to  liave  bad  52  towers  or  bastions,  of  wbicb  some 
remains  still  exist.  On  the  west  side  the  earthen 
ramparts  rise  to  a  height  of  GO  feet  abo\(!  the  road ; 
but  the  mass  of  the  interior  is  not  more  than  40  I'eet 
high.  The  whole  mound  is  thickly  covered  with  large 
broken  bricks,  but  with  the  exception  of  three  old 
wells,  there  are  no  remains  of  any  antiquity. 

The  name  of  TlUhicmr^  or  SlJidiiestvara^  is  said  to  be 
derived  cither  from  the  StJidna  or  abode  of  Imara^  or 
Mahadeva,  or  from  the  junction  of  his  names  of  Sllidnu 
and  Iswara^  or  from  Slhdnu  and  sai\  a  "  lake."  The 
town  is  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  celebrated  places 
in  India,  but  the  earliest  certain  notice  of  it  under 
this  name  is  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Ilwen  Thsang, 
in  A.D.  034,  although  it  is  most  probably  mentioned 
by  Ptolemy  as  Batan-Kaisara,  for  which  wc  should, 
perhaps,  read  Satan-aisara,  for  the  Sanskrit  Sthdiies- 
wara.  But  the  place  was  more  famous  for  its  connec- 
tion Avith  the  history  of  the  Pandus,  than  for  its  pos- 
session of  a  temple  of  Mahadeva,  whose  worship,  in 
India  at  least,  must  be  of  much  later  date  than  the 
heroes  of  the  Mahabharata.  All  the  country  immedi- 
ately around  Thauesar,  between  the  Saras  wall  and 
BrisJtadwali  rivers,  is  known  by  the  name  of  Kuru- 
Kshdra,  that  is,  the  "field  or  land  oi  Iv.crif,"  who  is 
said  to  have  become  an  ascetic  on  the  bank  of  the 
great  holy  lake  to  the  south  of  the  town.  This  lake 
is  called  by  various  names,  as  Bra/md-Sar,  Bdma-hrad 
Vdyic,   or   Vdyam-Sar^    and   Pavana-Sar.       The   first 

00 J  THE    ANCIENT    GEOGEAtllY    OF   INDIA. 

name  is  attributed  to  Bralima,  because  lie  performed 
a  Baci'ifice  on  its  banks.  The  second  name  is  de- 
rived from  Furasu-Tluma,  "\v]io  is  said  to  liave  spilt 
the  blood  of  the  Kshalrii/as  in  this  place.  The  last 
t-\yo  titles  arc  derived  from  the  names  of  the  god  of 
Wind,  on  account  of  the  pleasant  breezes  -which  blew 
over  the  waters  of  the  lake  during  Knru's  period 
of  asceticism.  This  lake  is  the  centre  of  attraction 
for  most  pilgrims ;  but  all  around  it  for  many  miles  is 
holy  ground,  and  the  number  of  holy  places  connecte'd 
Avith  the  Kauravas  and  Pdndavas^  and  Avith  other 
heroes  of  antiquity,  is  very  great  indeed.  Accord- 
ing tu  popular  belief,  the  exact  number  is  36fJ,  but 
the  list  given  in  the  Karu-/cHliclra  Muluitinija  is  limited 
to  180  places,  of  Avhich  one-half,  or  91,  are  to  the 
north  along  the  line  of  the  venerated  Sarasv/ati  river. 
There  are,  however,  in  this  list  so  many  omissions  of 
places  of  acknoAvledged  importance,  such  as  the  Nd- 
galiradu  at  Piindri^  the  Vj/usaslhala  at  Basthali,  the 
Pantsarcdirath  at  Balu,  and  the  Vdlinu-iirath  at  Sagga, 
near  Nardiia,  that  I  feel  inclined  to  believe  that  the 
popular  number  of  3G0  may  not  be  exaggerated. 

The  CItaln-aj  or  district  oi  Kam-K'ihclra^  is  also  called 
Bhariiia-Kuhefra^  or  the  "  holy  land,"  which  is  evi- 
dently the  original  of  TEavcu  Thsang's  "  champ  da 
honhmvP  In  his  time  the  circle  of  pilgrimage  Avas 
limited  to  200  //,*  AAdiieh,  at  his  valuation  of  40  li  to 
the  Indian  yojana  of  1  kos,  is  equi\'alent  to  20  kos. 
In  the  time  of  Akbar,  hoAvever,  the  circle  had  already 
been  increased  to  10  kos,t  and  at  the  time  of  my  visit 
it  had  been  extended  to  48  kos,  although  the  40 
kos  circuit  Avas  also  -well  known,  and  is,  indeed,  noted 

•■■  Julien'a  '  Hioucn  Tlisang,'  ii.  213.  f  '  Ayiu  Akbaii,'  ii.  517. 



by  ]Mv.  Bowring.     Tlic  circuit  statinl  by  flu'  Cliinop 

pilgrim  could  not  have  been  more  tlian  3o  or  JO  niilc:^, 

at  7  or  8  miles  to  tbc  yojana,  but  tbo  circle  mentioned 

by  Abul  Fazl  could  not  be  less  than   53  miles,   at 

the  usual  valuation  of  tbe  Padsliahi  kos  at  1  i  miles, 

and  might,  at  Sir  II.  Elliot's  valuation  of  Akbar's  kos 

at  more  than  2^  miles,  be  extended  to  upwards  of  100 

miles.      It  is  possible,  indeed,  to  make  these  diiferent 

statements  agree  very  closely  by  changing  the  pilgrim's 

number  to  400  U,  or  10  yojanas,  Avhich  are  equivalent 

to  40  kos,  or  80  miles,  and  by  estimating  Abul  Fazl's 

40  kos  at  the  usual  Indian  rate  of  about  2  miles  each. 

I  am  myself  quite  satisfied  of  the  necessity  for  making 

this  correction  in  the  pilgrim's  number,  as  the  narrow 

extent  of  his  circle  Avould  not   only   shiit    out  thi^ 

equally  famous  shrines  at  Pritlnuluka,  or  Pclioa  on  the 

Saraswati,  and  at  the  KausiJd-Sanf^am,  or  junction  of 

the  Kausild  and  Z)r/A7zf«Z?yrt/z  rivers,  but  would  actually 

exclude  the  Drishadwati  itself,  which  iu  the  I'duniiia 

Piirdna  is  specially  mentioned   as  being  within   the 

limits  of  the  holy  land, — 

Dirgh-Kshetre  Kurnkshctro  clirglia  Siiti-anta  yii-e 
Nndyastire  Drisliadvalyiih  puiiyayali  Suchii-odliasah. 

"  They  were  making  the  great  sacrifice  of  Scdranl.i 
in  the  wide  region  of  Kuntlahctra  on  the  banks  of  the 
BrMadwad,  esteemed  holy  on  account  of  its  virtues." 
This  river  is  also  specially  mentioned  in  the  Vanu 
Parvn  of  the  Mahablu'ircda  as  being  tbe  southern 
boundary  of  the  holy  land.* 

Dalishiricna  Sarasvatya  Dnsliadvatyuttavona-cha 
Yo  vasaiiti  Kurulcslietro  te  vasanti  IrifisUtapc. 

"  South  from  Saramal'i,  and  north  from  Bnslindioali, 

*  Chap.  83,  Y.  4. 



they  who  dwell  iu  KuruhJtetra  live  in  paradise."  From 
those  texts  it  is  certain  that  the  holy  land  of  Kuvu- 
hhetra  mnst  have  extended  to  the  Brklimhoati  in  the 
time  of  Hwen  Thsan^-,  and  therefore  that  his  limita- 
tion nf  its  cirenit  to  200  //,  or  20  kos,  must  be  erro- 

In  another  passage  of  the  Mali (Widra let,  the  boun- 
daries of  the  holy  land  arc  even  more  explicitly  de- 
tailed,— * 

Tad  llatnukiiratnulcyor  yadantaram  Eanii'ihradanun-cha  Bliacliak- 

E(at    Kurultshetra,     Samanta  —  paneliatam,    Pitamaliusyottara 


"  The  tract  between  Eutnula,  Aratnul-a^  Udmalirada 
and  BhachaJcnitl-a^  is  called  KitruJisJielra,  Samantajpcm- 
cliaka^  and  the  northern  Vedi  of  Fita-viaJia  (or 
Eralima)."  As  this  last  name  of  Brahnd-vedi  is  equi- 
valent to  Brahmdfartta,  we  have  another  testimony  in 
the  Code  of  ]\Ianu  for  extending  the  holy  land  to  the 
banks  of  the  Drishadwati.f 

Sai-asvati  Drisliadratyordeva  nudyor  yadantaram 
Tandeva  niraiitam-dcsan  Bralimiirarttau  praclialcsUate. 

"That  region,  made  by  the  Gods,  which  is  between 
tl).o  Saraswa/i  and  BrishadicaU  rivers,  is  called  Brah- 

The  great  lake  of  Kitrid-shctra  is  an  oblong  sheet  of 
water  r,r)iG  feet  in  length  from  east  to  wesf,  and  1900 
frrt  in  breiidth.  It  is  mentioned  by  Abu  Rihan,J  who 
]■(■(■( (I'ds,  on  the  antliority  of  A'araha  j\Iihira,  that 
during  eclipses  of  the  moon  the  waters  of  all  other 

*  '  "^^aua  Parva,'  chap.  83,  last  verse. 

t  Iloxigliton's  'Instilutes  of  i\rcm!,'  ii.  17. 

X  Tleiuavid,  '  JFomoire  sur  I'lude/p.  '287. 

CE^TEAL    INDIA.  ■>■->■> 

tanks  visit  the  tank  at  Tliruosar,  so  tliat  tlic  Latlicr  in 
this  tank  at  the  moment  of  eclipse  ohtaiiis  the  acltli- 
tioual  merit  of  Lathing  in  oil  tlie  other  tanlvs  at  Uil- 
same  time. 

Tliis  notice  by  Yaralia  Mihira  carries  ns  hack  at 
once  to  A.D.  oOO,  "wlien  the  holy  tank  at  Thauesar  was 
in  full  repute.  Eut  the  Pauraiiic  legends  attribute  to 
it  an  antiquity  long  anterior  even  to  the  Pandus  them- 
selves. On  its  banks  Kuru,  the  common  ancestor  of 
the  Kauravus  and  Pundmais,  sat  in  ascetic  abstraction  ; 
here  Parasu-Eama  slew  the  Kshatiiyas,  and  here 
Piu-uravas  having  lost  the  nymph  UfLYisi,  at  length 
met  his  celestial  bride  at  Kumkshctra  '  •  sporting  ■with 
four  other  nymphs  of  heaven  in  a  lake  beautiful  with 
lotuses."  But  the  story  of  the  Dacl/iy- 
aiicli,  or  Badhicha,  is  perhaps  even  older  than  the 
•legend  of  Pururavas,  as  it  is  alluded  to  in  the  Piig 
Yeda.*  "  With  his  bones  Indra  flew  ninety  times  nine 
Vrilras.''''  The  scholiast  explains  this  by  sayiiic,'  that 
the  thunderbolt  of  ludi-a  Avas  formed  of  the  liorsc's 
head  Avith  vrhich  the  As^-ins  had  supplied  tlic  headless 
Dadh^^aneh,  that  he  might*  teach  his  science  to  them. 
According  to  the  legend,  Dadhyancli  during  liis  life- 
time had  been  the  terror  of  the  Asuras,  who,  after  his 
death,  multiplied  and  overspread  the  whole  earth. 
Then  "Indra  inquiring  what  had  become  of  him,  and 
whether  nothing  of  him  had  been  left  behind,  was 
told  that  the  horse's  licad  was  still  in  exist-nce,  but 
no  one  knew  Avhere.  Search  was  made  fer  it,  and  it 
was  found  in  the  lake  Banjanclrat  on  the  sldrts  of 
Kurukshetra."  I  infer  that  this  is  only  another  name 
for  tlie  great  tank  of  Kurukshetra,  and  consequently 

*  Wilson's  (ransktion,  i.  216. 


tliat  the  sacred  jJool  is  at  least  as  old  as  the  Eig  Yeda 
itself.  I  think  it  also  probable  that  the  Chnhri-liraiJi, 
or  spot  Avhere  Vislmu  is  said  to  have  taken  np  his 
Chalra^  or  discus,  to  kill  Bliishina,  may  have  been  the 
original  spot  where  Indra  slew  the  Vritras,  and  that 
the  bones,  which  wore  afterwards  assigned  to  the 
Pandus,  may  have  been  those  of  the  Vritras  of  the 
older  legend.  In  support  of  this  suggestion,  I  may 
mention  that  the  Cluilcratiraih  is  close  to  Aslhiyiir^  or 
the  "place  of  bones."  In  a.d.  G34  these  bones  were 
shown  to  the  Chinese  pilgrim,  Hwen  Thsang,  who 
records  that  they  were  of  very  large  size.*  All  ni}- 
inqniries  for  them  were  fruitless,  but  the  site  of  As- 
tliipiir,  or  "  Bone-town,''  is  still  pointed  out  in  the 
plain  lo  the  west  of  the  cily,  near  Aujas-c/Jidt. 

PeJioa^  or  Vriihidal-a. 

The  old  town  of  Pchou  is  situated  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  Sarasuti,  11  miles  to  the  west  of  Thanesnr. 
The  place  derives  its  name  from  the  famous  Vv'dhn 
CJiah-a-vartli,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  person 
that  obtained  the  title  of  Raja.  At  his  bii-th,  accord- 
ing to  the  Yislnm  rur;1na,f  "all  living  creatures  re- 
joiced," because  lu^  was  born  to  put  an  end  to  the 
anarchy  which  then  prevailed  over  the  whole  earth. 
The  story  of  the  cure  of  Eaja  Yena's  leprosy,  by 
bathing  in  tlie  Saraswati  is  told  in  the  same  Puraua. 
On  his  death,  his  son  Prithu  performed  the  usual 
Srdddha,  or  funeral  ceremonies,  and  for  twelve  days 
after  tlie  cremation  ho  sat  on  the  bank  ef  the  Saraswati 
offering  water  to  all  comers.     The  place  was  therefore 

*  .Tulien's  '  liioucn  Thsang,'  ii.  21<1. 

t  "Bool;  1-13,  Hall's  cdilion  of  T\'ilson'stransl;ilion,  i.  1S3. 


uainccl  Pi-i^/iuda/M  ov  Vrithn's  pool,  IVoin  dahi  OYu'laka 
Avatcr  ;  and  the  city  which  lie  afterwards  huilt  on  the 
spot  M-as  called  by  the  same  name.  The  shrine  of 
PrilJiudaka  has  a  place  in  the  KuniksJiefra  Mahdlmya^ 
and  is  still  visited. 

Am  In. 
Five  miles  to  the  son th- son th- east  of  Thanesar  there 
is  a  lai'ge  and  lofty  mound  called  Jw///,  which  is  said  by 
the  Brahmans  to  be  a  contraction  of  Ahldmamjii  Kliera, 
or  the  mound  of  Abbimanyu,  the  son  of  Ai-jnn.     The 
place  is  also  named  Chakra-hhi/u,  or  the   "  Arrayed 
army,"    because    the   Pandus   hero   assembled   their 
troops   before  their  last  battle  with   the  Kauravas. 
Here  Abbimanyii  was  killed  by  Jayadi'atha,  who  was 
himself  killed  the  next  day  by  Arjun.     Here  Aditi  is 
said  to  have  seated  herself  in  ascetic  abstraction  to 
obtain  a  son,  and  here  accordingly  she  gave  birth  to 
Snryya^  or  the  Sun.     The  mound  is  about  2000  feet  in 
length  from  north  to  south,  and  800  feet  in  breadth, 
with  a  height  of  from  20  to  30  feet.     On  the  \^)^ 
there  is  a  small  village  called  Amin,   inhabited   bj- 
Gaur  Brahmans,  with  a  temple  to  Adlt'i,  and  a  Suri/ya 
Kund  on  the  oast,   and  a  temple   to  Sunjija   on  the 
Avest.       The  Suryya  Kund  is   said  to   represent   the 
spot  where  the  Sun  was  born,   and  accordingly  all 
women  who  wish  for  male  children  pay  their  devo- 
tions at  the  temple  of  Aditi  on  Sundaj^,  and  after- 
wards bathe  in  the  Ruruj  Kund. 

2.   BAIRAT. 

According  to  Hweu  Thsang  the  capital  of  the  king- 
dom oi  Foli-yc-io-h^  which  M.  Eeinaud  has  identified 
Avith   Pdrydtra  or   Bairdt,  was  situated  at  GOO  //,   or 



83|  miles,  to  tlio  Avest  of  Matliura,  and  about  800  //, 
]  '-]>]§  miles,  to  the  ,soutli-"\vcst  of  tlic  kingdom  of  She- 
lo-tu-h*  that  is,  of  Salai/ni,  or  the  Satlej.  The  hear- 
ing and  distance  from  Mathura  point  nnequivoeally  to 
Bairdlj  the  ancient  capital  of  j\}atHija  as  the  eit}'  of 
Ilwen  Thsang's  narrative,  althongh  it  is  upwards  of 
100  miles  further  to  the  south  of  IvuUu  than  is  re- 
corded hj^  the  pilgrim.  But  I  have  alreadj'  given  an 
explanation  of  this  discrcpancj^  in  my  account  of  the 
intermediate  position  of  Satadrn  in  Xorthern  India. 

Abu  Eihrm,  the  contemporary  of  Mahmud,  places 
Narcina^  the  capital  of  Karzilt,  at  2S  parasangs  to  the 
■west  of  ]\Iathura,-|"  which,  taking  the  parasang  at  .8^ 
miles,  woidd  make  the  distance  98  miles,  or  14  miles 
in  excess  of  the  mcasiu'cment  of  Ilwcn  Thsang.  But 
as  the  narratives  of  the  different  ^Midiamxadan  his- 
tiirians  leave  no  doubt  of  the  identity  of  Kara  net  the 
capital  of  Karzuf,  with  Nardijann  the  capital  of  Bainlf,  i 
this  difference  in  the  recorded  distance  from  Mathura, 
is  of  little  moment.  According  to  Abu  Bihan,  Nardiut^ 
or  r>a~.ii'iia,  was  called  Nannjan^  ,1 1 ;  b>y  the  ilusal- 
mans,  a  name  which  still  exists  in  Nnrd^anjmr,  a  town 
sitnated  at  10  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Bairut  itself. 
Brom  ICanoj  to  Naiana,  Abu  Bihiln  gives  two  distinct 
routes;  the  first  direct  via  ilathura  being  OG  para- 
sangs, or  1!H1  miles,  and  the  other  to  the  south  of  t^ic 
Jumna  being  8S  p:irasangs,  or  308  miles. :[:  The  inter- 
mediate stages  of  tlie^  later  route  are,  1st,  Jv/,  18  para- 

*  Jiilion's '  Ilioucu  Tlisang-,'  pp.  20G-207.     Sec  Jlap  Ko.  X. 

t  Kc'inaml,  '  Fragmcuts  .'Vr.abes  ct  Perpaiis,'  p.  lo7.  Tlie  translator 
S'lvcs  IJiiz'hiK,  but  lliia  lias  been  corrected  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  to 

J  IJciiiancl,  'Fragments,'  p.  100  ;  Dowson's  edit,  of  Sir  II.  Elliot,i.  5S. 



sangs,  or  Go  miles;  2ik1,  SaJdna,  1 7  parasangs,  or  00,^ 
miles;  3rd,  Janclara,  18  parasangs,  or  03  miles;  4(h, 
Bajaitri,  either  l-l  or  17  parasangs,  -A  or  -M  miles,  and 
Otli,  Ba-jiiia,  or  Nardiia,  20  parasaiig^^,  or  70  miles.   As 
tlie  direction  of  the  first  stage  is  speeiallj'  recorded  to 
have  been  to 'the  south-west  of  Kanoj,  it  may  be  at  once 
identified  -with  the  Awd  GhiU  on  the  Jumna,  G  miles 
to  the  south  of  Etawa,   and  about  60  miles  to  the 
south-M-est  of   Kanoj.     The  name  of  the  second  stage 
is    written    \\y^  Sahina,    for   which  by  the    simple 
shifting  of  the  diacritical  points,  I  propose  to  read 
Uly^  Siihmiia,  which  is  the  name   of  a   very   largo 
and  famous  ruined  town  situated  2-3    miles  t3    the 
north  of  Gwalior.     Its  distance  from  the  Assai  Ghat 
is  about  50  miles.     The  third  stage  named  Jandara 
by  M.  Eeinaud,  and  Chandra  by  Sir  Henry  Elliot,  I 
take  to  be  HindoiK  reading  ,.,.ja=-  f'lr  \,sJ^-     I^"^  dis- 
tauce  from  Sulianijja  by  the  Khetri  CMu'it  on  theChambal 
river  is  about  70  miles.     The  fourth  stage,   named 
Eajori,  still  exists  under  the  same  name,  12  miles  to 
the  south-west  of  Mdchcri^  and  about  -jO  miles  to  the 
north-west  of  Hindon.      From  thence  to   Xarainpur 
and  Bairat,  the  road  lies  altogether  through  the  hills 
of  Alwar  or  INLVlicri,  which  makes  it  difficult  to  as- 
certain the  exact  distance.      By  measurements  on  the 
lithographed  map  of  eight  miles  to  the  inch,  I  make 
the  distance  to  be  about  GO  miles,  which  is  sufficiently 
near  the  20  parasangs,  or  70  miles,   of  Abu  Itihan's 

According  to  the  other  itineraries  of  Abu  Rihan, 
Nnrdna  was  25  parasangs  {■)  the  north  of  Chitor  in 
Mewar,  50  parasangs  to  the  east  of  ]\rultan,  and  00 

z  2 


parasangs  to  tlic  iiortli-cast  of  Anluilwara.*  The 
bearings  of  these  places  from  ]jair;U  arc  all  sufReientl}' 
exact,  but  tbe  nieasurenn'iits  are  more  tliau  one-half 
too  short.  Por  the  first  distance  of  25  parasangs  to 
Chitor,  I  wouhl  propose  to  read  G5  parasangs,  or  227 
miles,  the  actual  distance  by  the  measured  routes  of 
the  quartermaster-general  being  217|  miles.  As  the 
distance  of  Chitor  is  omitted  in  the  extract  from  Abu 
Eihan  Avhich  is  given  by  Eashid-ud-din,  it  is  probable 
that  there  may  have  been  some  omission  or  confusion 
in  the  original  of  the  Tarikh-i-Hind  from  which  he 
copied.  The  erroneous  measurement  of  GO  parasangs 
to  Multan  is  pcrhaj)S  excusable,  on  the  ground  that 
the  direct  route  through  the  desert  being  quite  im- 
passable for  an  army,  the  distance  must  have  been 
estimated.  The  error  in  the  distance  of  Anhal-v^'ara 
I  would  explain  hj  referring  the  measurement  of  GO 
parasangs  to  Chitor,  which  lies  about  midway  between 
35airat  and  Anhalwilra.  From  a  comparison  of  all 
these  different  itineraries,  I  have  no  hesitation  what- 
ever in  idcntifjnng  Tidzuiia  or  Nardna,  tlic  capital  of 
Karzdt  or  Giiznif,  with  Ndrdi/anapiira,  the  capital  of 
Bairill  or  J'nirut.  In  Ferishta  the  latter  name  is 
written  cillier  Kihn'il  c.1a3  ^i^  in  Bow,  or  Knirdl  Cj\,xi 
as  in  Briggs,  both  of  which  names  are  an  easy  misread- 
ing of  ^1^1  !,  V^nirdt  or  Tlrdf,  as  it  would  have  been 
written  by  the  Midiammadans. 

J'irdf,  the  capital  of  Malni/a,  is  celebrated  in  Hindu 
Jjcgends  as  the  abode  of  the  Fiv<'  Pandus  during  tlieir 
exile  of  12  years  from  Dilli  or  Indraprastba.  The 
euuntrj'  was  also  fanmus  for  the  A'alour  of  its  people, 
as   Manu  directs  that  the  van  of  an  army  should  bo 

*  Efinaud,  '  rragmeiils,'  pp.  108-112. 

CENTRAL   INDIA.  •"  '  1^ 

romposcd  of  "  men  bora  in  Kurukslic(  ra  Dcar  Indni- 
prasthca,  in  Mahija  or  Vintla,  in  Pancliala  or  Kanya 
Knbjn,  and  in  Surascna  of  tlic  district  of  Matliura."* 
The  residence  of  Bhira  Tandu  is  still  sliown  on  the 
top  of  a  long  lo\y  rocky  hill  abont  one  mile  to  the 
north  of  the  town.     The  hill  is  formed  of  enormous 
blocks  of  coarse  gritty  quartz,  which  are  much  weather- 
Avorn  and  rounded  on  all  the  exposed  sides.     Some  of 
these  blocks  have  a  single  straight  face  sloping  inwards, 
tlie  result  of  a  natural  split,  of  which  advantage  has 
been  taken  to  form  small  dwellings  by  the  addition  of 
rough  stone  walls  plastered  with  mud.     Sucli  is  the 
BUm-guplia  or  Bhim's  cave,  which  is  formed  by  rough 
Avails  added  to  the  overhanging  face  of  a  liuge  rock 
about   60  feet  in  diameter  and  15  feet    in  height. 
Similar  rooms,  but  of  smaller  size,  are  said  to  have 
been  the  dwellings  of  Bhim's  brothers.     The  place  is 
still  occupied  by  a  few  Brahmaus,  Avho  profess  to  de- 
rive only  a  scanty  subsistence  from  the  offerings  of 
pilgrims,  a  statement  Avliich  is  rather  belied  by  their 
flourishing  appearance.     Just  below  Bhim's  cave,   a 
Avall  has  been  built  across  a  small  hollow  to  retain  the 
rain  water,  and  the  fragments  of  rock  have  been  re- 
moved from  a  fissru-e  to  form  a  tank,  about  lo  feet 
long  by  5  feet  broad  and  10  feet  deep  ;  but  at  the 
time  of  my  visit,  on  the  lOtli  of  November,  it  was 
quite  dry. 

The  present  town  of  Bairat  is  situated  in  the  midst 
of  a  circular  valley  surrounded  by  low  bare  red  hills, 
which  have  long  been  famous  for  their  copper  mines. 
It  is  105  miles  to  the  south-Avest  of  Delhi,  and  41 
miles  to  the  north  of  Jaypur.  The  main  entrance  to 
*  Haughton's  translation,  vii.  193. 


the  valley  is  on  the  north-west  along  the  bank  of  a 
small  stream  Ayhich  drains  (he  basin,  and  forms  one  of 
the  principal  feeders  of  tlic  Ban  Gauffu.  The  valley  is 
about  -^  miles  in  diameter,  and  from  7^  to  8  miles  in 
cii'cuit.  The  soil  is  generally  good,  and  the  trees,  and 
more  especially  the  tamarinds,  arc  very  fine  and 
abundant.  Bairdt  is  situated  on  a  mound  of  ruins, 
aboiit  one  mile  in  length  by  half  a  mile  in  breadth,  or 
upwards  of  'Ih  miles  in  circuit,  of  wliicli  the  present 
town  docs  not  occupy  more  than  one-fourth.  The  sur- 
rounding fields  arc  covered  Avith  broken  pottery  and 
fragments  of  slag  from  the  ancient  copper-works, 
and  the  genend  aspect  of  the  valley  is  of  a  coppery  red 
colour.  The  old  city,  called  Balrdbiagar^  is  said  to 
have  been  quite  deserted  for  several  centuries  until  it 
was  repeopled  about  300  years  ago,  most  probably 
during  the  long  and  prosperous  reign  of  Akbar.  The 
town  wasj  certainly  in  existence  in  Akbar's  time,  as  it 
is  mentioned  by  Abul  Fazl  in  the  '  Ay  in  Akbari,'  as 
l^ossessing  very  profitable  copper  mines.  A  mmiber  of 
large  mounds  about  half  a  mile  to  the  east,  and  imme- 
diately under  the  hill,  arc  said  to  have  formed  part  of 
the  old  city ;  but,  both  from  their  position  and  appear- 
ance, I  am  inclined  to  think  that  they  must  be  the  re- 
mains of  some  large  religions  establishment.  At  pre- 
sent the  surface  remains  consist  of  rough  stone  foim- 
dations  only,  as  the  whole  of  the  squared  stones  have 
been  used  in  building  the  houses  of  the  modern 

The  number  of  houses  in  Bairat  is  popularly  rec- 
koned at  1400,  of  which  600  arc  said  to  belong  to 
Gaur  Brahmans,  400  to  Agarwal  Baniyas,  200  to  Minas, 
and  the  remaining  200  to  various  other  races.     AUow^ 

CEXTIJAL   INDIA.  31  .'3 

iiig  the  usual  average  of  -3  persons  to  each  house,  the 
population  of  Bairat  -will  amount  to  ToOl)  pcr.sons. 

The  earliest  historical  notice  of  Bau-at  is  that  of  the 
Chinese  pilgrim  Ilwen  Tlisang  in  a.d.  034.*  Ac- 
cording to  him,  the  capital  Mas  14  or  15  //,  or  just  2i 
miles,  in  circuit,  -nliich  corresponds  almost  exactly 
Avith  the  size  of  the  ancient  mound  on  which  the  pre- 
sent town  is  built.  Tlie  people  were  brave  and  bold, 
and  their  king,  who  was  of  the  race  of  Fei-sJic,  cither 
a  Vaisi/a  or  a  Bais  Eajput,  was  famous  for  his  courage 
and  skill  in  war.  The  place  still  possessed  eight  Bud- 
dhist monasteries,  but  they  were  much  ruined,  and  the 
number  of  monks  was  small.  The  Brahmans  of  dif- 
ferent sects,  about  1000  in  number,  possessed  12 
temples,  but  their  followers  were  numerous,  as  the 
bulk  of  the  population  is  described  as  heretical.  Judg- 
ing from  the  size  of  the  town  as  noted  by  Hwen 
Thsaug,  the  population  could  not  have  been  less 
than  four  times  the  present  number,  or  about  30,000,  of 
whom  the  followers  of  Buddha  may  have  amounted 
to  one-fourth.  I  have  deduced  this  number  from 
the  fact  that  the  Buddhist  monasteries  would  aijpear 
to  have  held  about  100  monks  each,  and  as  those 
of  Baii-at  are  said  to  have  been  much  ruined,  the 
number  of  monks  in  Hwen  Thsang's  time  could  not 
have  exceeded  50  per  monastery,  or  400  altogether. 
As  each  Buddhist  monk  begged  his  bread,  the  num- 
ber of  Buddhist  families  could  not  have  been  less  than 
1200,  allowing  three  families  for  the  support  of  each 
monk,  or  altogether  about  GOOO  lay  Buddhists  in  ad- 
dition to  the  400  monks. 

The  next  historical  notice  of  Baii-at  occurs  during. 

*  Jiilien'8  '  Hiouen  Tlisang,'  ii.  200, 



the  rcigu  of  Malimud  of  Ghaziii,  Avho  invaded  the 
country  in  a.ii.  400,  or  a.d.  1009,  when  the  Eaja  sub- 
mitted. But  his  submission  was  of  little  avail,  as  his 
couutry  was  again  invaded  in  the  spring  a.ii.  404,  or 
A.D.  1014,  Avhcn  the  Hindus  were  defeated  after  a 
bloody  conflict.  According  to  Abu  Eihan  the  town 
A^as  destroyed,  and  the  people  retired  far  into  tlie 
interior.*  13y  Eerishta  this  invasion  is  assigned  to  the 
year  A.II.  413,  or  a.d.  1022,  Avhcn  the  king  hearing 
that  the  inhabitants  of  two  hilly  tracts  named  Kairdt 
and  Ndrdin  {or  Bairdl  and  Ndrdj/an)  still  continued  the 
Avorship  of  idols  (or  lions  in  some  manuscripts)  resolved 
to  compel  them  to  embrace  the  Muhammadan  faith,  f 
The  place  Avas  taken  and  plundered  by  Amir-Ali,  avIio 
found  an  ancient  stone  inscription  at  Nrirayan,  Avliich 
Avas  said  to  record  that  the  temple  of  Narayanhad  been 
built  40,000  years  previously.  As  this  inscription  is 
also  mentioned  by  the  contemporary  historian  Otbi,  we 
may  accept  the  fact  of  the  discovery  of  a  stone  record 
in  characters  so  ancient  that  the  Brahmans  of  that  day 
Avore  unable  to  read  them.  I  think  it  highly  probable 
that  this  is  the  famous  inscription  of  Asoka  that  Avas 
afterwards  discoA'crcd  by  Major  Burt  on  the  top  of  a 
hill  at  Bairat,  and  which  noAV  graces  the  musciun  of 
the  Asiatic  Society  in  Calcutta. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  kingdom  of  BairatwasOOOO 
//',  or  500  miles,  in  circuit.  It  Avas  famous  for  its  sheep 
and  oxen,  but  produced  fcAV  fruits  or  floAvers.  This  is 
still  the  case  Avith  Jaypur  to  the  south  of  Bairat,  Avhich 
furnishes  most  of  the  sheep  required  for  the  great  Mu- 
hammadan cities  of  Delhi  and  Agra,  and  their  English 

*  Dowson's  edition  of  Sir  II.  Elliot's  Mubamm.  Hist.,  i.  59. 
t  Driggs's  '  PcrisLta/  i.  64i. 



garrisons.  Bairat,  therefore,  may  haw  iiicliulctl  flic 
greater  part  of  the  present  state  of  Jaj-pur.  Its  pre- 
cise boundaries  cannot  be  determined ;  but  they  may 
be  fixed  approximately  as  extending  on  the  north  from 
Jhunjnu  to  Kot  Kasira,  70  miles ;  on  the  west  from 
Jhunjnu  to  Ajmer,  120  miles;  on  the  south  frona 
Ajmer  to  the  junction  of  the  Banas  and  Chaml)al,  IGO 
miles  ;  and  on  the  east  from  the  junction  to  Kot  ErL^iin, 
150  miles  ;  or  altogether  490  miles, 

3.    SnUGIIXA. 

On  leaving  Thanesar,  Hwcn  Thsang  at  first  pro- 
ceeded to  the  south  for  about  100  li,  or  16-§  miles,  to 
the  Kiu-hoen-cJia,  or  Golcanllia  monastery, -which  has  not 
yet  been  identified,  but  it  is  probably  Gundiia,  between 
Vyasthali  and  Nisang,  17  miles  to  the  south-south-west 
of  Thanesar.    I  am  obliged  to  notice  this  monastery  as 
it   is  the  starting-point  from    which   llwen  Thsang 
measures  his  next  journey  of  400  //,  or  G6f  miles,  to 
Sn-hi-Jcin-na  or  Sru^lma,  which  makes  the  distance  be- 
tween Thanesar  and  Srughna  just  GO  miles.*     Now 
Suc/h,  the  place  Avhich  I  propose  to  identify  with  the 
capital   of    Sniffhna,   is   only    .38    or  40   miles   from 
Thanesar ;  but  as  it  agrees  exactly  in  name,  and  cor- 
responds generally  in  other  particulars,  I  am  quite 
•  satisfied  that  Hwen  Thsang's  recorded  distance  must 
be  erroneous,  although  I  am  unable  to  suggest  any 
probable  rectification  of  his  figures.  The  true  distance 
is  about  300  A',  or  50  miles,  from  the  Gokaiitha  monas- 

The  Sanskrit  name  of  the  country  is  Srughnaj  Avhich 
in  the  spoken  dialects  becomes  Suffhan  and  Su(/h,  as  it 
*  Julien'a  '  Hiouen  THsang,'  ii.  215.    See  Map  No.  X. 


is  called  at  the  present  clay.  The  village  of  Biigh 
oceupics  one  of  the  most  remavkal)le  posilioiis  that  I 
met  M-itli  during  the  ayIioIo  course  of  my  researclics. 
It  is  sitxiatcd  on  a  projecting  triangular  spur  of  liigli 
land,  and  is  suvrounded  on  tln-ec  sides  by  the  Led  of 
the  old  Jumna,  which  is  now  the  western  Jumna  canal. 
On  the  north  and  west  faces  it  is  further  protected  by 
two  deep  ravines,  so  that  the  position  is  a  ready-made 
stronghold,  which  is  covca'ed  on  all  sides,  except  the 
west,  by  natural  defences.  In  shape  it  is  almost  trian- 
gular, with  a  large  projecting  fort  or  citadel  at  each  of 
the  angles.  The  site  of  the  north  fort  is  now  occupied 
by  the  castle  and  village  of  Dyalgarh.  The  village  of 
JMandalpur  stands  on  the  site  of  the  south-east  fort, 
and  that  of  the  south-west  is  unoccupied.  Each  of 
these  forts  is  15U0  feet  long,  and  1000  feet  broad,  and 
(\icli  face  of  the  triangle  which  connects  them  together 
is  upwards  of  half  a  mile  in  length,  that  to  the  east 
being  4*100,  and  those  to  the  north-west  and  south-west 
3000  feet  each.  The  whole  circuit  of  the  position  is 
therefore  22,000  feet,  or  upwards  of  4  miles,  which  is 
considerably  more  than  the  oh  miles  of  Uwen  Thsaug's 
measurement.  Ijut  as  the  north  fort  is  separated  froni 
the  main  2)osition  by  a  deep  sandy  ravine  called  the 
Hohara  Nala^  it  is  possible  that  it  may  have  been  un- 
occupied at  the  time  of  the  pilgrim's  visit.  This  would 
reduce  the  circuit  of  the  position  to  19,000  feet,  or 
lip  wards  of  '1^-  miles,  and  bring  it  into  accord  vrith  the 
2)ilgrim's  measurement.  The  small  tillage  of  >Sugh 
occupied  the  west  side  of  the  position,  and  the  small 
town  of  IJuriya  lies  immediately  to  the  north  of 
4)yri]garh.  The  occupied  houses,  at  the  time  of  my 
visit,  were  as  follows: — J\Iandalpur  100,  Sugh  125, 


.1  O  ■" 

Dyillgarli  150,  iviul  Biiriyti  3500,  or  altogether  oSTO 
houses,  containing  a  popiiktion  of  about  2n,(l(ill  soul.<. 
Of  /%//  itself  the  people  have  no  special  traditions, 
hut  of  J/d/idar,  or  Mundaljjur,  they  say  that  it  fornierl}^ 
covered  an  extent  of  1:2  kos,  and  included  Jagadri  and 
Chancti  on  the  west,  Avitli  Bimya  and  Dyalgarh  to  the 
north.     ^Vs  Jagudri  lies  o  miles  to  the  -west,  it  is  not 
possible  that  the  city  could  have  extended  si  far  ;  hut 
Ave  may  reasouahly  admit  that  the  gardens  and  sum- 
mer-houses of  the  wealthier  inliabitants  may  once  po:^- 
sihly  have  extended  to  that  distance.      At  Chaueti, 
which  lies  2  miles  to  the  north-west,  old  eiiius  arc 
foimd  in  considerable  numbers  ;  but  it  is  now  entirely 
separated  from  Euriya  and  Dyfdgarh  by  a  long  space 
of  open  country.     The  same  coins  are  found  in  Sugh, 
Mandalpur,  and  Bm-iya.     They  arc  of  all  ages,  from 
the  small  Dilidls  of  the  Cholian  and  Tomar  Eajas  of 
Delhi  to  the  square  punch-marked  piiccs  of  silver  and 
copper,   Avhich   arc   certainly  as   old   as   the  rise    of 
Buddhism  in  500  B.C.,  and  which  were  probably  the 
common  currency  of  Xorthem  India  as  early  as  1000 
D.c.     With  this  undoubted  evidence  in  favour  of  the 
antiquity  of  the  place,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  identi- 
fying Sugh  with  the  ancient  Srughua.  The  impoi-tunce 
of  the  position  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  stands  on 
the  high-road   leading  from  the  Gangetic  Doab,  via 
J\lirat^  Sahdrcaipiu-j  and  Ainbdla,  to  the  Upper  Punjab, 
and  commands  the  passage  of  the  Jumna.     By  this 
route  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  returned  from  liis  expedi- 
tion to  Kanoj  ;  by  this  route  Timur  returned  from  his 
plundering  campaign  at  Ilaridwur ;  and  by  this  route 
Baber  advanced  to  the  conquest  of  Dellii. 

According  to  Hweu  Thsang,  the  kingdom  of  Sruyhna 

34:8  Tllli   ANCIENT    GEOGRAPHY    OF    INDIA. 

was  GOUO  //,  or  1000,  miles  in  circuit.  On  tlic  cast  it 
extended  to  the  Ganges,  and  on  tlic  nortli  to  a  range 
of  lofty  mountains,  Avliilc  the  Jumna  flowed  tlirougli 
the  midst  of  it.  From  these  data  it  would  appear 
that  iSni(jhiia  must  have  comprised  the  hill  states  of 
kSirmor  and  Garhwal,  lying  between  the  Giri  river  and 
tlic  Ganges,  with  portions  of  the  districts  of  Ambrda 
and  Saharanpur  in  the  plains.  But  the  circuit  of  this 
tract  docs  not  exceed  500  miles,  which  is  only  one 
half  of  Ilwcn  Thsang's  estimate.  Ilis  excess  I  would 
attribute  chiefly  to  the  difference  between  direct  mea- 
surements on  the  map,  and  the  actual  road  distances 
in  a  mountainous  country.  This  would  increase  the 
boundary  line  by  about  one-half,  and  make  the  whole 
circuit  750  miles,  which  is  still  far  short  of  the  pil- 
grim's estimate.  But  there  is  an  undoubted  error  in 
his  distance  between  the  J  umna  and  the  Ganges,  which 
he  makes  800  //,  or  loo  miles,  instead  of  300  //,  or  50 
miles,  which  is  the  actual  distance  between  the  two 
rivers  from  the  foot  of  the  hills  down  to  the  parallel 
of  Delhi.  As  it  is  probable  that  this  mistake  was 
doubled  by  applying  the  same  exaggerated  distance  to 
the  northern  frontier  also,  its  correction  is  of  import- 
ance, as  the  double  excess  amounts  to  1G7  miles.  De- 
ducting this  excess,  the  circuit  of  Sruffhna  will  be  only 
833  miles  according  to  Hwen  Thsang's  estimate,  or 
within  83  miles  of  the  probable  measurement. 

4.    MApAWAI;. 

From  Srughna  the  Chinese  pilgrim  proceeded  to 
Mo-ll-pu-lo^  or  Afaclijjura,  which  M.  Vivien  do  St. 
Martin  has  identified  Avith  MandAwar^  a  large  town  in 


"Western  Eoliilkhand,  near  Bijnor.     I  had  previously 
made  the  same  identification  myself,  and  I  have  sinre 
been  aide  to  coniirin  it  by  a  personal  examination  of 
the  site.*     The  name  of  the  tdwn  is  written  fl-g-r^r 
Macldwar,  the  Mundore  of  the  maps.     Aec^irding  to 
Johari  Lai,  Chaodri  and  Kanmgo  of  the  place,  iladawar 
was  a  deserted  site  in  SamAat  1171,  or  a.d.   1114, 
when  his  ancestor  Dwarka  Das,  an  Agarwala  Baniya, 
accompanied  by  Katar  :\Iall,  came  from  iloiiiri  in  the 
Mii-at  district,  and  occupied  the  old  mound.    The  piv- 
sent  town  of  :Madawar  contains  7000  inhabitants,  and 
is  rather  more  than  three-quarters  of  a  mile  in  length 
by  half  a   mile  in  breadth.      But   the  old  mound, 
which  represents  the  former  town,  is  not  more  than 
half  a  mile  square.     It  has  an  average  height  of  10 
feet  above  the  rest  of  the  town,  and  it  abounds  with 
large  bricks,  wbich  are  a  sure  sign  of  antiquity.     In 
the  middle  of  the  mound  there  is  a  ruined  fort  300 
feet  square,  with  an  elevation  of  G  or  7  feet  above  the 
rest  of  the  city.     To  the  north-east,  distant  about  one 
mile  from  the  fort  there  Ls  a  large  village  on  another 
mound  called  Madhja  ;  and  between  the  two  there  i. 
a  large  tank  called  JZmida  7h7,  suiTounded  bv  nur,,.- 
rous  small  mounds  which  are  said  to  be  tho  remaiiLs  of 
buildings.     Originally  tho.o  two  placs  would  appear 
to  have  formed  one  large  Uavu,   about    Ji  mile  in 
length,  by  a  mile  in  breadth  or  just  3^  mil^s  in  riiY-uit 
which  agrees  very  well  with  Hwon  Thsang's  measure- 
ment of  20  H,  or  3i  miles. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  people  of  Maddwar,  as 
pouited  out  by  M.  Vivien  de  St.  Martin,  may  be  th<. 
JlJa/Z/c^  of  Megasthenes,  who  dwelt  on  the  banks  of  the 
*  See  Map  No.  X. 

3-jO  the   A^'CIEXT   OEOGRAniY   OF    INDIA. 

Eriiicses.  If  so,  that  river  must  be  the  Mulini.  It  is 
true  that  this  is  hut  a  small  stream  ;  hut  it  was  iu  a 
sacred  grove  on  the  bank  of  tlie  IMalini  that  FMl-nnlfda 
was  brought  up,  and  along  its  course  lay  her  route 
lo  the  court  of  Dushmanta  at  Ilastinapur.  AVhile  tlie 
lotus  floats  on  its  waters,  and  Avlale  tlie  Chakwa  calls 
to  its  mate  on  the  hank,  so  long  will  the  little  Malini 
live  in  the  verse  of  Kalidas. 

According  to  Hwen  Thsaug,  the  kingdom  of  Madi- 
pura  was  GOOO  //,  or  1000  miles,  in  circuit;  hut  this 
estimate,  as  I  have  already  pointed  out,  must  certainly 
include  the  two  neighbouring  states  of  Govisana  and 
ylhiclihalrci,  as  they  are  also  in  Eohilkhand,  and  at  so 
short  a  distance  that  j\ladijmr  alone  must  have  been  a 
ver}'  small  district,  confined  to  the  tract  between  the 
Gauges  and  Eumganga,  of  not  more  than  250  miles  in 
circuit.  But  even  with  the  extended  limits  now  pro- 
posed, which  would  include  the  whole  of  the  country 
lying  to  the  east  of  the  Ganges  from  Haridwar  to 
Kanoj  as  far  as  the  bank  of  the  Ghagra  near  Ivhairi- 
garh,  the  circuit  would  not  be  increased  to  more  than 
050  or  700  miles.  This  is  still  too  small ;  but  as  some 
larac  allowaiic(^  must  be  made  on  the  northern  moun- 
tain  boundary  for  the  difference  between  direct  mea- 
surement on  the  map  and  the  actual  road  distance,  I 
thiidv  that  the  true  circuit  may  be  not  less  than  850 
miles.  The  king  of  Madawar  was  a  Shi-io-Jo  or  Sudra, 
who  worshipped  the  Devas,  and  cared  nothing  for 
Buddhism.  As  Go^•isana  and  Ahichhatra  Avere  Avith- 
out  kings,  I  presume  that  they  were  tributary  to 
]\radaAvar,  and  that  the  circuit  of  the  territory  recorded 
by  IIw(>u  Thsaug  Avas  the  political  boundary  of  the 
Avhole  State,  and  not  that  of  the  district  proper. 


Mai/dpura,  or  Ilarkhcdr. 
IlAVcn  Thsaiig  describes  tlic  town  of  M')-iiii-h>,  or 
MdijHra,  as  situated  on  tlie  norlli-west  frontier  of  INfa- 
(^ruvar,  and  on  the  eastern  bank  of  tbt'  Danges.*     At 
a  sliort   distance  from  the   town  there  M'as  a  great 
temple   called  "the   gate   of  the  Ganges,"   that   is, 
Gari(jd-dwui-a,  with  a  tank  inside,  which  was  supplied 
by   a   canal  with  water  from  the  holy  river.      The 
yicinity  of  Gan/jd-dwdra,  -n'hich  "VA'as  the  old  name  of 
Ilaridicdra,  shows  that  Mcujura  must  be  the  present 
ruined  site  of  Mdydpura^  at  the  head  of  Ganges  canal. 
But  both  of  these  places  arc  now  on  the  western  bank 
of  the  Ganges,  instead  of  on  the  ea'-tern  bank,  as  stated 
by  Hwen  Thsang.     His  note  that  tiny  were  on  the 
north-Avest  frontier  of  MadaAA'ar  seems  also  to  point  tu 
the  same  position ;  for  if  they  had  been  on  the  AA'estern 
bank  of  the  Ganges,  they  would  more  properly  be 
described  as  on  the  north-eastern  frontier  of  Sruglma. 
I  examined  the  locality  Avith  some  care,   and  I  Avas 
satisfied  that  at  some  former  period  the  Ganges  may 
have  flowed  to  the  westward  of  ^Mayapura  and  Kankhal 
doAvn  to  JAvalapur.     Tliere  is,  liowever,  no   present 
trace  of  any  old  channel  betwoon   tlie   GangadAVara 
temple   and   the   hills;    but   as  this   gi-ound  is  noAV 
covered  Avith  the  houses  of  Haridwar,  it  is  quiti'  pos- 
sible that  a  channel  may  once  have  exist('d,  Avhieh 
has  since   been  gradually  filled  up,  and  built  upon. 
There  is  therefore  no  physical   difficulty  Avhich  could 
have  prevented  the  river  from  taking  this  Avesterly 
course,  and  avc  must  either   accept  Hwen  Thsan^'s 
statement  or  adopt  the  alternative,  that  he  has  made  a 

*  Julicn's  '  Ilioucn  Tlisang,'  li.  230.     Sco  Man  No.  X. 


niistfike  iu  placing  Mayura  and  Gangadwara  to  tlic 
cast  of  the  Ganges. 

There  is  a  dispute  bet^vccn  the  foUo^^'crs  of  Si\a  and 
Vishnu  as  to  which  of  these  deities  gave  birth  to,  the 
Ganges.  In  the  '  Vishnu  Parana'  it  is  stated  that  the 
Ganges  has  its  rise  "in  the  nail  of  the  great  toe  of 
Vishnu's  left  foot;"*  and  the  Vaishnayas  point  tri- 
umphantly to  the  Ilari-Jii-charav,  or  Ilari-Jd-pair'i 
(Vishnu's  foot-prints),  as  indisputable  evidence  of  the 
truth  of  their  belief.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Saivas 
argue  that  the  proper  name  of  the  place  is  Hara-dwdra, 
or  "  Siva's  Gate,"  and  not  Hari-dwdra.  It  is  admitted 
also,  in  the  '  Vishnu  Purana,'  that  the  Alahananda  (or 
cast  branch  of  the  Ganges)  "  was  borne  by  Mahadeva 
upon  his  head."f  But  iu  spite  of  these  authorities,  I 
am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  present  name  of 
Ilaridwar  or  Ilaradwrir  is  a  modern  one,  and  that  the 
old  town  near  the  Gangadwara  temple  was  Mdijdjjura. 
Hwen  Thsang,  indeed,  calls  it  3Io-yu-Io,  or  Mnjjura, 
but  the  old  ruined  town  between  naridwilr  and  Kan- 
khal  is  still  called  Mdydpur,  and  the  people  point  to 
the  old  temple  of  Mdijd-Bcvi  as  the  true  origin  of  its 
name.  It  is  quite  possible,  however,  that  the  town 
may  also  ha^'o  been  called  Maijnra-pnra,  as  the  neigh- 
bouring woods  still  swarm  with  thousands  of  peacocks 
[Mai/nra),  anIhisc  shrill  calls  I  heard  both  morning  and 

Hwen  Thsang  describes  the  town  as  about  20  //,  or 
?^\  miles,  in  circuit,  and  very  populous.  This  account 
corresponds  very  closely  with  the  extent  of  the  old 
cit}'  of  ]\Iayapura,  as  pointed  out  to  me  by  the  people. 

*  Book  ii.  8.     Hnll's  edilion  of  AYilson's  translatiou,  ii.  -73. 
t  Ihid. 


These  traces  extend  from  the  bed  of  a  torrent  -which 
enters  the  Ganges  near  the  modern  temple  of  Sarv- 
vanath  to  the  okl  fort  of  Eaja  Ben,  on  the  bank  of  the 
canal,  ii  distance  of  7500  feet.  .  The  breadth  is  irregu- 
lar, but  it  could  not  have  been  more  than  3000  feet  at 
the  south  end,  and,  at  the  north  end,  where  the  Siwalik 
hills  approach  the  river,  it  must  have  been  contracted 
to  1000  feet.  These  dimensions  give  a  circuit  of 
19,000  feet,  or  rather  more  than  o^  miles.  Within 
these  limits  there  are  the  ruins  of  an  old  fort,  750 
feet  square,  attributed  to  Eaja  Ben,  and  several  lofty- 
mounds  covered  with  broken  bricks,  of  which  the 
largest  and  most  conspicuous  is  immediately  above  the 
canal  bridge.  There  are  also  three  old  temples  dedi- 
cated to  JVanh/ana-sila,  to  Mdt/a-Devi,  and  to  Hhai- 
rava.  The  celebrated  ghat  called  the  Pairi,  or  "Feet 
Ghat,"  is  altogether  outside  these  limits,  being  up- 
Avards  of  2000  feet  to  the  north-east  of  the  Sarvvanath 
temple.  The  antiquity  of  the  place  is  undoubted,  not 
only  from  the  extensive  foundations  of  large  bricks 
which  are  everywhere  visible,  and  the  numerous  frag- 
ments of  ancient  sculpture  accumulated  about  the 
temples,  but  from  the  great  variety  of  the  old  coins, 
similar  to  those  of  Sugh,  which  are  found  here  every 

The  name  of  Ilaridiodra,  or  "  Yislmu's  Gate,"  would 
appear  to  be  comparatively  modern,  as  both  Abu  Eihan 
and  Eashid-ud-din  mention  only  Gangd-dicura.  Kali- 
das  also,  in  his  '  Meghaduta,'  says  nothing  of  Hari- 
dwara,  although  he  mentions  Kankhal ;  but  as  his  con- 
temporary Amarasinha  gives  Vishnupadi  as  one  of  the 
synonyms  of  the  Ganges,  it  is  certain  that  the  legend 
of  its  rise  from  Vishnu's  foot  is  as  old  as  the  fifth 

2  A 


century.  I  infer,  hoAYCver,  that  no  temple  of  the 
Vishnuisacla  had  been  crcctccl  dcwn  to  the  time  of 
Abu  Eihun.  The  first  allusion  to  it  of  which  I  am 
aware  is  by  Sharif-ud-din,*  the  historian  of  Timur, 
who  says  that  the  Ganges  issues  from  the  hills  by 
the  pass  of  Cou-pdc,  which  I  take  to  be  the  same  as 
Koh-pairi,  or  the  "  Ilill  of  the  Feet''  (of  Yishnu),  as 
the  great  bathing  ghat  at  the  Gangadwara  temple  is 
called  Pcnri  Ghat,  and  the  hill  above  it  Patri  PaJtdr. 
In  the  time  of  Akbar,  the  name  of  Haridwar  was  well 
known,  as  Abul  Fazl  speaks  of  "]\Iaya,  vulgo  Hari- 
dwar, on  the  Ganges,"  as  being  considered  holy  for  18 
kos  in  length.-|-  In  the  next  reign  the  place  Avas 
visited  by  Tom  Coryat,  who  informed  Chaplain  Terry 
that  at  "  Unruhvura,  the  capital  of  Sibu,  the  Ganges 
flowed  amongst  large  rocks  with  a  pretty  full  current." 
In  1790  the  town  was  visited  by  Ilardwicke,  who 
calls  it  a  small  place  situated  at  the  base  of  the  hills. 
In  1808,  Eaper  describes  it  as  very  inconsiderable, 
having  only  one  street,  about  15  feet  in  breadth,  and 
a  furlong  and  a  half  (or  three-eighths  of  a  mile)  in 
length.  It  is  now  much  larger,  being  fully  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  in  length,  but  there  is  still  only 
one  street. 

Ilweu  Thsaug  notes  that  the  river  Avas  also  called 
Fo-s// //'/,■]■  Avhich  M.  Stanislas  Julien  translates  as  I'cau 
qui  2>orle  honhcur,  and  identifies  Avitli  Mahdbhadru., 
Avhieli  is  one  of  the  many  Avcll-known  names  of  the 
Ganges.  IL^  mentions  also  that  bathing  in  its  Avaters 
AA'as  sufFieiciit  to  A^'ash  away  sin,  and  that  if  corpses 
Avere  throAvn  into  the  river  the  dead  Avould  escape  the 

'  History  of  Timur,'  translated  by  Potis  dc  la  Croix,  iii.  131. 
'  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  516.  %  Julicn's  '  IJioiicii  Tlisang,'  ii.  217. 


puuisliment  of  being  born  again  in  an  inferior  slate, 
wliicli  was  clue  to  tlicir  crimes.  I  should  prefer  read- 
ing Siibhadra,  Avliicli  has  the  same  meaning  as  Ma- 
habhadnl,  as  Ktesias  mentions  tliat  the  great  Indian 
river  was  named  virap^os,  which  he  transhates  by  i^epwv 
■jruvTu  TO,  dyaOa.*  Pliny  quoting  Ktesias  calls  the  river 
IL/podarus,  which  he  renders  by  "  omnia  in  se  ferre 
bona."-}"  A  nearly  similar  word,  Oibares,  is  rendered  by 
Nicolas  of  Damascus  as  dyaOdyyeXos.  I  infer,  there- 
fore, that  the  original  name  obtained  by  Ktesias  was 
most  probably  Suhhadru. 

5.    BKAnilAPURA. 

On  leaving  Madfiwar,  Hweu  Thsang  tra^-elled  north- 
ward for  300  li^  or  50  miles,  to  Po-lo-Id-mo-pii-Io,  which 
M.  Julien  correctly  renders  as  Tirahmapura.  Another 
reading  gives  Po-lo-Jii-mo-lo,%  in  which  the  syllable  pit, 
is  omitted,  perhaps  by  mistake.  The  northern  bearing 
is  certainly  erroneous,  as  it  would  have  carried  the 
pilgrim  across  the  Ganges  and  back  again  into  Srughna. 
AVemust  therefore  read  north-east,  in  which  direction 
lie  the  districts  of  Garhwal  and  Kumaon  that  once 
formed  the  famous  kingdom  of  the  Katjjiiri  dynasty. 
That  this  is  the  country  intended  by  the  pilgrim  is 
proved  by  the  fact  that  it  produced  copper,  whicli  must 
refer  to  the  well-knoAvn  copper  mines  of  Dhaupur  and 
Pokhri  in  Garhwal,  which  have  been  worked  from  a 
very  early  date.  Now  the  ancient  capital  of  the 
Katyuri  Eajas  was  at  Lahlicuipur  or  Vairdf-pattan  on 
the  Earaganga  river,  about  80  miles  in  a  direct  line 
from  Madawar.     If  we  might  take  the  measurement 

*  Ctc'sia3  Indica,  Excoi'p.  ab  Pliotio,  19,  e.lit.  Lion. 

t  Hist.  Nat.  xxxvii.  U. 

t  Jiilion's  'Hiouen  Tlisang,'  i.  4.31-,  and  ii.  231. 

:^  A  2 


from  Kot-dwara,  at  the  foot  of  tlie  liills  on  the  north- 
east frontier  of  Madawav,  the  distance  wonkl  agree 
with  the  00  miles  recorded  by  Ilwen  Thsang.  It 
occurs  to  mc,  hoAveYer,  as  a  much  more  probable  ex- 
planation of  the  discrepancy  in  the  recorded  bearing 
and  distance  that  they  must  properly  refer  to  Govisana, 
the  next  place  visited  by  Ilwen  Thsang,  from  which 
Bairdt  lies  exactly  50  miles  due  north. 

According  to  the  history  of  the  countrj^,  Vairui-pattan 
or  LaManjmr  was  the  ancient  capital,  as  the  Sombansi 
djaiasty  of  ICinnaon  and  the  Surajbansi  dynasty  of 
Garhwal  date  only  from  the  Saii/vai ycavs  742  and  745, 
Avhich,  even  if  referred  to  the  era  of  Vikramaditya, 
are  posterior  to  the  time  of  Ilwen  Thsang.  I  thinh, 
therefore,  that  Brahmapura  must  be  only  another  name 
for  Fa/rdt-pa/Jan,  as  every  other  capital  in  these  pro- 
vinces is  of  much  later  date.  Srinagar  on  the  Alakan- 
anda  river  was  founded  so  late  as  s.  1415,  or  a.d.  1358, 
by  Ajaya  Pala  of  Garhwal,  and  is  besides  nearly  as 
far  from  Maduwar  as  Vakul-patlan  ;  "while  Clictnclpur, 
the  earlier  capital  of  Garhwal,  is  still  more  distant,  and 
dates  only  from  s.  12 IG  or  a.d.  1159.  The  climate  is 
said  to  be  slightly  cold,  and  this  also  agrees  with  the 
position  ofBaii-uf,  which  is  only  3339  feet  above  the  sea. 
Hwcn  Thsang  describes  the  kingdom  of  Brahma- 
pura as  4000  //,  or  G67  miles,  in  circuit.*  It  must, 
therefore,  have  included  the  whole  of  the  hill-country 
between  the  Alakananda  and  Ivarnali  rivers,  Avhich  is 
now  known  as  British  Garhwill  and  Kumaon,  as  the 
latter  district,  before  the  conquests  of  the  Gorkhas, 
extended  to  the  Ivarnali  river.  The  boundary  of 
this  tract  measured  on  the  map  is  between  500  and 

*  Julien's  '  Hioucn  Thsang,'  ii.  231.     See  Map  No.  X. 


600  miles,  or  very  nearly  equal  to  tlie  estimate  of  the 
Chinese  pilgrim. 


To  the  sonth-cast  of  Madawar,  at  a  distance  of  400 
//,  or  07  miles,  Hwen  Thsaug  places  the  kingdom  of 
Kln-pi-slmang-na^  which  M.  Julien  renders  by  Govisana. 
The  capital  was  15  /«,  or  2^  miles,  in  circuit.  Its 
position  Avas  lofty,  and  of  difficult  access,  and  it  was 
surrounded  by  groves,  tanks,  and  fishponds.*  Ac- 
cording to  the  recorded  bearing  and  distance  from 
Madawar,  we  must  look  for  Govisana  somewhere  to  the 
north  of  Murtidabad.  In  this  direction  the  only  place 
of  any  antiquity  is  the  old  fort  near  the  village  of 
Ujain,  which  is  just  one  mile  to  the  east  of  Kashipur. 
According  to  the  route  which  I  marched,  the  distance 
is  44  kos,  or  *6G  miles.  I  estimate  the  value  of  the 
kosby  the  measured  distance  of  59  miles  between  the 
post-offices  of  Bareli  and  Muradabad,  which  is  always 
called  40  kos  by  the  natives.  The  true  bearing  of 
Kashipur  is  east-south-east  instead  of  south-east,  but 
the  difference  is  not  great,  and  as  the  position  of  Ka- 
shipur is  just  as  clearly  indicated  by  the  subsequent 
route  to  AhicJthatra,  I  feel  quite  satisfied  that  the  old 
fort  near  the  village  of  Ujain  represents  the  ancient 
city  of  Govisana  which  was  visited  by  Hwen  Thsang. 

Bishop  Hebert  describes  Kashipur  as  a  "famous 

place    of    Hindu  pilgrimage  which  was   built  by  a 

divinity  named  KdsJd  5000  years  ago."   But  the  good 

bishop  Avas  grossly  deceived  by  his  informant,  as  it  is 

well  known  that  the  town  is  a  modern  one,  it  having 

been  built  about  a.d.  1718  by  Kchld-ndtli,  a  follower 

*  Julicn's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  233.    See  Map  No.  X. 
t  '  Travels  in  India,'  ii.  2d6. 


of  Enja  Devi-CIianclra  of  Champawat  in  Kumaon.  The 
old  fort  is  now  called  UJain  ;  but  as  that  is  tlie  name 
of  the  nearest  village,  it  seems  probable  that  the  true 
name  has  been  lost.  The  place  itself  had  been  deserted 
for  SL'Voral  hundred  years  before  the  occupation  of 
Kashipur;  but  as  the  holy  tank  of  I)ivn-sa//ar  had  never 
ceased  to  be  visited  by  pilgriniy,  I  presume  that  the 
name  of  the  tank  must  have  gradually  superseded  that 
of  the  fort.  Even  at  the  present  day  the  name  of 
J)ron-Sdgar  is  just  as  well  known  as  that  of  Kashipur. 
The  old  fort  of  Ujain  is  very  peculiar  in  its  form, 
which  may  be  best  compared  to  the  body  cf  a  guitar. 
It  is  3000  feet,  in  length  from  east  to  west,  and  1500 
feet  in  breadth,  the  whole  circuit  being  upwards  of 
9000  feet,  or  rather  less  than  2  miles.  Ilwen  Thsang 
describes  the  circuit  of  Govisana  as  about  12,000  feet, 
(ir  nearly  2^  miles,  but  in  this  measurement  he  must 
have  included  the  long  mound  of  ruins  on  the  southside, 
A\'hich  is  evident!}'  the  remains  of  an  ancient  suburb. 
By  including  this  mound  as  an  undoubted  part  of  the 
old  city,  the  circuit  of  the  ruins  is  upwards  of  11,000 
feet,  or  very  nearly  the  same  as  that  given  by  Ilwcn 
Thsang.  Numerous  groves,  tanks,  and  fish-ponds  still 
surround  the  place.  Indeed  the  trees  arc  particularly 
luxuriant,  owing  to  the  high  level  of  the  water,  which 
is  within  5  or  G  feet  of  the  surface.  Tor  the  same 
reason  the  tanks  are  numerous  and  always  full  of  water. 
The  largest  of  these  is  the  Bivn-sdr/ar,  which,  as  well 
as  the  fort,  is  said  to  have  been  constructed  by  the  five 
Pandu  brothers  for  the  use  of  their  teacher  Droua, 
The  tank  is  only  GOO  feet  square,  but  it  is  esteemed 
very  holy,  and  is  much  frequented  by  pilgrims  on  their 
way  to  the  source  of  the  Ganges.     Its  high  bank-s  are 

covered  -with  Sail  monuments  of  recent  date.  The 
"«-alls  of  the  fort  are  built  of  large  massive  bricks,  15 
by  10  by  1\  inclicSj  wbicb  are  always  a  sure  sign  of 
antiquify.  The  general  height  of  the  walls  is  30  feet 
above  the  fields ;  but  the  whole  is  now  in  complete  ruin, 
and  covered  with  dense  jangal.  Shallow  ditches  still 
exist  on  all  sides  except  the  east.  The  interior  is  very 
uneven,  but  the  mass  has  a  mean  height  of  about  20 
feet  above  the  country.  There  are  two  low  openings 
in  the  ramparts,  one  to  the  north-west  and  the  other 
to  the  south-west,  which  now  serve  as  entrances  to  the 
jangal,  and  which  the  people  say  were  the  old  gates  of 
the  fort. 

The  district  of  Govisana  was  2000  li,  or  333  miles, 
in  circuit.  No  king  is  mentioned,  and  the  country,  as 
I  have  already  noticed,  was  most  probablj'  subject  to 
the  Eaja  of  Madawar.  It  was  confined  on  the  north 
by  Brahmapura,  on  the  west  by  Madawar,  and  on  the 
south  and  east  by  Ahichhatra.  It  must,  therefore, 
have  corresponded  very  nearly  with  the  modern  dis- 
tricts of  Kashipur,  Eampur,  and  Pilibhit,  extending 
from  the  Eamganga  on  the  Avest  to  the  Silrda  or  Ghagra 
on  the  east,  and  towards  Bareli  on  the  south.  With 
these  boundaries  the  circuit  of  the  district  would  have 
been  about  290  miles  measured  direct,  or  upwards  of 
300  miles  by  road  distance. 


From  Govisana  Hwen  Thsang  proceeded  to  the 
south-east  400  //,  or  00  miles,  to  AJd-cId-ta-lo,  or 
Ahichhatra.*  This  once  famous  place  still  preserves 
its  ancient  name  as  Ahichhatr,  although  it  has  been 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Tlisangj'  ii.  231.     See  3Iap  l\o.  X. 


deserted  for  many  centuries.  Its  history  readies  baclc 
to  B.C.  1430,  at  wliicli  time  it  was  the  capital  of  north- 
ern Pduchdla.  The  name  is  written  Ahi-kshetra,  as 
AYell  as  Jhi-chhafra,  but  the  local  legend  of  Adi  Eaja 
and  the  Naga,  who  formed  a  canopy  over  his  head 
when  asleep,  shows  that  the  latter  is  the  correct  form. 
This  grand  old  fort  is  said  to  have  been  built  by  Eaja 
Adi,  an  Ahir,  whose  future  elevation  to  sovereignty 
was  foretold  by  Brona,  when  he  found  him  sleeping 
under  the  guardianship  of  a  serpent  with  expanded 
hood.  The  place  is  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  as  AUac&pa^ 
Avhich  proves  that  the  legend  attached  to  the  name  of 
.  Idi  is  at  least  as  old  as  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
era.  The  fort  is  also  called  Adikot,  but  the  more  com- 
mon name  is  Ahichhatr. 

According  to  the  '  Mahabhrirata,'  the  great  kingdom 
of  Pduchdla  extended  from  the  Ilimfdaya  mountains 
to  the  Chambal  river.  The  capital  of  north  Pdnchdla, 
or  Eohilkhand,  was  AIn-chhaira,  and  that  of  south 
Pduchdla,  or  the  Central  Gangetic  Doab,  was  Kdmpilya, 
now  Kampil,  on  the  old  Ganges  between  Budaon  and 
Farokhabad.  Just  before  the  great  war,  or  about  1430 
u.c,  the  king  of  Punchdla,  named  Drupada,  was  con- 
quered by  Drona,  the  preceptor  of  the  five  Pandus. 
Drona  retained  north  Punchdla  for  himself,  but  re- 
stored the  southern  half  of  the  kingdom  to  Brupada. 
According  to  this  account,  the  name  of  Ahi-chhatra,  and 
consequently  also  the  legend  of  Adi  Eaja  and  the 
serpent,  are  many  centuries  anterior  to  the  rise  of 

It  would  appear,  however,  that  the  Puddhists  must 
have  adopted  and  altered  the  legend  to  do  honour  to 
their  groat  teacher,  for  Ilwen  Thsang  records  that  out- 


side  the  town  there  was  a  Ndffa-Jirada,  or  "  serpent 
tank,"  near  Avhich  Euddha  had  preached  the  law  for 
seven  days  in  favour  of  the  serpent  king,  and  that  the 
spot  was  marked  by  a  stupa  of  King  Asoka*  Now, 
as  the  only  existing  stupa  at  this  place  is  called  Chaltr, 
I  infer  that  the  Buddhist  legend  represented  the  Ndt/a 
king  after  his  conversion  as  forming  a  canopy  over 
Buddha  with  his  expanded  hood.  I  think,  also,  that 
the  stupa  erected  on  tlie  spot  Avhere  the  com^ersion 
took  place  would  naturally  have  been  called  ^l/d- 
cJihatra,  or  the  "  serpent  canopy."  A  similar  story  is 
told  at  Buddha  Gaya  of  the  Naga  'Km^MiichaUnda,  who, 
with  his  expanded  hood,  sheltered  Buddha  from  the 
shower  of  rain  produced  by  the  malignant  demon  Mara. 
The  account  of  J/n-c/i/tafra  given  by  Hwcn  Thsang 
is  unfortunately  very  meagre,  otherwise  we  might 
most  probably  have  identified  many  of  the  existing 
ruins  with  the  Buddhist  works  of  an  early  age.  The 
capital  was  17  or  18  li,  or  just  three  miles  in  circuit, 
and  was  defended  by  natural  obstacles.  It  possessed 
12  monasteries,  containing  about  1000  monks,  and  9 
Brahmanical  temples,  with  about  300  worshippers  of 
Isii-ara  Beva  (Siva),  who  smeared  their  bodies  with 
ashes.  The  stupa  near  the  serpent  tank,  outside  the 
town,  has  already  been  mentioned.  Close  beside  it, 
there  were  four  small  stupas  built  on  the  spots  where 
the  foiu-  previous  Buddhas  had  either  sat  or  walked. 
Both  the  size  and  the  peculiar  position  of  the  ruined 
fortress  of  Ahi-chhatra  agree  so  exactly  with  Hwen 
Thsang's  description  of  the  ancient  JJd-cIihatra,  that 
there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  of  their  identity.  The 
circuit  of  the  walls,  as  they  stand  at  present,  is  19,400 
*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii,  235. 


THE   A^^CIENT   GEOGDArilT   OF   tXDlA. 

feet,  or  upwards  of  3^  miles.  The  shape  may  be  de- 
scribed as  an  irregular  right-angled  triangle,  the  west 
side  being  5G00  feet  in  length,  the  north  side  G400 
feet,  and  the  long  side  to  the  south-east  7400  feet. 
The  fort  is  situated  between  the  Jidiii  Gaiiga  and 
Gdncjhan  rivcr;^,  which  are  botli  difficult  to  cross ;  the 
former  on  account  of  its  broad  sands,  the  latter  on  ac- 
count of  its  extensive  ravines.  Both  on  the  north  and 
east  the  place  is  I'cndered  almost  inaccessible  by  tlie 
Vina  Nala,  a  difficult  ravine,  with  steep  broken  banks 
and  numerous  deep  pools  of  Avater,  quite  impassable  by 
Avheeled  vehicles.  For  this  reason  the  cart  road  to 
Lareli,  distant  only  18  miles  due  cast,  is  not  less  than 
-3  miles.  Indeed  the  only  accessible  side  of  the  posi- 
tion is  the  north-west,  from  the  direction  of  LaJcJinor, 
the  ancient  capital  of  the  Katehria  Kajputs.  It  there- 
fore fully  merits  the  description  of  Hwen  Thsaug  as 
being  defended  by  "  natural  obstacles."  Ahi-cliludra 
is  only  seven  miles  to  the  north  of  Aonla^  but  the 
latter  half  of  the  road  is  rendered  difficult  by  the 
ravines  of  the  Guiif/Jirai  river.  It  was  iu  this  very 
position,  in  the  jangals  to  the  north  of  Joiila,  that  the 
Katehria  Rajputs  withstood  the  ]\[uhammadans  under 
Firuz  Tughlak.* 

Alu-clthalra  was  first  visited  by  Captain  Hodgson, 
the  surveyor,  who  describes  the  place  as  "  the  ruins  of 
an  ancient  fortress  several  miles  in  circumference, 
which  appears  to  have  had  34  bastions,  and  is  known 
in  the  neighbourhood  by  the  name  of  the  "Pandus 
Fort."  According  to  my  survey,  there  are  only  32 
towers,  but  it  is  cpite  possible  that  one  or  two  may 
have  escaped  my  notice,  as  I  found  many  parts  so 

*    Briggs's  'rcrislitii,'i.457. 



overgrown  with  tliorny  jfingal  as  to  be  inaccossiblo. 
The  towers  arc  generally  from  28  to  oO  feet  in  height, 
excepting  on  the  west  side,  where  they  rise  to  35  feet. 
A  single  tower  near  the  south-west  corner  is  47  feet 
in  height  above  the  road  outside.  The  average  height 
of  the  interior  mass  is  from  10  to  20  feet.  Many  of 
the  present  towers,  however,  are  not  ancient,  as  an  at- 
tempt was  made  by  Ali  Muhammad  Khan,  about  200 
years  ago,  to  restore  the  fort  with  a  view  of  making  it 
his  stronghold  in  case  he  should  be  pushed  to  extremi- 
ties by  the  King  of  Delhi.  The  new  walls  arc  said  to 
have  been  Ij  gaz  thick,  which  agrees  with  my  mea- 
surements of  the  parapets  on  the  south-eastern  side, 
which  vary  from  2  feet  9  inches  to  3  feet  3  inches  in 
thickness  at  top.  According  to  popular  tradition,  Ali 
Muhammad  expended  about  a  Icaror  of  rupees,  or  one 
million  pounds  sterling,  in  this  attempt,  which  he  was 
tinally  obliged  to  abandon  on  account  of  its  costliness. 
I  estimate  that  he  may  perhaps  have  spent  about  one 
lakh  of  rupees,  or  £10,000,  in  repairing  the  ramparts 
and  in  rebuilding  the  parapets.  There  is  an  arched 
gateway  on  the  south-east  side,  Avhich  must  have  been 
built  by  the  Musalmans,  but  as  no  new  bricks  were 
made  by  them,  the  cost  of  their  work  would  have  been 
limited  to  the  labour  alone.  The  ramparts  are  18  feet 
thick  at  the  base  in  some  places,  and  between  14  and 
15  feet  in  others. 

The  district  of  yy/u'c7///«/ra  was  about  3000  //,  or  500 
miles,  in  circuit.  With  these  large  dimensions  I  believe 
that  it  must  have  comprised  the  eastern  half  of  Eohil- 
khand,  lying  betAvcen  the  northern  hills  and  the  Ganges, 
from  Pilibhit  on  the  west  to  Khairabad  near  the  Ghagra 
on  the  east.  This  tract  has  a  boundary  of  450  miles 
measured  direct,  or  about  500  miles  by  road  distance. 



S.    riLOSHANA. 

From  Ahi-chlicdra  the  Chinese  pilgrim  proceeded  in 
a  south  direction  a  distance  of  from  200  to  270  li, 
from  23  to  2-j  miles,  to  the  Ganges,  ^yhich  he  crossed, 
and  then  turning  to  the  south-west  he  arrived  in  the 
kingdom  of  Pi-lo-vhaii-na*  His  route  to  the  south 
-would  ha\'c  taken  him  through  Aonla  and  Budaou  to 
the  Badh  Gunga  (or  old  Ganges),  somewhere  near 
Sahilwar,  a  few  miles  below  Sown,  both  of  which 
places  stood  on  the  main  stream  of  the  Ganges  so  late 
as  400  years  ago.  As  his  subsequent  route  is  said  to 
have  been  to  the  south-west,  I  believe  that  he  must 
have  crossed  the  Ganges  close  to  Sahawar,  which  is  42 
miles  from  Ahi-chhatra  in  a  direct  line.  From  all  my 
early  inquiries  I  Avas  led  to  believe  that  Soron  was  the 
only  ancient  place  in  this  vicinity ;  and  as  Hwcn 
Thsang  does  not  give  any  distance  for  his  south-west 
march,  I  concluded  that  Soron  must  have  been  the 
place  to  Avhich  he  gives  the  name  of  Pi-lo-shan-na.  I 
accordingly  visited  Soron,  which  is  undoubtedly  a 
place  of  very  great  antiquity,  but  which  cannot,  I 
think,  be  the  place  visited  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim. 
I  will,  however,  first  describe  Soron  before  I  proceed 
to  discuss  the  superior  claims  of  the  great  ruined 
mound  of  Atravji-KJn'ra  to  be  identified  with  the  Pi 
lo-shan-na  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim. 

Soron  is  a  large  town  on  the  right,  or  western,  bank 
of  the  Ganges,  on  the  high-road  between  Bareli  and 
j\[athura.  The  place  was  originally  called  JJkaki 
KAiuIra  ;  but  after  the  demon  lUrani/ahJia  had  been 
killed  by  the  Vardha  Ataiar,  or  Boar  incarnation  of 
Vishnu,  the  name  was  changed  to  Sid:ara  Kshetra,  or 

*  .Julicn's  '  Iliouen  Tlisang,'  ii.  235.     See  Map  No.  X. 


"  the  place  of  the  good  deed."  The  ancient  town  is 
represented  by  a  ruined  monnd  called  the  KilaJi, 
or  "  fort,"  which  is  one  quarter  of  a  mile  in  length 
from  north  to  south,  and  somewhat  less  in  breadth. 
It  stands  on  the  high  bank  of  the  old  bed  of  the 
Ganges,  which  is  said  by  some  to  have  flowed  imme- 
diately under  it  so  late  as  200  years  ago.  The  modern 
town  stands  at  the  foot  of  the  old  mound  on  the  west 
and  south  sides,  and  probably  contains  about  5000  in- 
habitants. There  arc  no  dwellings  on  the  old  mound, 
which  is  occupied  only  by  the  temple  of  Sita-Bdmji 
and  the  tomb  of  Shekh  Jamul ;  but  it  is  covered  with 
broken  bricks  of  large  size,  and  the  foundations  of 
walls  can  be  traced  in  all  dii'cctions.  The  mound  is 
said  to  be  the  ruins  of  a  fort  built  by  Eaja  Soiuadatia 
of  Soron  many  hundred  years  ago.  But  the  original 
settlement  of  the  place  is  very  much  older,  being  at- 
tributed to  the  fabulous  lioja  Vena  Chahravaritl^  who 
plays  such  a  conspicuous  part  in  all  the  legends  of 
North  Bihar,  Oudh,  and  Eohilkhand. 

The  great  mound  of  ruins  called  Alranji-Khera  is 
situated  on  the  right  or  west  bank  of  the  Kail  Nadi^ 
four  miles  to  the  south  of  Karsdna,  and  eight  miles 
to  the  north  of  Ej/ta^  on  the  Grand  Trunk  Eoad.  It 
is  also  15  miles  to  the  south  of  Soron,  and  43  miles 
to  the  north-west  of  SanJcisa  in  a  direct  line,  the  road 
distance  being  not  less  thau  48  or  50  miles.  In  the 
'  Ayin  Akbari '  Atranji  is  recorded  as  one  of  the  par- 
ganahs  of  Ivanoj,  under  the  name  of  SiJcandarpur 
JirejL*  SUcaiidarpur^  which  is  now  called  Sikandrdbdd, 
is  a  village  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Kdli  Nadi  opposite 
Atranji.     From  this  it  would  appear  that  Atranji  was 

*  Gladwyn  gives  "  Seeunderpoor  Aterclihy,"  ii.  214.. 


still  occupiecl  in  the  reign  of  Akbar.  The  parganah 
was  afterwards  called  Karsdna,  bat  it  is  now  knoM'u 
b}'  the  name  of  Sahdwar  Karsdna,  or  of  Sahdwar  onlj-. 
The  name  given  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  is  Pl-Io- 
sJian-na,  for  which  M.  Jiilien  proposes  to  read  Viyasan'i. 
So  far  back  as  1848  I  pointed  ont  that,  as  hoih. pil  and 
kar  arc  Sanskrit  names  for  an  idephant,  it  was  pro- 
bable tliat  Pilosana  might  bo  the  same  as  Karsdna, 
the  large  village  which  I  have  already  mentioned  as 
being  four  miles  to  the  north  of  Alraiiji  Khcra.  The 
chief  objection  to  this  identification  is  the  fact  that 
Kury.dna  is  apparently  not  a  very  old  place,  although 
it  is  sometimes  called  Dcora  Karsdna,  a  name  whicli 
implies  the  possession  of  a  temple  of  note  at  some  for- 
mer period.  It  is,  hoAvevcr,  possible  that  the  name  of 
Karsdna  may  once  have  been  joined  to  Alranji  in  the 
same  way  that  we  find  SiJiandarpur  Atreji  in  the  '  Ayin 
Akbari.'  As  the  identification  oi Karsdna  with  Pilosana 
is  purely  conjectural,  it  is  useless  to  hazard  any  more 
speculations  on  this  subject.  The  bearing  and  distance 
from  Sanlisa,  as  recorded  by  Ilwcn  Thsang,  point  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Sirpiira,  near  M'hicli  there  is  a 
small  village  called  Pill-ani  or  Piloknni,  whicli  is  the 
Pihilihoni  of  our  maps.  It  is,  however,  a  very  petty 
place  ;  and  although  it  boasts  of  a  small  khcra,  or 
mound  of  ruins,  it  cannot,  I  lliiuk,  have  ever  been 
more  than  ono-fourth  of  the  circuit  of  two  miles  which 
Hweu  Thsang  attributes  to  Pi-lo-shan-na.  But  there 
are  two  strong  points  in  its  favour — namely,  1st,  its 
position,  wliich  agrees  both  in  bearing  and  distance 
with  the  Chinese  pilgrim's  accuunt ;  and  2nd,  its  name, 
which  is  almost  identical  with  the  old  name,  sh  being 
very    cdinmonly   pronounced   as   kli,    so    that   Ilwen 


Tlisang's  Pihsliana  would  usually  be  pronounced  Pi- 

In  proposing  Alranji-Khera  as  the  site  of  the  ancient 
Piloshana,  I  am  influenced  solely  by  the  fact  that  this 
is  the  only  large  place  besides  Soron  of  any  antiquity 
in  this  part  of  the  country.  It  is  true  that  the  distance 
from  Sari/dsa  is  somewhat  greater  than  that  recorded 
by  the  Chinese  pilgrim, — namely,  45  miles,  instead  of 
33  miles ;  but  the  bearing  is  exact ;  and  as  it  is  quite 
possible  that  there  may  be  some  mistake  in  Hwen 
Thsang's  recorded  distance,  I  think  that  Alranji-Khera 
has  a  better  claim  than  any  other  place  to  be  identified 
with  the  ancient  Pi/osltana. 

The  only  objection  to  the  identification  of  Atranjl 
Avith  Piloshana  is  the  difference  between  the  distance 
of  200  /■/,  or  33  miles,  as  stated  by  Ilwen  Thsang,  and 
the  actual  distance  of  43  miles  direct,  or  about  48  or 
50  miles  by  road.  I  have  already  suggested  the  pos- 
sibility of  there  being  some  mistake  in  the  recorded 
distance  of  Hwen  Thsang,  but  perhaps  an  equally 
probable  explanation  may  be  found  in  the  difference 
of  the  length  of  the  yojana.  Hwen  Thsang  states  that 
he  allowed  40  Chinese  //  to  the  yojana ;  but  if  the  old 
yojana  of  Eohilkhand  differed  from  that  of  the  central 
Doab  as  much  as  the  kos  of  these  districts  now  differ, 
his  distances  would  have  varied  by  half  a  mile  in  every 
kos,  or  by  two  miles  in  every  yojana^  as  the  Eohilkhand 
kos  is  only  1  \  mile,  Avhilo  that  of  the  Doub  is  tAVO 
miles;  the  latter  being  one-third  greater.  Now  if  we 
apply  this  difference  to  Hwen  Thsang's  measurement 
of  200  //,  or  33  miles,  we  increase  the  distance  at  once 
to  44  miles,  which  agrees  with  the  direct  measured 
distance  on  the  map.     I  confeiis,  however,  that  I  am 


rather  inclined  to  believe  in  the  possibility  of  there 
being  a  mistake  in  Hwen  Thsang's  recorded  distance, 
as  I  find  exactly  the  same  measurement  of  200  li  given 
as  the  distance  betAveeu  Sankisa  and  Kanoj.  Now,  the 
two  distances  are  precisely  the  same, — that  is,  SanJdsa 
is  exactly  midway  between  Alranji  and  Kanoj ;  and  as 
the  latter  distance  is  just  50  miles  by  my  measure- 
ment along  the  high-road,  the  former  must  also  be 
the  same.  I  would  therefore  suggest  the  probability 
that  both  of  these  distances  should  be  300  li,  or  50 
miles,  instead  of  200  /?,  as  recorded  in  the  text.  In 
flivour  of  this  proposed  correction  I  may  cite  the  tesli- 
mony  of  the  earlier  Chinese  pilgrim  Fa-Hian,  who 
makes  the  distance  from  Saukisa  to  Kanoj  1  yojanas,  or 
49  miles.*  At  Hweu  Thsang's  own  valuation  of  40  11 
to  the  yojana,  this  measurement  would  give  280  //; 
and  as  Fa-IIian  does  not  record  half  yojanas,  we  may 
increase  the  distance  by  half  a  yojana,  or  20  li,  which 
will  bring  the  total  up  to  300  li,  or  50  miles. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  true  explanation  of  the 
difference  between  the  actual  distances  and  those  re- 
corded by  Ilwcn  Tlisang,  there  still  remains  the  im- 
portant fact  that  Saukisa  was  exactly  midway  between 
Kanoj  and  Piloshanna,  just  as  it  now  is  midway  be- 
tweeen  Kanoj  and  Atrauji.  If  we  couple  this  abso- 
lute identity  of  position  with  the  fact  that  Alranji 
is  the  only  old  place  in  the  part  of  the  country  indi- 
cated by  Ilweu  Tlisang,  avc  can  scarcely  arrive  at  any 
other  conclusion  than  that  the  great  ruined  mound  of 
Atrauji  is  the  site  of  the  ancient  Piloshana.  This 
conclusion  is  strengthened  by  the  fiut  that  tlie  mound 
of   Atrauji  eorrcspunds   almost   exaelly  iu   size   with 

*  Bcal's  '  Fa-Hi:in,'  cbap.  xviii. 


Hwon  Thsang's  measurement  of  12  li,  or  2  miles,  for 
Filoshana.  The  mound  is  3250  feet  in  breadth  at 
base,  or  a  little  more  than  2  miles  in  circuit.  Its 
highest  point  is  44f  feet  above  the  level  of  the  coun- 
try ;  but  there  are  no  remains  save  the  foundations  of 
walls  and  masses  of  broken  brick. 

Filoshana  is  said  to  have  been  2000  li,  or  333 
miles,  in  circuit ;  but  this  is  certainly  too  great.  "With 
reference  to  the  surrounding  districts,  its  limits  may 
be  defined  approximately  as  extending  from  Buland- 
shaliar  to  Firuzabad  on  the  Jumna  and  Kadirganj  on 
the  Ganges,  which  would  give  a  circuit  of  not  more 
than  250  miles. 

9.    SANKISA. 

The  position  of  Sankisa,  which  stood  midway  be- 
tween Piloshana  and  Kanoj,  has  already  been  dis- 
cussed. The  name  of  the  place  is  written  Seng-kia-she 
by  the  Chinese  pilgrims,  a  spelling  which  is  well  pre- 
served in  the  Sankisa  of  the  present  day,  and  which 
represents  with  considerable  faithfulness  the  Sanghasyu 
of  Sanskrit.  Hwen  Thsang  calls  it  also  by  the  name 
of  Kia-pi-tJiaj  or  Kapitha,  of  which  I  was  unable  to 
discover  any  trace.  Sankisa  was  one  of  the  most 
famous  places  of  Buddhist  pilgrimage,  as  it  was  the 
scene  of  Buddha's  descent  from  the  Trayastrinm  heaven 
by  a  ladder  of  gold  or  gems,  accompanied  by  the  gods 
Indra  and  Brahma.*  According  to  this  curious  legend, 
Mdyd^  the  mother  of  Buddha,  died  seven  days  after 
his  birth,  and  ascended  at  once  to  the  Trayastrinsa 
heaven,  the  abode  of  the  33  gods,  of  whom  Indra  was 
the  chief.  But  as  she  had  no  opportunity  in  this 
abode  of  the  gods  of  hearing  the  law  of  Buddha,  her 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  238. 

2    B 


pious  son  ascended  to  the  Traijcistrinsa  heaven,  and 
preached  for  three  montlis  in  her  behalf.  He  then  de- 
scended to  the  earth  with  the  gods  Brahma  and  Indra 
by  three  staircases,  one  of  Avhich  was  formed  either 
of  crystal  or  precious  stones,  another  of  gold,  and  the 
third  of  silver.  According  to  Fa-Hian,  Buddha  de- 
scended by  a  staircase  formed  of  the  "  seven  precious 
things,"  that  is  the  precious  metals  and  precious  gems, 
whilst  Brahma  accompanied  him  on  his  right  side  by 
a  silver  ladder,  and  Indra  on  his  left  by  a  golden  ladder. 
But  Hweu  Thsang  assigns  the  golden  staircase  to 
Buddha  himself,  the  silver  staircase  on  the  right  to 
Brahma,  and  the  crystal  staircase  on  the  left  to 
Indra.  The  descent  was  accompanied  by  a  multi- 
tude of  Devas,  who  scattered  flowers  on  all  sides  as 
they  sang  the  praises  of  Buddha.  Such  are  the  main 
points  of  this  curious  legend,  which  is  believed  as 
firmly  in  Barma  at  the  present  day,  as  it  was  by 
Asoka  2100  years  ago,  or  by  the  Chinese  pilgrims  of 
the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  centuries  of  our  era. 

The  little  village  which  still  preserves  the  name  of 
Sankisa  is  perched  upon  a  lofty  mound  of  ruins  41 
feet  in  height  above  the  fields.  This  mound,  which  is 
called  the  Kilah,  or  fort,  is  1600  feet  in  length  from 
cast  to  west,  and  1000  feet  in  breadth.  On  the  north 
and  west  faces  the  sides  are  steep,  but  on  the  other 
faces  the  slope  is  much  more  easy.  Due  south  from 
the  centre  of  tlie  fort,  at  a  distance  of  1600  feet,  there 
is  a  mound  of  solid  brickwork  which  is  crowned  by  a 
modern  temple  dedicated  to  Bisari  Devi.  The  "  fort  " 
and  the  different  mounds  of  all  sizes  around  the  temple 
form  a  mass  of  ruin  3000  feet  in  length  by  2000  feet 
in  breadth,  or  nearly  2  miles  in  circuit.    But  this  was 

CENTRAL    INDIA.  O  /  i 

only  the  central  portion  of  the  ancient  city  of  Sankisa, 
comprising  the  citadel  and  the  religious  buildings  that 
were  clustered  round  the  three  holy  staircases.  The 
city  itself,  which  would  appear  to  have  sui'rounded  this 
central  mound  on  all  sides,  was  enclosed  with  an 
earthen  rampart  18,900  feet,  or  upwards  of  o\  miles 
in  circuit.  The  greater  part  of  this  rampart  still  re- 
mains, the  shape  being  a  tolerably  regular  dodecagon. 
On  three  sides,  to  the  east,  north-east,  and  south-east, 
there  are  breaks  or  openings  in  the  line  of  rampart 
which  are  traditionally  said  to  be  the  positions  of  the 
three  gates  of  the  city.  In  proof  of  the  tradition,  the 
people  refer  to  the  village  of  Paor-Kheria,  or  "  Gate- 
village^''  which  is  just  outside  the  south-east  gap  in  the 
ramparts.  But  the  name  is  pronounced  Paor,  ^tt, 
and  not  Paur,  -tftT,  and  may  therefore  refer  to  the 
staircases  or  steps  {Paori),  and  not  to  the  gate.  The 
Kali,  or  Kojlindri  Nadi  flows  past  the  south-west  corner 
of  the  ramparts  from  the  Bdjghdt^  which  is  half  a  mile 
distant  to  the  Kakra  Ghdt,  which  is  rather  more  than 
one  mile  to  the  south  of  the  line  of  ramparts.* 

To  the  north-west,  three-quarters  of  a  mile  distant, 
stands  the  large  mound  of  Ayahat^  which  is  40  feet  in 
height,  and  rather  more  than  half  a  mile  in  diameter 
at  base.  The  name  of  the  old  town  is  said  to  have  been 
Agaliat,  but  the  place  is  now  called  Agaliat  Sarai 
(Aghat  of  the  maps)  from  a  modern  Sarai,  which  was 
built  in  A.H.  1080,  or  a.d.  1670,  on  the  north-east 
corner  of  the  mound,  by  the  ancestor  of  the  present 
Pathan  Zamindar.  The  people  say  that  before  this, 
the  place  had  been  deserted  for  several  centuries ;  but 
as  I  obtained  a  tolerably  complete  series  of  the  copper 

*  See  Map  No.  X. 

2  B  2 


coins  of  the  Muliammadan  kings  of  Delhi  and  Jonpur, 
Ilircsume  tliat  it  could  not  have  been  dc-serted  for  any 
very  long  time.  The  mound  is  covered  with  broken 
bricks  of  large  size,  which  alone  is  a  sure  test  of  an- 
tiquity :  and  as  it  is  of  the  same  height  as  that  of 
Sanhsa,  the  people  arc  most  probably  right  in  their 
assertion  that  the  two  places  are  of  the  same  age.  In 
both  mounds  are  found  the  same  old  coins  without  any 
iiiscri]3tious,  the  more  ancient  being  square  pieces  of 
silver  covered  with  various  punch-marks,  and  tlie 
others,  square  pieces  of  copper  that  have  been  cast  in 
a  mould, — all  of  which  are,  in  my  opinion,  anterior  to 
the  invasion  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

In   identifying  Sankisa  with  the   Sangasya   of  the 
Edmuijrnui  and  the  Seng-kia-sli.e  of  the  Chinese,  we  are 
supported,  not  only  by  its  absolute  identity  of  name, 
but  likewise  by  its  relative  position  with  regard  to  three 
such  well-known  places  as  Mafhura^  Kanoj^  and  Jhi- 
chhatra.     In  size,  also,  it  agrees  very  closely  with  the 
measurement  given  by  Hwen  Thsang ;  his  circuit  of 
20  li,  or  Similes,  being  only  a  little  less  than  my  mea- 
surement of  18,900  feet,  or  3^  miles.     There  can  be 
no  doubt,   therefore,   that   the  place   is  actually  the 
same.     In  his  description  of  Sankisa,  Hwen  Thsang 
mentions  a  curious  fact,  that  the  Brahmans  who  dwelt 
near  the  great  monastery  were  "  many  tens  of  thou- 
sands "  in  number.     As  an  illustration  of  this  state- 
ment I  may  mention  that  the  people  have  a  tradition 
that  Sankisa  was  deserted  from  1800  to  1900  years 
ago;  and  that  1300  years  ago,  or  aboiit  a.d.  5G0,  the 
site  was  given  by  the  Kayath  proprietor  to  a  body  of 
Brahmans.     They  add  also  that  the  population  of  the 
village  of  Paor-kheria  is  known  to  have  been  wholly 
Brahman  until  a  very  recent  period. 


Sa/iHsa  is  said  to  have  been  2000  //,  or  333  miles, 
m  circuit ;  but  with  reference  to  the  surrounding  dis- 
tricts, this  estimate  must  be  too  high.  Its  actual  limits, 
as  determined  by  the  Ganges  and  Jumna  on  the  north 
and  south,  and  by  the  districts  of  Atranji  and  Kanoj 
on  the  west  and  east,  could  not  have  been  more  than 
220  miles  in  circuit. 

10.    MATHURA. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  famous  city  of  Mathura 
was  the  capital  of  a  large  kingdom,  which  is  said  to 
have  been  5000  li,  or  833  miles,  in  circuit.*  If  this 
estimate  is  correct,  the  province  must  have  included 
not  only  the  whole  of  the  country  lying  between  the 
districts  of  Bairat  and  Atranji,  but  a  still  larger  tract 
beyond  Agra,  as  far  as  Narwar  and  Seopuri  on  the 
south,  and  the  Sindh  river  on  the  east.  Within  these 
limits  the  circuit  of  the  province  is  650  miles  mea- 
sured direct,  or  upwards  of  750  miles  by  road  distance. 
It  includes  the  present  district  of  Mathura,  with  the 
small  states  of  Bharatpur,  Khiraoli,  and  Dholpur,  and 
the  northern  half  of  the  Gwalior  territory.  To  the 
east  it  would  have  been  bounded  by  the  kingdom  of 
Jijhaoti,  and  on  the  south  by  Malwa,  both  of  which  are 
described  by  Hwen  Thsang  as  separate  kingdoms. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  city  was  20  //,  or  ?>\ 
miles,  in  circuit,  which  agrees  with  its  size  at  the  pre- 
sent day.  But  the  position  is  not  exactly  the  same, 
as  the  houses  have  been  gradually  moving  to  the  north 
and  west  as  the  Jumna  encroached  on  the  east.  The 
old  city  is  said  to  have  extended  from  the  Nabi  Masjid 
and  Fort  of  Eaja-kansa  on  the  north  to  the  mounds 

*  Julieii's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  207.      See  Map  No.  X. 


called  Tdu  Kans  and  Tila  Sat  Rikh  on  tlie  south  ;  but 
the  southern  half  of  this  space  is  now  deserted,  and 
an  equal  space  has  been  gradually  built  upon  outside 
the  old  city  to  the  north  and  west  of  the  Nabi  Masjid. 
The  city  is  surrounded  by  numbers  of  high  mounds ; 
several  of  which  are  no  doubt  old  brick  kilns ;  but 
many  of  them  are  the  remains  of  extensive  buildings, 
which,  having  been  dug  over  for  ages  in  search  of 
bricks,  are  now  mere  heaps  of  brick-dust  and  broken 
brick.  I  refer  more  especially  to  the  great  mound 
near  the  jail,  3  miles  to  the  south  of  the  city,  which 
fx'om  its  appearance  was  always  supposed  to  be  the  re- 
mains of  a  brick  and  tile  kiln.  But  this  unpromising- 
looking  mound  has  since  yielded  numbers  of  statues 
and  insci'ibcd  pillars,  which  prove  that  it  is  the  remains 
of  at  least  two  large  Buddhist  monasteries  of  as  early 
a  date  as  the  begimdng  of  the  Christian  era. 

The  holy  city  of  Mathura  is  one  of  the  most  ancient 
places  in  India.  It  is  famous  in  the  history  of  Krishna, 
as  the  stronghold  of  his  enemy  Raja  Kansa ;  and  it  is 
noticed  by  Arrian,*  on  the  authority  of  Megasthenes, 
as  the  capital  of  the  Suraseni.  Now  Surasena  was  the 
grandfather  of  Krishna,  and  from  him  Krishna  and  his 
descexidants,  who  held  Mathura  after  the  death  of 
Kansa,  were  called  Surasenas.  According  to  Arrian 
the  Suraseni  possessed  t\^"o  great  cities,  Mdhoras  and 
Klisoboras,  and  the  navigable  river  Jobares  flowed 
through  their  territories.  Plinyj-  names  the  river 
Jomanes,  that  is  the  Jumna,  and  says  that  it  passed 
between  the  towns  of  Meihora  and  Clisobora.  Ptolemy 
mentions  only  Mathura,  under  the  form  of  Modura, 
MoSovpa,  to  which  he  adds^rwi/  6ea>v,  that  is  "  the  city 
of  the  gods,"  or  holy  city. 

*  '  Indica,'  viii.  t  Nat.  Hist.,  vi.  19. 



The  city  of  Klisoboras  has  not  yet  been  identified, 
but  I  feel  satisfied  that  it  must  be  Vrinddvana,  6  miles 
to  the   north  of  Mathura.*      Vrinddvana   means   the 
"  grove  of  basil-trees,"  which  is  famed  over  all  India 
as  the  scene  of  Krishna's  sports  with  the  milkmaids. 
But  the  earlier  name  of  the  place  was  Kiilikdvartta,  or 
"  Kalika's  whirlpool,"  because  the  serpent  Kdlika  was 
fabled  to  have  taken  up  his  abode  just  above  the  town, 
in  a  Kadamb  tree,  overhanging  the  Jumna.     Here  he 
was  attacked  by  Krishna,    and  the  rapid  convolutions 
of  his  tail  in  his  dying  struggles  are  said  to  have 
caused  the  eddy,  which  is  now  known  by  his  name. 
Now,  the  Latin  name  of  Clisobora  is  also  written  Ca- 
risohora  and  Ci/risoborka  in  difii'erent  MSS.,  from  which 
I  infer  that  the  original  spelling  was  Kalisoborka,  or, 
by  a  slight  change  of  two  letters,  Knlilwborfa  or  Kd- 
lilcdbarta.     In  the  Prem  Sagar  this  whii'lpool  of  the 
Jumna  is  attributed  to  the  poison  that  was  vomited 
forth  by  the  serpent  Kali  against  Krishna,  Avhen  he 
was  swimming  in  the  river.     Allusion  is  made  to  the 
natural  increase  of  the  serpent's  poison  by  ofi'erings  of 
milk,  wbich  would  seem  to  refer  to  a  previous  state  of 
serpent-worship.     Milk  ofi'erings  are  still  made  occa- 
sionally, but  only  to  test  the  divine  nature  of  the  ser- 
pent, who  is  supposed  to  possess  the  most  miraculous 
powers  of  drinking.     In  the  last  century,  Eaja  Chet 
Singh,  of  Benares,  is  said  to  have  poured  all  the  milk  of 
the  two  cities  of  Mathura  and  Vrindavan  down  the  hol- 
low Kadamb  tree,  and  as  the  waters  of  the  Jumna  were 
not  even  tinged,  the  serpent  Kalika's  miraculous  powers 
of  milk- drinking  were  established  more  firmly  than  ever. 

*  See  Map  No.  X. 


11.    KANOJ. 

From  Sanghisa  Hwen  Thsang  proceeded  to  Kanoj,  a 
distance  of  200  U,  or  33  miles,  in  a  north-west  direc- 
tion. As  the  positions  of  both  places  are  well  known, 
we  must  correct  the  bearing  to  south-east,  and  the 
distance  to  300  li,  or  50  miles.  The  latter  correction 
is  supported  by  Fa-Hian,  who  makes  the  distance  7 
yojanas,  or  49  miles.*  In  the  seventh  century  the 
kingdom  is  said  to  have  been  4000  //,  or  667  miles,  in 
circuit.  This  estimate,  as  I  have  already  observed, 
must  certainly  have  included  some  of  the  petty  dis- 
tricts to  the  north  of  the  Ganges,  as  well  as  those  in 
the  Lower  Gangctic  Doab,  otherwise  the  actual  boun- 
dary of  Kanoj  proper  would  scarcely  exceed  200  miles. 
Taking  Hwen  Thsang's  estimate  of  667  miles  as  ap- 
proximately correct,  the  probable  limits  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Kanoj  must  have  included  all  the  country 
between  Khairabad  and  Tanda,  on  the  Ghagra,  and 
Etawa  and  Allahabad,  on  the  Jumna,  which  would 
give  a  circuit  of  about  600  miles. 

Of  the  great  city  of  Kanoj,  which  for  many  hundred 
years  Avas  the  Hindu  capital  of  northern  India,  the 
existing  remains  are  few  and  unimportant.  In  a.d. 
1016,  when  Mahmud  of  Ghazui  approached  Kanoj, 
the  historian  relates  that  "he  there  saw  a  city  which 
raised  its  head  to  the  skies,  and  which  in  strength  and 
structure  might  justly  boast  to  have  no  equal."|  Just 
one  century  earlier,  or  in  a.d.  915,  Kanoj  is  mentioned 
by  JMasudi  as  the  capital  of  one  of  the  kings  of  India ; 
and  about  a.d.  900  Abu  Zaid,  on  the  authority  of 
Ibn  Wahab,  calls  "  Kaduje  a  great  city  in  the  king- 

*  Beul's  '  Fa-Hian,'  xviii.  f  Briggs's  'Fcrislita,'  i.  57. 


dom  of  GozarP  At  a  still  earlier  date,  in  a.d.  634, 
■\ve  have  the  account  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim  Hwen 
Thsang,  who  describes  Kanoj  as  being  20  A',  or  3^ 
miles,  in  length,  and  4  or  5  /^,  or  f  of  a  mile  in 
breadth.*  The  city  was  surrounded  by  strong  walls 
and  deep  ditches,  and  was  washed  by  the  Ganges 
along  its  eastern  face.  The  last  fact  is  corroborated 
by  Fa-Hian,  who  states  that  the  city  touched  the 
river  lieng,  or  Ganges,  when  he  visited  it  in  a.d.  400. 
Kanoj  is  also  mentioned  by  Ptolemy,  about  a.d.  140, 
as  Kavojlt,a.  But  the  earliest  notice  of  the  place  is 
undoubtedly  the  old  familiar  legend  of  the  Puranas, 
which  refers  the  Sanskrit  name  of  Kdni/a-kubja,  or  the 
"hump-backed  maiden,"  to  the  curse  of  the  sage  Vai/u 
on  the  hundred  daughters  of  Kusandba. 

At  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit,  Kanoj  was  the 
capital  of  Paja  HarsJia  Vardhana,  the  most  powerful 
sovereign  in  Northern  India.  The  Chinese  pilgrim 
calls  him  a  Fei-she,  or  Vaisya,  but  it  seems  probable 
that  he  must  have  mistaken  the  Vaisa,  or  Bais  Rajput 
for  the  Vaisi/a,  or  Bais^  which  is  the  name  of  the 
mercantile  class  of  the  Hindus ;  otherwise  Harsha 
Vardhana's  connection  by  marriage  with  the  Pajput 
families  of  Malwa  and  Balabhi  would  have  been  quite 
impossible.  Baiswara,  the  country  of  the  Bais  Paj- 
puts,  extends  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Lucknow  to 
Khara-Manikpur,  and  thus  comprises  nearly  the  whole 
of  Southern  Oudh.  The  Bais  Pajputs  claim  descent 
from  the  famous  Sdlivdhan,  whose  capital  is  said  to 
have  been  Daundia-Khera,  on  the  north  bank  of  the 
Ganges.  Their  close  proximity  to  Kanoj  is  in  favour 
of  the  sovereignty  which  they  claim  for  their  ancestors 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  243.     See  Map  No.  X. 


over  the  whole  of  the  Gangetic  .Doab,  from  Delhi  to 
Allahabad.  But  their  genealogical  lists  are  too  im- 
perfect, and  most  probably  also  too  incorrect,  to  enable 
us  to  identify  any  of  their  recorded  ancestors  with  the 
princes  of  Harsha  Yardhana's  family. 

In  determining  the  period  of  Harsha's  reign  be- 
tween the  years  GOT  and  650  a.d.,  I  have  been  guided 
by  the  following  evidence  :  —  1  st,  the  date  of  his  death 
is  fixed  by  the  positive  statement  of  Hwen  Thsang  in 
the  year  650  a.d  ;*  2ud,  in  speaking  of  Harsha's 
career,  the  pilgrim  records  that  from  the  time  of  his 
accession,  Harsha  was  engaged  in  continual  war  for  5-|- 
years,  and  that  afterwards  for  about  30  years  he 
reigned  in  peace.  This  statement  is  repeated  by 
Hwen  Thsang  when  on  his  return  to  China,  on  the 
authority  of  the  king  himself,  who  informed  him  that 
he  had  then  reigned  for  iipioards  of  30  years,  and  that 
the  quinquennial  assembly  then  collected  was  the 
s'wih  which  he  had  convoked.  From  these  different 
statements,  it  is  certain  that  at  the  date  of  Hwen 
Thsang's  return  to  China,  in  a.d.  040,  Harsha  had 
reigned  upwards  of  30  years,  and  somewhat  less  than 
35  years;  his  accession  must,  therefore,  be  placed 
between  A.D.  605  and  610;  3rd,  now,  in  the  middle 
of  this  very  period,  in  a.d.  607,  as  we  learn  from 
Abu  Rihan,  was  established  the  Sri  Harsha  era,  which 
was  still  prevalent  in  Mathura  and  Kauoj  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  eleventh  century. f    Considering  the  exact 

*  In  Appendix  A,  at  the  end  of  tlie  Chronological  Table  of  Hwen 
Thsang's  route,  I  have  brouglit  forward  strong  reasons  for  beheving 
that  the  true  date  of  the  death  of  Harsha  Vardhana  was  a.d.  648, 
which  is  the  year  given  by  Ma-twan-lin,  on  the  authority  of  the 
Chinese  ambassador,  who  visited  India  immediately  after  the  king's 
death.  t  Keinaud,  '  Fragments,'  p.  139. 


agreement  of  the  names  and  dates,  it  is  impossible  to 
avoid  coming  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Ear  ska  who 
established  an  era  in  Kanoj  in  a.d.  607  was  the  great 
King  Harslia  Vardhana,  who  reigned  at  Kanoj  during 
the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century. 

In  comparing  Hwen  Thsang's  description  of  ancient 
Kanoj  with  the  existing  remains  of  the  city,  I  am 
obliged  to  confess  with  regret  that  I  have  not  been 
able  to  identify  even  one  solitary  site  with  any  cer- 
tainty ;  so  completely  has  almost  every  trace  of  Hindu 
occupation  been  obliterated  by  the  Musalmans.  Ac- 
cording to  the  traditions  of  the  people,  the  ancient 
city  extended  from  the  shi-ine  of  Hclji  Ilarmdyan  on 
the  north,  near  the  Raj  Ghat,  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
Miranha  Sarai  on  the  south,  a  distance  of  exactly 
3  miles.  Towards  the  west  it  is  said  to  have  reached 
to  Kapatya  and  Makarandnagar^  two  villages  on  the 
high-road,  about  3  miles  from  Udji  Harmdi/an.  On  the 
east  the  boundary  was  the  old  bed  of  the  Ganges,  or 
CJioia  Gangd^  as  the  people  call  it,  although  it  is  re- 
corded in  our  maps  as  the  Kdli  Nadi.  Their  account 
is  that  the  Kdli,  or  Kdlindri  Nadi,  formerly  joined  the 
Ganges  near  Sangirdmpur  or  Sangrdmpur ;  but  that 
several  hundred  years  ago  the  great  river  took  a  more 
northerly  course  from  that  point,  while  the  waters  of  the 
Kdli  'Nadi  continued  to  flow  down  the  deserted  channel. 
As  an  open  channel  still  exists  between  Sangrdiiipur  and 
the  Kdli  Nadi,  I  am  satisfied  that  the  poj^iilar  account  is 
correct,  and  that  the  stream  which  flows  under  Kanoj, 
from  Sangrdmpur  to  Mhendi  Ghdt,  although  now  chiefly 
filled  with  the  waters  of  the  Kdli  Nadi,  was  originally 
the  main  channel  of  the  Ganges.  The  accounts  of  Fa- 
Hian  and   Hwen  Thsang,  who  place   Kanoj  on  the 


Ganges,  are  therefore  confirmed,  not  only  by  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  people,  but  also  by  the  fact  that  the 
old  channel  still  exists  under  the  name  of  the  Chota 
Gangd^  or  Little  Ganges. 

The  modern  town  of  Kanoj  occupies  only  the  north 
end  of  the  site  of  the  old  city,  including  the  whole  of 
what  is  now  called  the  Kilah,  or  citadel.     The  boun- 
daries are  well  defined  by  the  shrine  of  Hdji-Hurmd- 
yan  on  the  north,  the  tomb  of  Tdj-Bdj  on  the  south- 
west, and  the  Masjid  and  tomb  of  Maklidum-Jahdniya 
on  the  south-east.     The  houses  are  much  scattered, 
especially  inside  the  citadel,  so  that  though  the  city 
still  covers  nearly  one  square  mile,  yet  the  population 
barely  exceeds  16,000  in  number.     The  citadel,  which 
occupies  all  the  highest  ground,  is  triangular  in  shape, 
its  northern  point  being  the  shrine  Hdji-llarmdyan, 
its  south-west  point  the  temple  of  Jjni/  Pul^  and  its 
south-cast  point  the  large  bastion  called  Kshem  Kali 
Biirj.     Each  of  the  faces  is  about  4000  feet  in  length, 
that  to  the  north-west  being  protected  by  the  bed  of 
the  nameless  dry  ISTala,  that  to  the  north-east  by  the 
Choi  a  Gangd^  while  that  to  the  south  must  have  been 
Cdvc'red  by  a  ditch,  which  is  now  one  of  the  main 
roads  of  the  city,  running  along  the  foot  of  the  mound 
from  the  bridge  below  Ajay  Pal's  temple  to  the  Ksliem 
Kali  bastion.     On  the  north-east  face  the  moimd  rises 
to  60  and  70  feet  in  height  above  the  low  ground  on 
the  bank  of  the  ri^'er,  and  towards  the  Nala  on  the 
north-west  it  still  maintains  a  height  of  from  40  to 


feet.  On  the  southern  side,  however,  it  is  not  more 
than  30  feet  immediately  below  the  temple  of  Ajay 
I'a'l,  but  it  increases  to  40  feet  below  the  tomb  of 
Bald  Fir.     The  situation  is  a  commanding  one,  and 


before  the  use  of  cannon  the  height  alone  must  have 
made  Eanoj  a  strong  and  important  positi(m.  The 
people  point  out  the  sites  of  two  gates,  the  first  to  the 
north,  near  the  shrine  of  Haji  Harmdyan^  and  the 
second  to  the  south-east,  close  to  the  Kshem  Kali  Burj. 
But  as  both  of  these  gates  lead  to  the  river,  it  is  cer- 
tain that  there  must  have  been  a  third  gate  on  the 
land  side  towards  the  south-west,  and  the  most  pro- 
bable position  seems  to  be  immediately  under  the 
walls  of  the  Ravff  Mahal,  and  close  to  the  temple  of 
Ajaj/  Pal. 

According  to  tradition,  the  ancient  city  contained  84 
wards  oy  Mahalas,  of  which  25  are  still  existing  within 
the  limits  of  the  present  town.  If  we  take  the  area 
of  these  25  wards  at  three-quarters  of  a  square  mile, 
the  84  wards  of  the  ancient  city  would  have  covered 
just  2-|  square  miles.  Now,  this  is  the  very  size  that 
is  assigned  to  the  old  city  by  Hwen  Thsang,  who 
makes  its  length  20  li,  or  2>\  miles,  and  its  breadth  4 
or  5  li,  or  just  three-quarters  of  a  mile,  which  multi- 
plied together  give  just  2\  square  miles.  Almost  the 
same  limits  may  be  determined  from  the  sites  of  the 
existing  ruins,  which  are  also  the  chiet  fnd-spots  of  the 
old  coins  with  which  Kanoj  abounds.  According  to 
the  dealers,  the  old  coins  are  found  at  Bala  Fir  and 
Rany  Mahal,  inside  the  fort ;  at  MalcMum-J ahdniya,  to 
the  south-east  of  the  fort ;  or  Malmrandnagar  on  the 
high-road ;  and  intermediately  at  the  small  villages  of 
Singh  Bhawdni  and  Kutlupur.  The  only  other  produc- 
tive site  is  said  to  be  Edjffir,  an  ancient  mound  covered 
with  brick  ruins  on  the  bank  of  the  Chota  Ganga,  three 
miles  to  the  south-east  of  Kanoj.  Taking  all  these 
evidences  into  consideration,  it  appears  to  me  almost 


certain  that  the  ancient  city  of  Hwen  Thsang's  time 
must  have  extended  from  Ildji-Harmdyan  and  the 
Kshem-Kali  Burj,  on  the  bank  of  the  Ganges  (now  the 
Chota  Ganffd),  in  a  south-west  direction,  to  Makarand- 
nagar,  on  the  Grand  Trunk  Eoad,  a  length  of  just 
three  miles,  with  a  general  breadth  of  about  one  mile 
or  somewhat  less.  Within  these  limits  are  found  all 
the  ruins  that  still  exist  to  point  out  the  position  of 
the  once  famous  city  of  Kanoj. 

]2.  ATUTO. 

From  Kanoj  the  two  Chinese  pilgrims  followed  dif- 
ferent routes,  Fa-Hian  having  proceeded  direct  to 
Sha-chi  (the  modern  Ajudhya,  near  Fyzabad  on  the 
Ghaghra),  Avhile  liwen  Thsang  followed  the  course  of 
the  Ganges  to  Prayag  or  Allahabad.  The  first  stage 
of  both  pilgrims  would,  however,  appear  to  be  the 
same.  Fa-Hian  states  that  he  crossed  the  Ganges  and 
proceeded  o  jjojann^^  or  21  miles,  to  the  south  to  the 
forest  of  Holi,  where  there  wore  several  stupas  erected 
on  spots  where  Buddha  had  "passed,  or  walked,  or 
sat.'*  Hwen  Thsang  records  that  he  marched  100  /?', 
nearly  17  miles,  to  the  town  of  Nava-dcva-kula,  which 
was  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Ganges,  and  that  at  5 
li,  or  nearly  1  mile,  to  the  south-east  of  the  town  there 
was  a  stupa  of  Asoka,  which  wa?  still  100  feet  in 
height,  besides  some  other  monuments  dedicated  to 
the  four  previous  Buddhas-f  I  think  it  probable  that 
the  two  places  are  the  same,  and  that  the  site  was 
somewhere  near   Nobatganj,  just  above  the  junction 

*  Beal's  'Fah-Hian,'  xviii.  71. 

t  Julien's  '  Hioucn  Thsang,'  ii.  265. 


of  the  Isan  river,  and  opposite  'Nanamow  Ghat.  But 
as  there  are  no  existing  remains  anywhere  in  that 
neighbourhood,  the  place  has  been  most  likely  swept 
away  by  the  river.  This  is  rendered  almost  certaia 
by  an  examination  of  the  Ganges  below  the  junction 
of  the  Isan.  Formerly  the  river  continued  its  course 
almost  due  south  from  Nanamow  for  many  miles,  but 
some  centuries  ago  it  changed  its  course ;  first  to  the 
south-east  for  4  or  5  miles,  and  then  to  the  south-west 
for  about  the  same  distance,  where  it  rejoined  its  old 
bed,  leaving  an  island,  some  6  miles  in  length  by  4  in 
breadth,  between  the  two  channels.  As  Hwen  Thsang's 
account  places  Nava-deva-hida  on  the  very  site  of  this 
island,  I  conclude  that  the  town  as  well  as  the  Bud- 
dhist monuments  must  all  have  been  swept  away  by  the 
change  in  the  river's  course. 

A  probable  source  of  error  in  all  short  distances 
was  their  registry  in  yojanas  instead  of  in  kos,  which 
would  have  increased  the  distances  just  fourfold.  If 
such  an  eiror  should  have  been  committed  in  the  case 
of  Nava-deva-kula^  the  actual  distance  would  have  been 
only  25  li,  or  a  little  more  than  4  miles,  instead  of  17 
miles.  Now  in  this  very  position,  4  miles  to  the  south- 
east of  Kanoj,  there  is  a  well-known  place  on  the 
Chota  Ganggi,  called  Beokali^  which  is  the  same  name 
as  that  given  by  the  pilgrim,  if  we  omit  the  first  two 
syllables  Nava,  or  '  new.' 

On  leaving  Nava-deva-kula,  Hwen  Thsang  proceeded 
600  /«',  or  100  miles,  to  the  south-east,  and  recross- 
ing  the  Ganges  reached  the  capital  city  of  A-i/u-to, 
which  was  20  /«',  or  upwards  of  3  miles,  in  circuit. 
Both  M.  Julien  and  M.  de  St.  Martin  have  identified 
this  place  with  Ajjod/iya,  the  once  celebrated  capital  of 


Eama.     I  accept  the  probable  reading  of  the  name  as 
Ajmda,  but  I  differ  with  them  altogether  in  looking 
for  the   capital  along  the  line  of  the  Ghdgha  river, 
which  is  dne  east  from  Kanoj,  whereas  Hwen  Thsang 
states  that  his  route  was  to  the  south-east.     It  is  of 
course  quite  possible  that  the  pilgrim  may  occasionally 
use  the  generic  name  of  Ganges  as  the  appellation  of 
any  large  river,  such  for  instance  as  the  GhdfjJira,  but 
in  the  present  case,  where  the  recorded  bearing  of 
south-east  agrees  Avith  the  course  of  the  Ganges,  I 
think  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  Ganges  itself  was 
the  river  intended  by  the  pilgrim.     But  by  adopting 
the  line  of  the  Ganges  we  encounter  a  difficulty  of  a 
different  kind  in  the  great  excess  of  the  distance  be- 
tween  two    such    well-known   places   as    Kanoj    and 
Prayag.     According  to  Hwen  Thsang's  route,  he  first 
made   100  li  to  Nava-deva-kula,  then  600  li  to  Ai/uto^ 
then  300  //  by  water  to  Ilcnjamul-ha,  and  lastly  700  li 
to  Praij<1(j(i.     All  these  distances  added  together  make 
a  total  of  1700  /{,  or  2S3  miles,  which  is  just  100 
miles,  or  600  //,  in  excess  of  the  true  distance.     Eut 
as  a  part  of  the  journey,  viz.  300  //,  or  50  miles,  was 
performed  by  water,  the   actual  excess  may  perhaps 
not  be  more  than   85   or   90  miles ;    although  it   is 
doubtful  whetlier  the  distance  of  300  li  may  not  have 
been  the  road  measurement  and  not  the  river  distance. 
It  is  sufficient  for  our  purpose  to  know  that  Hwen 
Thsang's  recorded  measurement  is  somewhere  about 
100  miles  in  excess  of  the  truth.     The  only  explana- 
tion of  this  error  that  suggests  itself  to  me  is,  that 
there  may  have  been  an  accidental  alteration  of  one 
set  of  figures,  such  as  60  li  for  600  /?,  or  700  li  for 
70  li.     Supposing  that  the  former  was  the  case,  the 


distance  would  be  shortened  by  540  //,  or  90  miles, 
and  if  the  latter,  by  630  /«,  or  105  miles.  This  mode 
of  correction  brings  the  pilgrim's  account  into  fair  ac- 
cordance with  the  actual  distance  of  180  miles  between 
Kanoj  and  Pray^g. 

By  adopting  the  first  supposition,  Hwen  Thsang's 
distance  from  Nava-deva-kula  to  the  capital  of  A'^uto 
will  be  only  60  li,  or  10  miles,  to  the  south-east,  which 
would  bring  him  to  the  site  of  an  ancient  city  named 
Kdkiijnir,  just  1  mile  to  the  north  of  Seorajpoor,  and 
20  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Cawnpore,  The  subse- 
quent route  would  have  been  from  Kdkupur  to  Daun- 
diakhera  by  boat,  a  distance  of  exactly  50  miles,  or 
300  li,  and  from  thence  to  Praydg,  a  distance  of  more 
than  100  miles,  which  agrees  with  the  700  //,  or  116 
miles,  of  the  pilgrim.  By  the  second  supposition  the 
subsequent  route  would  have  been  from  K/iara  to 
Papamoiv  by  water,  about  50  miles,  and  thence  to 
Prayag,  about  8  miles  of  land,  which  agrees  with  the 
70  li  of  the  proposed  correction.  In  favour  of  this 
last  supposition  is  the  fact  that  the  bearing  from  Kliara 
to  Papamow  of  east  by  south  is  more  in  accordance 
with  Hwen  Thsang's  recorded  east  direction  than  the 
south-east  bearing  of  Daundiakhera  from  Kakupur.  I 
confess,  however,  that  I  am  more  inclined  to  adopt  the 
former  correction,  which  places  the  chief  city  of  Ji/uto 
at  Kakupur,  and  the  town  of  Hayamuka  at  Daundia- 
khera, as  we  know  that  the  last  was  the  capital  of  the 
Bais  B.ajputs  for  a  considerable  period.  I  am  partly 
inclined  to  this  opinion  by  a  suspicion  that  the  name 
of  Kakujjur  may  be  connected  with  that  of  Bdr/ud,  or 
Vapid,   of  the  Tibetan   books.*     According   to   this 

*  Bengal  '  Asiatic  Ecsearohes,'  xx.  88. 

2  f 


authority  a  Sdkya,  named  ShdmpaJca,  on  being  banished 
from  Ivapila  retired  to  Bd(/tid,  carrying  with  him  some 
of  Buddlia's  hair  and  nail-parings,  over  which  he 
built  a  cltaitya.  He  was  made  king  of  Bdgud,  and  the 
monument  was  named  after  himself  (?  SJidmpaka  stupa). 
No  clue  is  given  as  to  the  position  of  Bd,gud^  but  as  I 
know  of  no  otlier  name  that  resembles  it,  I  am  inclined 
to  think  that  it  is  probably  the  same  place  as  the  Ayuio  or 
Ayiida  of  Hwcn  Tlisang.  The  two  names  have  a  strik- 
ing resemblance  ;  and  as  each  of  the  places  possessed 
a  stupa  containing  some  hair  and  nails  of  Buddha,  I 
think  that  there  are  strong  grounds  for  the  identifica- 

Kdldipiir  is  well  known  to  the  people  of  Kanoj,  who 
affirm  that  it  was  once  a  large  city  with  a  Eaja  of  its 
own.  It  is  exactly  10  miles,  or  5  kos,  to  the  north- 
west of  Bithur,  and  the  land  between  the  two  places 
is  called  Pmij-kosi  bhitar  utpdidranya,  or  the  "five  kos 
circuit  of  Utpalaranya."  The  ruined  mound  of  Kakii- 
pur  is  said  to  be  the  remains  of  a  fort  named  Chhatrpur, 
which  was  foimdcd  by  Eaja  Chhatr  Pal  Chandel  900 
years  ago.  Kakupur  also  possesses  two  famous  temples 
dedicated  to  Kshiremara  Mahddeva,  and  Asioatthdma 
son  of  Drona,  near  which  a  large  annual  fair  is  held. 
These  details  arc  sufiicient  to  show  that  the  place  must 
have  been  of  some  consequence  in  former  days ;  while 
the  name  of  Aswatthama  carries  it  back  to  the  time 
of  the  Mahiibhrirata. 

Hweu  Thsang  makes  Ayuto  5000  //,  or  833  miles, 
in  circuit,*  which  is  so  utterly  beyond  all  possibility 
that  I  reject  it  without  hesitation.  Perhaps  we  should 
read  500   //,   or  83   miles,  which  would  restrict  the 

*  Julicn's  '  Hioueu  Thsang,'  ii.  267.     See  Map  No.  X. 


territory  to  the  small  tract  lying  between  Kakupur  and 
Cawnpore,  and  thus  leave  room  for  the  next  district 
of  Hayamukha. 


From  Ayuto  the  pilgrim  proceeded  down  the 
Ganges  by  boat  for  a  distance  of  300  li,  or  50  miles, 
to  which  was  situated  on  the  northern 
bank  of  the  river.  M.  Julien*  reads  this  name  as 
Hai/amukha,  or  "Horse-face;"  but  it  may  perhaps  also 
be  read  as  Jyoviukha,  or  "  Iron-face,"  which  was  the 
name  of  one  of  the  ancient  Bdnavas,  or  Titans.  Neither 
of  these  names,  however,  gives  any  clue  to  the  site  of 
the  old  city  ;  but  if  I  am  right  in  my  identification  of 
Ayuto  with  Kakupur,  it  is  almost  certain  that  Haya- 
mulclia  must  be  Daundia-khera  on  the  northern  bank  of 
the  Ganges.  Hwen  Thsang  makes  the  circuit  of  the 
town  20  /«',  or  upwards  of  3  miles ;  but  Daiindia- 
khera  presents  no  appearance  of  ever  having  been  so 
large.  There  still  exists  an  old  ruined  fort  or  citadel, 
385  feet  square,  with  the  walls  of  two  buildings 
which  are  called  the  palaces  of  the  Eaja  and  the 
Eani.  But  as  Daundia-khera  is  universally  allowed  to 
have  been  the  capital  of  the  Bais  Rajputs,  who  gave 
their  name  to  the  district  of  Baiswara  in  Oudh,  it  is 
almost  certain  that  the  place  must  once  have  been  of 
much  greater  extent.  Dondia  or  JDaundia  means 
simply  a  "  drum-beater,"  and  was  probably  applied  to 
some  mendicant,  who  took  up  his  abode  on  the  Khera^ 
or  "  mound,"  and  as  this  name  is  not  likely  to  have 
been  imposed  on  the  place  until  it  was  in  ruins,  the 
difference  of  name  offers  no  impediment  to  the  identi- 
fication of  Daundia-khera  with  ITayamukha. 
*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  274. 

2  c  2 


Hwen  Thsang  makes  Ilai/amukha  2500  li,  or  417 
miles,  in  circuit,  wliich  is  perhajos  too  great ;  but  as 
Baimdia-Mera  was  the  capital  of  the  Bais  Eajputs,  I 
conclude  that  the  district  must  have  comprised  the 
whole  of  the  present  Baistaira,  which  lies  between  the 
Sai  river  and  the  Ganges,  from  Cawnpore  to  Manikpur 
■  and  Salon.  But  as  these  limits  would  give  a  circuit 
of  only  200  miles,  it  seems  almost  certain  that  the 
district  must  have  extended  to  the  south  of  the 
Ganges  in  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang.  Its  probable 
limits  were,  therefore,  the  Ghagra  river  on  the  north, 
and  the  Jumna  on  the  south,  a  determination  which 
derives  some  support  from  Tod,*  who  describes  Bais- 
Avara  as  an  extensive  district  in  the  Dodb  between  the 
Ganges  and  Jumna. 

i-i.  prayIga. 

From  Hayamukha  the  pilgrim  proceeded  700  //,  or 
116  miles,  to  the  south-east  to  Praydga^  the  well- 
known  place  of  pilgrimage  at  the  junction  of  the 
Ganges  and  Jumna,  where  Akbar,  many  centuries 
later,  built  his  fort  of  Ildhabus,  or  Alldhdbdd,  as  it  was 
afterwards  called  by  Shah  Jehan.  The  distance  and 
bearing  given  by  Hwen  Thsang  agree  almost  exactly 
with  those  of  Prayaga  from  Daundiakhera.  The  dis- 
tance is  104  miles  by  the  nearest  road  to  the  south  of 
the  Ganges ;  but  as  the  pilgrim  followed  the  northern 
road,  the  distance  must  have  been  increased  to  115  or 
120  miles.  According  to  him*  the  city  was  situated 
at  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers,  and  to  the  west  of 
a  large  sandy  plain.  In  the  midst  of  the  city  there 
was  a  Brahmanical  tpmple,  to  which  the  presentation 

*  .Jiilien'a  '  Hiouen  Thsang,"  ii.  276. 


V,GunniiTgV\am.  SeT 


of  a  single  piece  of  money  procured  as  much  merit  as 
that  of  one  thousand  pieces  elsewhere.  Before  the 
principal  room  of  the  temple  there  was  a  large  tree 
with  wide-spreading  branches,  which  was  said  to  be 
the  abode  of  a  man-eating  demon.  The  tree  was  sur- 
rounded with  human  bones,  the  remains  of  pilgrims 
who  had  sacrificed  their  lives  before  the  temple,  a 
practice  which  had  been  observed  from  time  imme- 

I  think  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  famous 
tree  here  described  by  the  pilgrim  is  the  well-known 
Alishay  Bat^  or  "  undecaying  Banian  tree,"  which  is 
still  an  object  of  worship  at  Allahabad.  This  tree  is 
now  situated  underground,  at  one  side  of  a  pillared 
cou]-t,  which  would  appear  to  have  been  open 
formerly,  and  which  is,  I  believe,  the  remains  of 
the  temple  described  by  Hwen  Tlisang.  The  temple 
is  situated  inside  the  fort  of  Allahabad,  to  the  east  of 
the  EUenborough  Barracks,  and  due  north  from  the 
Stone  Pillar  of  Asoka  and  Samudra  Gupta.  Here, 
then,  must  have  been  the  site  of  the  city  in  the 
seventh  century,  and  this  agrees  with  the  sunken 
position  of  the  tree,  for  originally  both  tree  and 
temple  must  have  been  on  the  natural  ground  level ; 
but  from  the  constant  accumulation  of  rubbish,  they 
have  been  gradually  earthed  up,  until  the  whole  of 
the  lower  portion  of  the  temple  has  disappeared  un- 
derground. The  upper  portion  has  long  ago  been 
removed,  and  the  only  access  to  the  Akshay  Bat  now 
available  is  by  a  flight  of  steps  which  leads  down  to  a 
square  pillared  courtyard.  This  court  has  apparently 
once  been  open  to  the  sky ;  but  it  is  now  completely 
closed  overhead,  to  secure  darkness  and  mystery  for 
the  holy  fig-tree. 



The  Ahshay-hnt  is  next  mentioned  by  Eashid-ud- 
din  in  the  Jamiu-t-tawdrikh,  where  he  states  that  the 
"tree  of  Frag''''  is  situated  at  the  confluence  of  Jumna 
and  Ganges.  As  most  of  his  information  was  derived 
from  Abu  Eihan,  the  date  of  this  notice  may  with 
great  probability  be  referred  to  the  time  of  Mahmud 
of  Ghazni.  In  the  seventh  century  a  great  sandy 
plain,  2  miles  in  circuit,  lay  between  the  city  and  the 
confluence  of  the  rivers,  and  as  the  tree  was  in  the 
midst  of  the  city,  it  must  have  been  at  least  one  mile 
from  the  confluence.  But  nine  centuries  later,  in  the 
beginning  of  Akbar's  reign,  Abdul  Kadir  speaks  of 
the  "  tree  from  which  people  cast  themselves  into  the 
river."*  From  this  statement  I  infer  that  during  the 
long  period  that  intervened  between  the  time  of  Hwen 
Thsang  and  that  of  Akbar,  the  two  rivers  had  gra- 
dually carried  away  the  whole  of  the  great  sandy 
plain,  and  had  so  far  encroached  upon  the  city,  as  to 
place  the  holy  tree  on  the  very  brink  of  the  water. 
Long  before  this  time  the  old  city  had  no  doubt  been 
deserted,  for  we  know  that  the  fort  of  Ildhdbds  was 
founded  on  its  site  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  Akbar's 
reign,  that  is,  in  a.h.  982,  or  a.d.  1572.  Indeed  the 
way  in  which  Abu  Rihan  speaks  of  the  "tree"  instead 
of  the  city  of  Prag,  leads  me  to  believe  that  the  city 
itself  had  already  been  deserted  before  his  time.  As 
far  as  I  am  aware,  it  is  not  once  mentioned  in  any 
Muhammadan  history  until  it  was  refounded  by 
Akbar.  f 

According  to  the  common  tradition  of  the  people, 

*  Elliot's  '  Muhammadan  Historians  of  India,'  p.  243. 
t  Itoinaud,  '  Fragments  Arabes,'  etc.,  p.  103.     Sir  H.  Elliot's  '  Mu- 
hammadan Historians  of  India,'  edited  by  Dowson,  i.  55. 


the  name  of  Pray^g  was  derived  from  a  Brahman  who 
lived  during  the  reign  of  Akbar.  The  story  is,  that 
when  the  emperor  was  building  the  fort,  the  walls  on 
the  river  face  repeatedly  fell  down,  in  spite  of  all  the 
precautions  taken  by  the  architect.  On  consulting 
some  wise  men,  Akbar  was  informed  that  the  founda- 
tions could  only  be  secured  by  being  laid  in  human 
blood.  A  proclamation  was  then  made,  when  a  Brah- 
man named  Prayaga  voluntarily  offered  his  life,  on 
the  condition  that  the  fort  should  bear  his  name. 
This  idle  story,  which  is  diligently  related  to  the 
pilgrims  who  now  visit  the  Akshay  Bat^  may  at  least 
serve  one  useful  purpose  in  warning  us  not  to  place 
too  much  faith  in  these  local  traditions.  The  name  of 
Prayaga  is  recorded  by  Hwen  Thsang  in  the  seventh 
century,  and  is  in  all  probability  as  old  as  the  reign 
of  Asoka,  who  set  up  the  stone  pillar  about  B.C.  236, 
while  the  fort  was  not  built  until  the  end  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Hwen  Thsang  makes  the  district  of 
Prayaga  about  5000  /?,  or  833  miles,  in  circuit;  but 
as  it  was  closely  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  other  dis- 
tricts, I  am  satisfied  that  we  should  read  500  li^  or 
83  miles,  and  limit  the  district  to  the  small  tract  in 
the  fork  of  the  Doab,  immediately  above  the  junction 
of  the  Ganges  and  Jumna. 

15.    KOSAMBI. 

The  city  of  Kosdmbi  was  one  of  the  most  celebrated 
places  in  ancient  India,  and  its  name  was  famous 
amongst  Brahmans  as  well  as  Buddhists.  The  city  is 
said  to  have  been  founded  by  Kusamba^  the  tenth  in 
descent  from  Pururavas ;  but  its  fame  begins  only 
with  the  reign  of  Chakra,  the  eighth  in  descent  from 


Arjiiu  Paadu,  Avho  made  Kosambi  his  capital  after 
Hastinapura  had  been  swept  away  by  the  Ganges. 

Kosambi  is  mentioned  in  the  'Ramayana,'  the  earli- 
est of  the  Hindu  poems,  which  is  generally  allowed  to 
have  been  composed  before  the  Christian  era.  The 
story  of  TJddyana^  king  of  Kosambi,  is  referred  to  by 
the  poet  Kalidasain  his  '  Megha-duta,'  or  '  Cloud  Mes- 
senger,' where  he  says  that  Avanti  (or  Ujain)  is  great 
with  the  number  of  those  versed  in  the  tale  of  Uda- 
yana."*  ISTow,  Kalidasa  flourished  shortly  after  a.d. 
500.  In  the  'Yrihat  Katha,'  of  Somadeva,  the  story  of 
Udayana  is  given  at  full  length,  but  the  author  has 
made  a  mistake  in  the  genealogy  between  the  two 
Saidnikas.  Lastly,  the  kingdom  of  Kosdn/bi^  or  Ko- 
sdmha  Ilandnla^  is  mentioned  in  an  inscription  taken 
from  the  gateway  of  the  fort  of  Khara  which  is  dated 
in  Savivat  1092,  or  a.d.  1035,  at  which  period  it 
would  appear  to  have  been  independent  of  Kanoj.f 
Kosambi,  the  capital  of  Vatsa  Eaja.  is  the  scene  of  the 
pleasing  drama  of  '  Eatnavali,'  or  the  'Necklace,'  which 
was  composed  in  the  reign  of  King  Harsha  Deva,  who 
is  most  probably  the  same  as  Harsha  Yardhana  of 
Kanoj,  as  the  opening  prelude  describes  amongst  the 
assembled  audience  "princes  from  A'arious  realms  re- 
cumbent at  his  feet.":J:  This  wo  Icnow  from  Hwen 
Thsang  to  have  boon  true  of  the  Kanoj  prince,  but 
whicli  even  a  Brahman  could  scarcely  have  asserted  of 
Harsha  Deva  of  Kashmir.  The  date  of  this  notice 
will  therefore  lie  between  607  and  650  a.d. 

*  Wilson,   'Megha-duta,'  note  01;  and  'Hindu  Tlieatre,'  ii.  257, 

t  '  Asiatic  Kesoarchcs,'  ix.  433.     Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  v.  731. 
1  Wilson's  '  JJindu  Theatre.'     '  Eatnavali ; '  iirclude,  ii.  'IGL 


But  the  name  of  Udayana,  king  of  ICosambi,  was 
perhaps  even  more  famous  amongst  the  Buddhists. 
In  the  'Mahawanso,'*  which  was  composed  in  the 
fifth  century,  the  venerable  Yasa  is  said  to  have  fled 
from  Yaisali  to  Kosambi  just  before  the  assembly  of 
the  second  Buddhist  Synod.  In  the  'Lalita  Yistfi-ra,'! 
which  was  translated  into  Chinese  between  70  and  76 
A.D.,  and  which  could  not,  therefore,  have  been  com- 
posed later  than  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era, 
Udayana  Yatsa,  son  of  Sat^nika,  king  of  Kosambi,  is 
said  to  have  been  born  on  the  same  day  as  Buddha. 
In  other  Ceylonese  books  Kosambi  is  named  as  one  of 
the  nineteen  capital  cities  of  ancient  India.  Udayana 
Yatsa  is  also  known  to  the  Tibetans:]:  as  the  king  of 
Kosambi.  In  the  '  Ratn&vali '  he  is  called  Vafsa  Raja^ 
or  king  of  the  Yatsas,  and  his  capital  Vatsa-palia/ta, 
which  is  therefore  only  another  name  for  Kosambi. 
In  this  famous  city  also  Buddha  is  said  to  have  spent 
the  sixth  and  ninth  years  of  his  Buddhahood.§  Lastly, 
Hwen  Thsang  relates  that  the  famous  statue  of  Buddha, 
in  red  sandal-wood,  which  was  made  by  King  Udayana 
during  the  lifetime  of  the  Teacher,  still  existed  under 
a  stone  dome  in  the  ancient  palace  of  the  kings.|| 

The  site  of  this  great  city,  the  capital  of  the  later 
Pandu  princes,  and  the  shrine  of  the  most  sacred  of 
all  the  statues  of  Buddha,  has  long  been  sought  in 
vain.  The  Brahmans  generally  asserted  that  it  stood 
either  on  the  Ganges  or  close  to  it,  and  the  discovery 

*  Tumour's  '  Mahawanso,'  p.  16. 

t  Foucaux,  translation  of  the  Tibetan  version  of  the  '  Lalita- Vistara.' 

X  Csoma  de  Koros,  in  '  Asiatic  Eesearches,'  xx.  299. 

§  Hardy,  '  Manual  of  Buddhism,'  p.  35fi. 

II  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  283. 


of  the  name  of  Kosdmhi  mandala,  or  "  Kingdom  of 
Kosambi,"  in  an  inscription  over  the  gateway  of  the 
fort  of  Khara^  seem  to  confirm  the  general  belief, 
although  the  south-west  bearing  from  Prayaga,  or 
Allahabad,  as  recorded  by  Hwen  Thsang,  points  un- 
mistakably to  the  line  of  the  Jumna.  In  January, 
1861,  Mr.  Bayley  informed  me  that  he  believed  the 
ancient  Kosambi  would  be  found  in  the  old  village  of 
Kosam,  on  the  Jumna,  about  30  miles  above  Allaha- 
bad. In  the  following  month  I  met  Babu  Siva  Prasad, 
of  the  educational  department,  who  takes  a  deep  and 
intelligent  interest  in  all  archseological  subjects,  and 
from  him  I  learned  that  Kosam  is  still  known  as  Ko- 
sdmbi-iiaffar,  that  it  is  even  now  a  great  resort  of  the 
Jains,  and  that  only  one  century  ago  it  was  a  large 
and  flourishing  town.  This  information  was  quite 
sufficient  to  satisfy  me  that  Kosam  was  the  actual  site 
of  the  once  famous  Kosambi.  Still,  however,  there 
was  no  direct  evidence  to  show  that  the  city  was 
situated  on  the  Jumna ;  but  this  missing  link  in  the 
chain  of  evidence  I  shortly  afterwards  found  in  the 
curious  legend  of  Bakkula,  which  is  related  at  length 
by  Hardy.*  The  infant  Bakkula  was  born  at  Ivosambi, 
and  while  his  mother  was  bathing  in  the  Jumna,  he 
accidentally  fell  into  the  river,  and  being  swallowed 
by  a  fish,  was  carried  to  Benares.  There  the  fish  was 
caught  and  sold  to  the  wife  of  a  nobleman,  who  on 
opening  it  found  the  young  child  still  alive  inside,  and 
at  once  adopted  it  as  her  own.  The  true  mother  hearing 
of  this  wonderful  escape  of  the  infant,  proceeded  to  Be- 
nares, and  demanded  the  return  of  the  child,  which 
was  of  course  refused.     The  matter  was  then  referred 

*  '  Manual  of  Buddhism,'  p.  501. 


to  the  king,  who  decided  that  both  of  the  claimants 
were  mothers  of  the  child, — the  one  by  maternity^  the 
other  by  purchase.  The  child  was  accordingly  named 
Bahula^  that  is,  of  "two  kulas.,  or  races."  He  reached 
the  age  of  90  years  without  once  having  been  ill, 
when  he  was  converted  by  the  preaching  of  Buddha, 
who  declared  him  to  be  "  the  chief  of  that  class  of  his 
disciples  who  were  free  from  disease."  After  this  he 
is  said  to  have  lived  90  years  more,  when  he  became 
an  arhat^  or  Buddhist  saint. 

As  this  legend  of  Bakula  is  sufBcient  to  prove  that 
the  famous  city  of  Kausambi  was  situated  on  the 
Jumna,  it  now  only  remains  to  show  that  the  distance 
of  Kosam  from  Allahabad  corresponds  with  that  be- 
tween Prayag  and  Kosambi,  as  recorded  by  Hwen 
Thsang.  Unfortunately  this  distance  is  differently 
stated  in  the  life  and  in  the  travels  of  the  Chinese 
pilgrim.  In  the  former,  the  distance  is  given  as  50  li^ 
and  in  the  latter  as  500  /«",  whilst  in  the  return  journey 
to  China,  the  pilgrim  states  that  between  Prayag  and 
Kosfl,mbi  he  travelled  for  seven  days  through  a  vast 
forest  and  over  bare  plains.*  Now,  as  the  village  of 
Kosam  is  only  31  miles  from  the  fort  of  Allahabad, 
the  last  statement  would  seem  to  preclude  all  possi- 
bility of  its  identification  with  the  ancient  Kosambi. 
But  strange  to  say,  it  affords  the  most  satisfactory 
proof  of  their  identity ;  for  the  subsequent  route  of 
the  pilgrim  to  Sankissa  is  said  to  have  occupied  one 
month,  and  as  the  whole  distance  from  Prayag  to  San- 
kissa is  only  200  miles,  the  average  length  of  the 
pilgrim's  daily  march  was  not  more  than  5^  miles.  This 
slow  progress  is  most  satisfactorily  accounted  for,  by 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  121 ;  ii.  283  ;  and  i.  260. 


the  fact  that  the  march  from  Prayag  to  Sankissa  was  a 
religious  procession,  headed  by  the  great  king  Harsha 
Vardhana  of  Kanoj,  with  a  train  of  no  less  than  18 
tributary  kings,  besides  many  thousands  of  Buddhist 
monks,  and  all  the  crowd  of  an  Indian  camp.  Accord- 
ing to  this  reckoning,  the  distance  from  Prayag  to 
Kosambi  would  be  38  miles,  which  corresponds  very 
closely  with  the  actual  road  distance  as  I  found  it.  By 
one  route  on  going  to  Kosam,  I  made  the  distance  37 
miles,  and  by  the  return  route  3y  miles.  The  only 
probable  explanation  of  Hwen  Thsang's  varying  dis- 
tances of  50  li  and  500  li  that  occurs  to  me  is,  that  as 
he  converted  the  Indian  yojanas  into  Chinese  li  at  the 
rate  of  40  Ji  ^^^'x  yojana^  or  of  10  li  per  kos,  he  must 
have  written  150  //,  the  equivalent  of  15  kos,  which  is 
the  actual  distance  across  the  fields  for  foot  passengers 
from  Kosam  to  the  f  irt  of  Allahabad,  according  to  the 
reckoning  of  the  people  of  Kosam  itself.  But  whether 
this  explanation  be  correct  or  not,  it  is  quite  certain 
that  the  present  Kosam  stands  on  the  actual  site  of 
the  ancient  Ko><aiiil)i ;  fir  not  only  do  the  peo2:)le  them- 
selves put  forward  this  claim,  but  it  is  also  distinctly 
stated  in  an  inscription  of  the  time  of  Akbar,  which 
is  recorded  on  the  great  stone  pillar,  still  standing  in 
the  midst  of  the  ruins,  that  this  is  Kausdtnhi-piira. 

The  present  ruins  of  Kosambi  consist  of  an  immense 
fortress  formed  of  earthen  ramparts  and  l)as("i()us,  with 
a  circuit  of  !^3,100  feet,  or  exactly  4  miles  and  3  fur- 
longs. The  ramparts  have  a.  general  height  of  from 
30  to  35  feet  above  the  fields  ;  but  the  bastions  are 
considerably  higher,  those  on  the  north  face  rising  to 
up'wards  of  50  feet,  while  thdse  at  the  soutli-'west  and 
south-cast  angles  arc  more  than  GO  feet.     Originally 


there  were  ditches  all  around  the  fortress,  but  at  pre- 
sent there  are  only  a  few  shallow  hollows  at  the  foot 
of  the  rampart.  The  length  of  the  north  front  is 
4500  feet,  of  the  south  front  6000,  of  the  east  front 
7500  feet,  and  of  the  west  front  5100,  or  altogether 
23,100  feet.  The  difference  in  length  between  the 
north  and  south  fronts  is  due  to  the  original  extension 
of  the  fortress  on  the  river  face ;  but  the  difference 
between  the  east  and  west  fronts  is,  I  believe,  chiefly, 
if  not  wholly,  due  to  the  loss  of  the  south-west  angle 
of  the  ramparts  by  the  gradual  encroachment  of  the 
Jumna.  There  are  no  traces  now  left  of  the  western 
half  of  the  ramparts  on  the  southern  face,  and  the 
hotises  of  the  village  of  Garhawd  are  standing  on  the 
very  edge  of  the  cliff  overhanging  the  river.  The 
reach  of  the  river  also,  from  the  Pakka  Burj  at  the 
south-west  angle  of  the  fortress  up  to  the  hill  of 
Prabhdsa,  a  clear  straight  run  of  4  miles,  bears  12  de- 
grees to  the  north  of  east,  whereas  in  the  time  of  Hwen 
Thsang  there  were  two  stupas  and  a  cave  at  a  distance 
of  1|-  miles  to  the  south-west  of  Kosdnibi.  From  all 
these  concurring  circumstances,  I  conclude  that  the 
west  front  of  the  fortress  was  originally  as  nearly  as 
possible  of  the  same  length  as  the  east  front.  This 
would  add  2400  feet,  or  nearly  half  a  mile,  to  the  length 
of  the  west  front,  and  would  increase  the  whole  cir- 
cuit of  the  ramparts  to  4  miles  and  7  furlongs,  which 
is  within  one  furlong  of  the  measurement  of  5  miles, 
or  30  li,  recorded  by  Hwen  Thsang.  In  the  three  main 
points  therefore  of  name,  size,  and  position,  the  pre- 
sent Kosam  corresponds  most  exactly  with  the  ancient 
Xosambi  as  it  is  described  by  the  Chinese  pilgrim  in 
the  seventh  century. 


According  to  the  text  of  Hwen  Thsang,  the  district 
of  Kosauibi  was  6000  //,  or  1000  miles,  in  circuit, 
"which  is  quite  impossible,  as  it  was  closely  surrounded 
on  all  sides  by  other  districts.  I  would,  therefore,  read 
hundreds  for  thousands,  and  fix  its  circuit  at  600  li,  or 
100  miles. 

16.    KUSAPUEA. 

From  Kosambi  the  Chinese  pilgrim  travelled  to  the 
north-east,  through  a  vast  forest  as  far  as  the  Ganges, 
after  crossing  which  his  route  lay  to  the  north  for  a 
distance  of  700  //,  or  117  miles,  to  the  town  of  Kla- 
she-pu-lo,  which  M.  Julien  correctly  renders  by  Kasa- 
pura.*  In  searching  for  the  site  of  this  place,  the  sub- 
sequent route  of  the  pilgrim  to  Visukhd^  a  distance  of 
170  to  180  li^  or  from  28  to  30  miles,  to  the  north  is 
of  equal  importance  with  the  bearing  and  distance 
from  Kosambi.  For  as  the  Yisakha  of  Hwen  Thsang, 
as  I  will  presently  show,  is  the  same  place  as  the  Sha- 
chi  of  Fa-Hian,  and  the  Sdketa  or  Ayodhya  of  the 
Hindus,  we  thus  obtain  two  such  well-fixed  points  as 
Kosambi  and  Ayodhya  to  guide  us  in  our  search.  A 
single  glance  at  the  map  will  be  sufiicient  to  show  that 
the  old  town  of  Sultdn-pur  on  the  Gomati  (or  Gumti) 
river  is  as  nearly  as  possible  in  the  position  indicated. 
Now  the  Hindu  name  of  this  town  was  Kmabliavana- 
pura,  or  simply  Kui^dpara,  which  is  almost  the  same 
name  as  that  of  Hwen  Thsang.  Eemembering  Mr. 
Bayley's  note  of  information  derived  from  Eaja  Man 
Sinh   that   there   was   "a    tope   near    Sultanpur,"    I 

*  M.  -Julien's  '  Hioiien  Thsana;/  ii.  287-290.  In  the  record  of  the 
pilgrim's  'Life,'  Knxapnra  is  altogether  omitted,  and  the  distance  from 
Kosambi  to  Vi.-aliba  is  said  to  be  500  li  to  the  east.  Julien,  i.  122. 
See  Map  No.  XI.  for  its  position. 


pitched  my  tent  on  one  side  of  the  now  utterly  de- 
solate city,  and  searched  the  whole  place  through  most 
carefully,  but  all  in  vain  :  I  could  neither  find  the 
trace  of  any  tope,  nor  could  I  even  hear  of  ancient  re- 
mains of  any  kind.  On  the  following  day,  however, 
after  I  had  left  Sultanpur,  I  heard  that  the  village  of 
Mahmudpur,  about  5  miles  to  the  north-west,  was 
situated  on  an  ancient  mound  of  somewhat  larger 
size  than  that  of  Sultanpur,  and  on  my  arrival  at 
Faizabad,  I  learned  from  Lieutenant  Swetenham,  of 
the  Eoyal  Engineers,  that  there  is  an  old  tope  to  the 
north-west  of  Sultanpur,  not  far  from  this  village.  I 
conclude,  therefore,  that  Sultanpur,  the  ancient  Kusa- 
pura,  is  the  same  place  as  the  Kasapura  of  Hwen 
Thsang,  and  this  identification  will  be  made  even  more 
certain  on  examination  of  the  recorded  distances. 

On  leaving  Kosambi,  the  pilgrim  proceeded  first  in 
a  north-east  direction  to  the  Ganges,  after  crossing 
which  he  turned  to  the  north  to  Kasapura,  the  whole 
distance  being  117  miles.  Now,  the  two  great  ghats 
on  the  Ganges  to  the  north-east  of  Kosam  are  at  Mau- 
Saraya  and  Pdpa-viau,  the  former  being  40  miles,  and 
the  latter  43  miles  distant.  But  as  these  two  ghats 
are  close  together,  and  almost  immediately  to  the 
north  of  Allahabad,  the  total  distance  to  Kasapura  will 
be  the  same  whichever  place  of  crossing  be  taken. 
From  Papamau  to  Sultanpur  the  direction  is  due 
north,  and  the  distance  66  miles  ;  the  whole  line  from 
Kosam  to  Sultanpur  being  109  miles,  which  is  within  8 
miles  of  the  round  number  of  700  li^  or  116|-  miles,  as 
given  by  Hwen  Thsang ;  while  both  of  the  bearings 
are  in  exact  accordance  with  his  statements.  From 
Kasapura  to  VisdkJia  the  direction  followed  by  the  pil- 


grim  was  to  tlie  north,  and  the  distance  Avas  from  170 
to  180  //,  or  from  28  to  38  miles.  Now  the  present 
city  of  Ajudhya^  the  ancient  Ayodhya  or  Saketa,  is 
almost  due  north  from  Sidtdnpur,  the  distance  being 
30  miles  to  the  nearest  point,  or  just  six  miles  in  ex- 
cess of  the  distance  given  by  Hwen  Thsang.  As 
the  former  of  these  distances  is  in  default,  while  the 
latter  is  in  excess,  I  would  suggest,  as  a  possible 
alternative,  that  our  measurements  should  be  taken 
from  the  village  of  Mdhmtiilpur,  which  would  make  the 
route  from  Kosam  to  the  Buddhist  establishment  near 
Kasapura  up  to  114  miles,  or  within  three  miles  of  the 
number  stated  by  Hwen  Thsang,  and  lessen  the  subse- 
quent route  to  Ayodhya  from  36  to  31  miles,  which  is 
■within  one  mile  of  the  number  given  by  the  Chinese 
pilgrim.  As  all  the  bearings  are  in  perfect  accord- 
ance, and  as  the  names  of  the  two  places  agree  almost 
exactly,  I  think  that  there  can  be  little  hesitation  in 
accepting  the  identification  of  Snlldiipur  or  KiiMipurn 
with  the  Kasapura  of  Hwen  Thsang. 

KiLsapiira^  or  Kii-sfi-filiaiyi/ia-piira,  is  said  to  have 
been  named  after  Eama's  son,  Kusa.  Shortly  after 
the  Muhammadan  invasion  it  belonged  to  a  Bhar 
Eaja  Nand  Kunwar,  who  was  expelled  by  Sultan 
Alauddin  Gliori  (read  KhUji).  The  defences  of  the 
town  wert'  strengthened  by  the  conqueror,  who  built  a 
mosque  and  changed  the  name  of  the  place  to  Sultan- 
pur.  The  site  of  Kn.^ajjura  was,  no  doubt,  selected  by 
its  founder  as  a  good  military  position  on  account  of 
its  being  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  the  river 
Goiiiati  or  Gumti.  The  i)lace  is  at  present  utterly  dc- 
s(_)late  ;  tlie  whole  population  having  been  removed  to 
the  new  civil  station  on  the  opposite  or  south  bank  of 


the  river.  The  ruined  fort  of  Sultanpur  now  forms  a 
large  mound,  750  feet  square,  with  brick  towers  at  the 
four  corners.  On  all  sides  it  is  surrounded  by  the 
huts  of  the  ruined  town,  the  whole  together  covering 
a  space  of  about  half  a  mile  square,  or  about  two 
miles  in  circuit.  This  estimate  of  the  size  of  Sultan- 
pur agrees  very  closely  with  that  of  Kusapura  given 
by  Hwen  Thsang,  who  describes  the  place  as  being  10 
/?,  or  If  miles,  in  circuit. 

Eighteen  miles  to  the  south-east  of  Sultanpur,  or 
Kusapura,  there  is  a  celebrated  place  of  Hindu  pilgri- 
mage called  Dhopdpapura.  It  is  situated  on  the  right 
or  west  bank  of  the  Gomati  river,  and  immediately 
under  the  walls  of  Garhft,  or  8Mr-ke  garhi.  The  site  of 
Dhopdp  is  evidently  one  of  considerable  antiquity,  as 
the  fields  for  half  a  mile  all  round  are  covered  with 
broken  bricks  and  pottery. 


Much  diflEculty  has  been  felt  regarding  the  posi- 
tion of  Fa-Hian's  "  great  kingdom  of  Shachi^'^  and  of 
Hwen  Thsang's  VisdJcha,  with  its  enormous  number  of 
heretics  or  Brahmanists ;  but  I  hope  to  show  in  the 
most  satisfactory  manner  that  these  two  places  are 
identical,  and  that  they  are  also  the  same  as  the  Sdketa 
and  Ajudhya  of  the  Brahmans.  The  difficulty  has 
arisen  chiefly  from  an  erroneous  bearing  recorded  by 
Fa-Hiau,  who  places  She-wei^  or  Srdvasti,  to  the  south 
of  Shachi,  while  Hwen  Thsang  locates  it  to  the  north- 
east, and  partly  from  his  erroneous  distance  of  7-|-3  + 
10=20  yojanas^  instead  of  30,  from  the  well-known 
city  of  Sankisa.  The  bearing  is  shovm  to  be  erroneous 

2  D 



from  the  route  of  a  Hindu  pilgrim  from  the  banks  of 
the  Godavari  to  Seioet  or  Srdvasti,  as  recorded  in  the 
Ceylonese  Buddhist  works.  This  pilgrim,  after  pass- 
ing through  Mahissati  and  Vjani^  or  Mahesmati  and 
Ujain,  reaches  Kosambi,  and  from  thence  passes 
through  Sdketa  to  Sewet,  that  is  along  the  very  route 
followed  by  Hwen  Thsang.*  "We  have,  therefore, 
two  authorities  in  favour  of  Setoet  being  to  the  north 
of  Saket.  With  regard  to  the  distance,  I  refer  again 
to  the  Buddhist  books  of  Ceylon,  in  which  it  is  re- 
corded that  from  Sakaspura  (or  Sangkasyapura,  now 
Sankisa)  to  Scwet  was  a  journey  of  30  yojanas.^  Now, 
Fa-Hian  makes  the  distance  from  Sankisa  to  Kanoj  7 
yojanas,  thence  to  the  forest  of  Holi^  on  the  Ganges,  3 
yojanas,  and  thence  to  Shachi  10  yojanas,  or  altogether 
only  20  yojanas,  or  10  less  than  the  Ceylonese  books. 
That  Fa-Hian's  statement  is  erroneous  is  quite  clear 
from  the  fact  that  his  distance  would  place  Shachi  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Lucknow;  whereas  the  other 
distance  would  place  it  close  to  Ajudhya,  or  Faizabad, 
or  in  the  very  position  indicated  by  Hwen  Thsang's 
itinerary.  Here,  again,  we  have  two  authorities  in 
favour  of  the  longer  distance.  I  have  no  hesitation, 
therefore,  in  declaring  that  Fa-Hian's  recorded  bear- 
ing of  S/te-icei  from  Slia-cU  is  wrong,  and  that  "north" 
should  be  read  instead  of  "  south." 

I  have  noAV  to  show  that  Fa-Hian's  Sha-chi  is  the 
same  as  Hwen  Thsang's  Visdkha^  and  that  both  are 
identical  with  Scikefa  or  Ajudhya.  With  respect  to 
Sha-chi,  Fa-Hian  relates  that  "  on  leaving  the  town 
by  the  souiheni  gate  you  find  to  the  east  of  the  road 
the  place  where  Buddha  bit  a  branch  of  the  nettle- 

*  Hardy,  '  Manual  of  Buddhism,'  p.  334.  f  md;  p.  301. 


tree  and  planted  it  in  the  ground,  where  it  grew  to 
the  height  of  seven  feet,  and  never  increased  or  dimi- 
nished in  size."*  Now,  this  is  precisely  the  same 
legend  that  is  related  of  Visdkha  by  Hwen  Thsang, 
who  says  that  "to  the  soufJt  of  the  capital,  and  to  the 
left  of  the  road  (that  is,  to  the  east  as  stated  by  Fa- 
Hian),  there  was,  amongst  other  holy  objects,  an  extra- 
ordinary tree  6  or  7  feet  high,  which  always  remained 
the  same,  neither  growing  nor  decreasing,  j*  This  is 
the  celebrated  tooth-brnsh  tree  of  Buddha,  to  which 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  presently.  Here  I  need 
only  notice  the  very  precise  agreement  in  the  two 
descriptions  of  this  famous  tree,  as  to  its  origin,  its 
height,  and  its  position.  The  perfect  correspondence 
of  these  details  appears  to  me  to  leave  no  doubt  of  the 
identity  of  Fa-Hian's  Sha-chi  with  the  Visakha  of 
Hwen  Thsang. 

With  respect  to  the  identification  of  Visakha  with 
the  Saketa  of  the  Hindus,  I  rest  my  proofs  chiefly  on 
the  following  points :  1st,  that  Visakha,  the  most  cele- 
brated of  all  females  in  Buddhist  history,  was  a  resi- 
dent of  Saketa  before  her  marriage  with  Purnna  Vard- 
dhana,  son  of  Mrigara,  the  rich  merchant  of  Srdvasti ; 
— and  2nd,  that  Buddha  is  recorded  by  Hwen  Thsang 
to  have  spent  6  years  at  VisdkJia,  while,  by  the  Pali 
annals  of  Turnour,  he  is  stated  to  have  lived  16  years 
at  8dlceta.% 

The  story  of  the  noble  maiden  Visakha  is  related  at 
great  length  in  the  Ceylonese  books.'    According  to 

*  Eemusat,  'Fo-kwe-ki,'  c.  xix. ;  and  Seal's  'Fah-Hian,'  c.xix.  27. 

t  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii,  292. 

X  I  take  the  6  years  of  the  pilgrim  to  be  a  mistake  for  16  years, 
as  the  whole  period  of  Buddha's  teaching  is  carefully  accounted  for  in 
the  Ceylonese  annals. 

2  D  2 



Hardy,*  she  erected  a  Piirvvdrdma  at  Srdvasti^  which 
is  also  mentioned  by  Hwen  Thsang.  Now,  there  was 
also  a  Purvvdrdma  at  Saketa,  and  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  this  monastery  was  likewise  built  by 
her.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Bhunanja^  a  rich  mer- 
chant, who  had  emigrated  from  Puijagrlha  to  Saketa. 
Now,  amongst  the  oldest  inscribed  coins  which  have 
been  discovered  only  at  Ajudhj'a,  we  find  some  bear- 
ing the  names  of  Dhana  Deva  and  Visdkha-Daita.  I 
mention  this  because  it  seems  to  me  to  show  the  pro- 
bability that  the  family  of  Dhanauja  and  VisdJchd  was 
of  great  eminence  in  Saketa  or  Ayodhya ;  and  I  infer 
from  the  recurrence  of  their  ^ames,  as  well  as  from 
the  great  celebrity  of  the  lady,  that  the  city  may  pos- 
sibly have  been  called  VisdJchd  after  her 'name. 

The  other  proof  which  I  derive  from  the  years  of 
Buddha's  residence  is  direct  and  convincing.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Ceylonese  annals,  Buddha  was  35  years  of 
age  Avhen  he  attained  Buddhahood;  he  then  led  a 
houseless  life  for  20  years,  preaching  in  various  places 
in  Northern  India,  all  of  which  are  detailed ;  and  of 
the  remaining  25  years  of  his  life  he  spent  9  in  the 
Jetavana  monastery  at  Sravasti,  and  16  in  the  Vubhd- 
rdiiio  monastery  at  Saketapura.f  Now,  in  the  Bur- 
mese anualsj  these  numbers  are  given  as  19  years 
and  6  3-ears,  and  in  the  last  figure  we  have  the  exact 
number  rectuded  by  Hwen  Thsang.  §  Nothing  can 
be  more  complete  than  this  proof.     There  were  only 

*  '  IVIanunl  of  Buddhism,'  p.  220.  .Julien's  'Hiouen  Thsang,'  i.  305. 
The  rubbiliMUio  is  also  mentioned  in  the  '  Ceylonese  Annals  ;'  see 
Taruour,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soo.  Bengal,  vii.  790. 

\  Tumour,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  vii.  790. 

X  13ii;andet,  '  Legend  of  Burmese  Buddha,'  p.  142. 

§  Julien's  'Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  292. 


two  places  at  which  Buddha  resided  for  any  length  of 
time,  namely,  Srdvasti,  at  which  he  lived  either  9  or 
19  years,  and  Sdketa,  at  which  he  lived  either  6  or 
16  years;  and  as  according  to  Hwcn  Thsang  he  lived 
for  6  years  at  Yis^kha,  which  is  described  as  being 
at  some  distance  to  the  south  of  Sravasti,  it  follows  of 
necessity  that  Yisakha  and  Saketa  were  one  and  the 
same  place. 

The  identity  of  Saketa  and  Ayodhya  has,  I  believe, 
always  been  admitted ;  but  I  am  not  aArare  that  any 
proof  has  yet  been  offered  to  establish  the  fact.  Csoma 
de  Koros,*  in  speaking  of  the  place,  merely  says  "/&- 
ketana  or  Ayodhya,"  and  H.  H.  Wilson,  in  his  Sans- 
krit Dictionary,  calls  Saketa  "  the  city  Ayodhya." 
But  the  question  would  appear  to  be  set  at  rest  by 
several  passages  of  the  'Eamayana'  and  'Eaghuvansa,'t 
in  which  Sdketanagara  is  generally  called  the  capital 
of  Eaja  DasaratJia  and  his  sons.  But  the  following 
verse  of  the  'Eamayana,'  which  was  pointed  out  to  me 
by  a  Brahman  of  Lucknow,  will  be  sufficient  to  esta- 
blish the  identity.  Aswajita,  father  of  Kaikeyi,  offers 
to  give  his  daughter  to  Dasaratha,  Eaja  of  Sdketa- 
nagara : — 

Saketam  nagaram  Etija  namna  Dasaratho  bali. 
Tasmai  deya  maya  kaoya  Kaikeyi  natna  to  jana. 

The  ancient  city  of  Ayodhya  or  Saketa  is  described  in 
the  '  Eamayana'  as  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Sarayu  or 
Sarju  river.  It  is  said  to  have  been  12  yojatias,  or  nearly 
100  miles  in  circumference,  for  which  we  should  pro- 
bably read  12  kos,  or  24  miles, — an  extent  which  the 
old  city,  with  all  its  gardens,  might  once  possibly  have 

*  '  Asiatic  Besearches,'  xx.  442. 

t  '  Eagliuvausa,'  sarg.  xiii.  slok.  79,  aud  sarg.  xiv.  slok.  13. 


covered.  The  distance  from  the  Guptdr  Ghat  on  the  west, 
to  the  E^m  Ghat  on  the  east,  is  just  6  miles  in  a  direct 
line,  and  if  we  suppose  that  the  city  with  its  suburbs 
and  gardens  formerly  occupied  the  whole  intervening 
space  to  a  depth  of  two  miles,  its  circuit  would  have 
agreed  exactly  with  the  smaller  measurement  of  12 
kos.  At  the  present  day  the  people  point  to  Earn 
Ghat  and  Guptar  Ghat  as  the  eastern  and  western 
boundaries  of  the  old  city,  and  the  southern  boundary 
they  extend  to  B/iaraf-Kund,  near  JB/iadarsd,  a  dis- 
tance of  6  kos.  But  as  these  limits  include  all  the 
places  of  pilgrimage,  it  would  seem  that  the  people 
consider  them  to  have  been  formerly  inside  the  city, 
which  was  certainly  not  the  case.  In  the  '  Ayin  Ak- 
bari,'  the  old  city  is  said  to  have  measured  148  kos  in 
length  by  36  kos  in  breadth,*  or,  in  other  words,  it 
covered  the  whole  of  the  province  of  Oudh  to  the 
south  of  the  Ghaghra  river.  The  origin  of  the  larger 
number  is  obvious.  The  12  yojanas  of  the  'Eamayana,' 
which  are  equal  to  48  kos,  being  considered  too  small 
for  the  great  city  of  Eama,  the  Brahmans  simply 
added  100  kos  to  make  the  size  tally  with  their  own 
extravagant  notions.  The  present  city  of  Ajudhya, 
which  is  confined  to  the  north-east  corner  of  the  old 
site,  is  just  two  miles  in  length  by  about  three  quar- 
ters of  a  mile  in  breadth ;  but  not  one  half  of  this 
extent  is  occupied  by  buildings,  and  the  whole  place 
wears  a  look  of  decay.  There  are  no  high  mounds  of 
ruins,  covered  with  broken  statues  and  sculptiu'ed 
pillars,  such  as  mark  the  sites  of  other  ancient  cities, 
but  only  a  low  irregular  mass  of  rubbish  heaps,  from 
which    all  the   bricks    have  been  excavated  for  the 

*  Gladwyn's  translation,  ii.  32. 


houses  of  the  neighbouring  city  of  Faizabad.  This 
Muhammadan  city,  which  is  two  miles  and  a  half  in 
length  by  one  mile  in  breadth,  is  built  chiefly  of  ma- 
terials extracted  from  the  ruins  of  Ajudhya.  The  two 
cities  together  occupy  an  area  of  nearly  six  square 
miles,  or  just  about  one-half  of  the  probable  size  of 
the  ancient  capital  of  Kama.  In  Faizabad  the  only 
building  of  any  consequence  is  the  stuccoed  brick  tomb 
of  the  old  Bhao  Begam,  whose  story  was  dragged  be- 
fore the  public  during  the  famous  trial  of  Warren 
Hastings.  Faizabad  was  the  capital  of  the  first  Na- 
wabs  of  Oudh,  but  it  was  deserted  by  Asaf-ud-daolah 
in  A.D.  1775. 

In  the  seventh  century  the  city  of  Visdkha  was  only 
16  li,  or  2|-  miles,  in  circuit,  or  not  more  than  one-half 
of  its  present  size,  although  it  probably  contained  a 
greater  population,  as  not  above  one-third  or  perhaps 
less  of  the  modern  town  is  inhabited.  Hwen  Thsang 
assigns  to  the  district  a  circuit  of  4000  li,  or  667 
miles,  which  must  be  very  much  exaggerated.  But, 
as  I  have  already  observed,  the  estimated  dimensions 
of  some  of  the  districts  in  this  part  of  the  pilgrim's 
route  are  so  great  that  it  is  quite  impossible  that  all 
of  them  can  be  correct.  I  would  therefore,  in  the 
present  instance,  read  400  li,  or  67  miles,  and  restrict 
the  territory  of  Visdkha  to  the  small  tract  lying  around 
Ajudhya,  between  the  Ghagra  and  Gomati  rivers. 

18.    SEAVASTI. 

The  ancient  territory  of  Ayodliya,  or  Oudh,  was 
divided  by  the  Sarju  or  Ghagra  river  into  two  great 
provinces ;  that  to  the  north  being  called  TJltara  Kosala, 
and  that  to  the  south  Banaodha.     Each  was  again 


subdivided  into  two  districts.  In  Banaodha  these  are 
called  Pachham-rdt  and  Purab-rdt,  or  the  western  and 
eastern  districts ;  and  in  Uttara  Kosala  they  are  Gauda 
(vulgarly  Gondu)  to  the  south  of  the  Eapti,  and  Kosala 
to  the  north  of  the  Eapti,  or  Rdwati,  as  it  is  univer- 
sally called  in  Oudh.  Some  of  these  names  are  found 
in  the  Puranas.  Thus,  in  the  Yayu  Purana,  Lava  the 
son  of  Eama  is  said  to  have  reigned  in  Uttara  Eosala; 
but  in  the  Matsya  Linga  and  Kurma  Puranas,  Srdvasti 
is  stated  to  be  in  Gauda.  These  apparent  discrepancies 
are  satisfactorily  explaiued  when  we  learn  that  Gauda 
is  only  a  subdivision  of  Uttara  Kosala,  and  that  the 
ruins  of  Sravasti  have  actually  been  discovered  in  the 
district  of  Gauda,  which  is  the  Gonda  of  the  maps. 
The  extent  of  Gauda  is  proved  by  the  old  name  of 
Balrampur  on  the  Eapti,  which  was  formerly  Ra7n- 
garli-Gauda.  I  presume,  therefore,  that  both  the 
Gauda  Brahnans  and  the  Gauda  Tac/as  must  originally 
have  belonged  to  this  district,  and  not  to  the  medi- 
asval  city  of  Gauda  in  Bengal.  Brahmans  of  this  name 
are  still  numerous  iu  Ajudhya  and  Jahangirabad  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Ghagra  river,  in  Gonda,  Pa- 
khapur,  and  Jaisni  of  the  Gonda  or  Gauda  district  on 
the  left  bank,  and  in  many  parts  of  the  neighbouring 
province  of  Gorakhpur.  Ajiidltya,  therefore,  was  the 
capital  of  Banaodha,  or  Oudh  to  the  south  of  the  Gha- 
gra, while  Srdvasti  was  the  capital  of  Uttara  Kosala, 
or  Oudh  to  the  north  of  the  Ghagra. 

The  position  of  the  famous  city  of  Srdvasti,  one  of 
the  most  celebrated  places  in  the  annals  of  Buddhism, 
has  long  puzzled  our  best  scholars.  This  was  owing 
partly  to  the  contradictory  statements  of  the"  Chinese 
pilgrims  themselves,  and  partly  to  the  want  of  a  good 


map  of  the  province  of  Oudli.     In  my  account  of  Vi- 
sdkJia  or  Ajudhya,  I  have  compared  the  bearings  and 
distances   recorded   by    Fa-Hian   and  Hwen   Thsang 
with  those  preserved  in  the  Buddhist  annals  of  Cey- 
lon, and  I  have  shown  conclusively  that  Fa-Hian' s 
distance  from  Sankisa  and   his  bearing   from  Shachi 
or  Sdket  are  both  erroneous.     We  know  from  Hwen 
Thsang  and  the  Buddhist  books  of  Ceylon  that  Srd- 
vasti  was  to  the  north  of  Sdket  or  Ajudhya^  or  in  other 
words  that  it  was  in  the  district  of  Gauda  or  TJttara 
Kosala,  which  is  confirmed  by  the  statements  of  no 
less  than  four  of  the  Brahmanical  Pur^nas.     And  as 
Fa-Hian  also  says  that  Shewei  or  Sewet  was  in  Kosala, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that  Sravasti  must 
be  looked  for  within  a  few  days'  journey  to  the  north- 
ward of  Sdket  or  Ayodliya.      According  to  Fa-Hian 
the  distance  was  8  yojanas,  or  56  miles,  which  is  in- 
creased by  Hwen  Thsang  to  500  U,  or  83  miles.*  But 
as   the  latter  pilgrim  reduced  the  Indian  yojana   to 
Chinese  measure  at  the  rate  of  40  li  per  yojana^  ve 
may  correct  his  distance  by  the  nearest  round  number 
of  350  li^  or  58  miles,  to  bring  it  into  accordance  with 
the  other.     Now,  as  this  is  the  exact  distance  from 
Ajudhya  of  the  great  ruined  city  on  the  south  bank 
of  the  Eapti,  called  Sdhet-Mdhet,  in  which  I  discovered 
a  colossal  statue  of  Buddha  with  an  inscription  con- 
taining the  name  of  Sravasti  itself,  I  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  correcting  Hwen  Thsang' s  distance  from  500 
li  to  350  li,  as  proposed  above. 

The  ruined  city  of  Sahet-Mahet  is  situated  between 
Akaona  and  Balrampur,  at  5  miles  from  the  former 
and  12  miles  from  the  latter,  and  at  ijiearly  equal  dis- 

*  Beal'a  '  Fali-Hian,'  p.  xx.  73  ;  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Tlisang,'  ii.  292. 



tances  from  Bahraich  and  Gonda.*  In  shape  it  is  an 
almost  semicircular  crescent,  with  its  diameter  of  one 
mile  and  a  third  in  length  curved  inwards  and  facing 
the  north-east,  along  the  old  bank  of  the  Eapti  river. 
The  -western  front,  which  runs  due  north  and  south, 
for  three-quarters  of  a  mile,  is  the  only  straight  por- 
tion of  the  enclosure.  The  ramparts  vary  consider- 
ably in  height ;  those  to  the  west  being  from  35  to 
40  feet  in  height,  whUe  those  on  the  south  and  east 
are  not  more  than  25  or  30  feet.  The  highest  point 
is  the  great  north-west  bastion,  which  is  50  feet  above 
the  fields.  The  north-east  face,  or  shorter  curve  of 
the  crescent,  was  defended  by  the  Eapti,  which  still 
flows  down  its  old  bed  during  the  annual  floods.  The 
land  ramparts  on  the  longer  curve  of  the  crescent 
must  once  have  been  defended  by  a  ditch,  the  remains 
of  which  yet  exist  as  a  swamp,  nearly  half  a  mile  in 
length,  at  the  south-west  corner.  Everywhere  the 
ramparts  are  covered  with  fragments  of  brick,  of  the 
large  size  peculiar  to  very  ancient  cities ;  and  though 
I  was  unable  to  trace  any  remains  of  walls  except  in 
one  place,  yet  the  very  presence  of  the  bricks  is  quite 
sufficient  to  show  that  the  earthen  ramparts  must  once 
have  been  crowned  by  briclv  parapets  and  battlements. 
The  portion  of  the  parapet  wall,  which  I  discovered 
still  standing  in  the  middle  of  the  river  face,  was  10 
feet  thick.  The  whole  cii'cuit  of  the  old  earthen  ram- 
parts, according  to  my  survey,  is  17,300  feet,  or  up- 
wards of  3^  miles.  Now  this  is  the  exact  size  of  20 
/i,  or  3|-  miles,  which  Ilwen  Thsang  gives  to  the  palace 
alone ;  but,  as  the  city  was  then  deserted  and  in  ruins, 
he  must  have  mistaken  the  city  itself  for  the  palace. 

*  See  Map  No.  XI.  for  its  position. 


It  is  certain  at  least  that  the  suburbs  outside  the  walls 
must  have  been  very  limited  indeed,  as  the  place  is 
almost  entirely  surrounded  with  the  remains  of  large 
religious  buildings,  which  would  have  left  but  little 
room  for  any  private  dwellings.  I  am  therefore  quite 
satisfied  that  the  city  has  been  mistaken  for  the 
palace ;  and  this  mistake  is  sufiicient  to  show  how 
utterly  ruined  this  once  famous  city  must  have  been 
at  so  distant  a  period  as  the  seventh  century,  when 
the  place  was  visited  by  Hwen  Thsang.  As  Fa-Hian 
describes  the  population  as  already  very  inconsider- 
able in  A.D.  400,  while  the  Ceylonese  annals  speak  of 
K/iiradhdra^  king  of  SawaWiipura  between  a.d.  275 
and  302,  the  great  decline  of  Sr^vasti  must  have  taken 
place  during  the  fourth  century,  and  we  may  perhaps 
not  be  far  wrong  in  connecting  it  with  the  fall  of  the 
Gupta  dynasty  in  a.d.  319. 

Srdvasti  is  said  to  have  been  built  by  Eaja  Sravasta* 
the  son  of  Yuvandswa  of  the  Solar  race,  and  the  tenth 
in  descent  from  Surya  himself.  Its  foundation  there- 
fore reaches  to  the  fabulous  ages  of  Indian  history, 
long  anterior  to  Eama.  During  this  early  period  it 
most  probably  formed  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Ayo- 
dhya,  as  the  Yayu  Purana  assigns  it  to  Lava,  the  son 
of  Eama.  When  Sravasti  next  appears  in  historj^,  in 
the  time  of  Buddha,  it  was  the  capital  of  King  Pra- 
senajit,  the  son  of  Maha  Kosala.  The  king  became  a 
convert  to  the  new  faith,  and  during  the  rest  of  his 
life  he  was  the  firm  friend  and  protector  of  Buddha. 
But  his  son  Virudhaka  hated  the  race  of  the  Sakyas, 
and  his  invasion  of  their  country  and  subsequent  mas- 
sacre of  500  Sakya  maidens,  who  had  been  selected  for 

*  "Wilson,  '  Vishnu  Purana,'  book  iv.  p.  2 ;  Hall's  edit.,  vol.  iv.  p.  263. 


his  harem,  brought  forth  the  famous  prediction  of  Bud- 
dha, that  within  seven  days  the  king  would  be  con- 
sumed by  fire.  As  the  story  has  been  preserved  by 
Buddhists,  the  prediction  was  of  course  fulfilled,  and 
upwards  of  eleven  centuries  afterwards,  the  tank  in 
which  the  king  had  sought  to  avoid  the  flames  was 
pointed  out  to  the  credulous  Hwen  Thsang.* 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  Sravasti  until  one  cen- 
tury after  Kanishka,  or  five  centuries  after  Buddha, 
when,  according  to  Hwen  Thsang,  Yikramaditya,  king 
of  Sravasti,  became  a  persecutor  of  Buddhists,  and  the 
famous  Manorhita,  author  of  the  Yibhasha  Sastra,  being 
worsted  in  argument  by  the  Brahmans,  put  himself 
to  death.     During  the  reign  of  his  successor,  whose 
name  is  not  given,  the  Brahmans  were  overcome  by 
FasitbainJIiu,  the  eminent  disciple  of  Manorldta.     The 
probable  date  of  these  two  kings  may  be  set  down  as 
ranging  from  a.d.  79  to  120.     Por  the  next  two  cen- 
turies Sravasti  would   seem  to   have  been  under  the 
rule  of  its  own  kings,  as  we  find  KJuradhura  and  his 
nephew  mentioned    as  Eajas  between  a.d.  275  and 
319. t     But  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  during  the 
whole  of  this  time  Sravasti  was  only  a  dependency  of 
the  powerful  Gupta  dynasty  of  Magadha,  as  the  neigh- 
bouring city  of  Sakcta  is  specially  said  to  have  be- 
longed to  them.     "Princes  of  the  Gupta  race,"  says 
the  Vayu  Purana,  "will  possess  all  those  countries; 
the  banks  of  the  Ganges  to  Prayaga,  and  Saketa,  and 
Magadha."  %     From  this  time  Sravasti  gradually  de- 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Tlisang,'  ii.  306. 
t  Tumour,  ia  Jourii.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  vi.  865. 
X  Quoted  in  Wilson's  '  >'is]mu  Purana,'  p.  479,  note ;  and  Hall's 
edition,  iv.  218. 


elined.  In  a.d.  400  it  contained  only  200  families; 
in  A.D.  632  it  was  completely  deserted ;  and  at  the 
present  day  the  whole  area  of  the  city,  excepting  only 
a  few  clearances  near  the  gateways,  is  a  mass  of  almost 
impenetrable  jangal. 

There  is  a  difference  in  the  name  of  the  city,  which 
Fa-Hian  gives  as  She-wei.,  while  Hwen  Thsang  writes 
it,  as  correctly  as  is  possible  in  Chinese  syllables,  8he- 
lo-fa-si-ti  or  Srdvasti.  But  this  diiference  is  more  ap- 
parent than  real,  as  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
Shewei  is  only  a  slight  alteration  of  the  abbreviated 
Pali  form  of  Sewet,  for  SdwatlM,  which  is  found  in 
■most  of  the  Ceylonese  books.  Similarly  the  modern 
name  of  SMef  is  evidently  only  a  variation  of  the  Pali 
Sdwet.  The  other  name  of  Mdhet  I  am  unable  to  ex- 
plain ;  but  it  is  perhaps  only  the  usual  rhyming  addi- 
tion of  which  the  Hindus  are  so  fond^  as  in  ulta-pulfa, 
or  "  topsy-turvy,"  which  many  people  say  is  the  true 
meaning  of  Sdhet-mdhet,  in  allusion  to  the  utter  ruin 
of  the  whole  place.  But  some  say  that  the  name  was 
originally  Set-met,  and  as  this  form  seems  to  be  a  cor- 
ruption of  Seioet,  it  is  probable  that  Sahd-Mahet  is 
only  a  lengthened  pronunciation  of  Set-met.  One  man 
alone,  a  Muhammadan  in  charge  of  the  tomb  of  Pir 
Barana  close  to  the  ruined  city,  affirmed  that  the  true 
name  was  Sdvitri,  which  is  so  close  to  the  correct  Pali 
form  of  Sdioatthi  as  to  leave  but  little  doubt  that  it 
preserves  the  original  name  of  the  place. 

Hwen  Thsang  assigns  to  the  kingdom  of  Srdvasti  a 
circuit  of  4000  li,  or  667  miles,  which  is  about  double 
the  actual  size  of  the  territory  lying  between  the 
Ghagra  river  and  the  foot  of  the  mountains ;  but  as  he 
assigns  the  same  dimensions  to  the  territory  of  Nep^l, 


it  is  probable  that  in  his  time  the  two  western  districts 
of  Malbhum  and  Khachi,  in  the  hills  to  the  north,  may 
at  that  time  have  belonged  to  Sravasti.  The  territory 
of  Sravasti  would  thus  have  comprised  all  the  country 
lying  between  the  Himalaya  mountains  and  the 
Ghagra  river,  from  the  Karnali  river  on  the  west  to 
the  mountain  of  Dhaolagiri  and  Faizabad  on  the  east. 
The  circuit  of  this  tract  is  about  600  miles,  or  very 
nearly  the  same    as   the   estimated   measurement  of 

Hwen  Thsang. 

]9.    KAPILA. 

From  Sravasti  both  of  the  Chinese  pilgrims  pro- 
ceeded direct  to  Kapila^  which  was  famous  throughout 
India  as  the  birth-place  of  Buddha.  Hwen  Thsang 
makes  the  distance  500  li^  or  83  miles,  to  the  south- 
east ;*  but  according  to  the  earlier  pilgrim  Fa-Hian 
the  distance  was  13  yojanas,  or  91  miles,  in  the  same 
direction.f  The  difference  oil yojana,  or  7  miles,  seems 
to  be  due  to  some  confusion  as  to  the  relative  positions 
of  Kapila,  and  the  birth-place  of  Krakuchanda,  which 
were  just  one  yojana  apart.  Fa-Hian  reached  the  latter 
place  first  before  visiting  Kapila  ;  but  Hwen  Thsang 
went  first  to  Kapila,  and  afterwards  to  the  birth-place 
of  Krakuchanda.  As  the  site  of  this  place  may  with 
great  probability  be  identified  with  Kakila,  8  miles  to 
the  west  of  Nagar^  which  I  propose  to  identify  with 
Kajnia-naffara,  I  am  inclined  to  adopt  the  narrative  of 
Fa-Hian.  Now  the  distance  between  Sdhet  and  Nagar 
is  rather  more  than  81^  miles,  as  I  found  the  road  from 
Sahet  to  Asokpur  42^  miles,  and  from  Asokpur  to 

*  Julien's  '  Iliouen  Thsang,'  ii.  309. 
t  Seal's  '  Fali-Hian,'  xxi-xxii. 


Nagar  the  distance  is  39  miles  measured  direct  on  the 
large  map  of  the  Indian  Atlas.  The  actual  distance  by 
the  winding  roads  of  this  part  of  the  country  cannot 
therefore  be  less  than  85  miles,  and  is  probably  about 
90  miles,  as  stated  by  Fa-Hian. 

Hwen  Thsang  estimates  the  circuit  of  the  district 
at  4000  li,  or  667  miles,  which  agrees  very  well 
with  the  size  of  the  tract  lying  between  the  Gh^gra 
and  the  Gandak  from  Faizabad  to  the  confluence  of 
those  rivers.  The  direct  measurement  is  550  miles, 
which  would  be  upwards  of  600  miles  in  road  dis- 

No  trace  of  the  name  of  Kapila  has  yet  been  disco- 
vered ;  but  I  believe  that  the  position  of  the  city  can  be 
fixed  within  very  narrow  limits  by  many  concurring 
data.  According  to  the  Buddhist  chronicles  of  Tibet, 
Xapilavastu  or  Kapilanagara  was  founded  by  some  de- 
scendants of  the  solar  hero  Gotama,f  on  the  bank  of  a 
lake  near  the  river  Eohini  in  Kosala.  Now  the  town 
of  Nagar,  or  Nagar-khds,  that  is  "  the  city,"  is  situated 
on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Chando  Tal,  near  a  large 
stream  named  Kohana,  a  tributary  of  the  Eapti,  and  in 
the  northern  division  of  Oudh  beyond  the  Gh^gra 
river,  and  therefore  in  Kosala.  Its  distance  and  bear- 
ing from  Sravasti  have  already  been  noted  as  agreeing 
most  precisely  with  those  stated  by  the  Chinese 
pilgrims.  To  the  west  a  small  stream  named  Sidh 
falls  into  the  lake.  This  name,  which  means  the  "per- 
'fect  or  the  holy  one,"  is  always  applied  to  the  sages 
of  antiquity,  and  in  the  present  instance  I  think  that 
it  may  refer  to  the  sage  Kapila,  whose  hermitage  was 

*  See  Map  No.  XI. 

t  Csoma  de  Eoros  in  Joirrn.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  ii.  391. 


also  on  the  bank  of  the  lake  opposite  the  city.  The 
Gautamas  had  at  first  established  themselves  near  the 
sage's  dwelling  ;  but,  as  the  lowing  of  their  kine  had 
disturbed  his  meditations,  they  founded  their  new  city 
of  Kapilanagara  at  some  distance,  that  is  on  the  oppo- 
site or  eastern  end  of  the  lake. 

The  position  of  the  Eohini  river  is  more  precisely 
indicated    by   the    Chinese    pilgrims   and   Ceylonese 
chronicles.     According  to  Fa-Hian*  the  royal  garden, 
named  Lun-ming^  or  Lumbini,  in  which  Buddha  was 
bom,  was  situated  at  50  /«',  or  8-g-  miles,  to  the  east  of 
Kapila.     Hwen  Thsangf  calls  the  garden  La-fa-ni,  and 
places  it  on  the  bank  of  a  small  stream  flowing  to  the 
south-east  which  the  people  called  the  "  River  of  Oil." 
According  to  the  Ceylonese  Chronicles,  |  the  Rohini 
flowed  between  the  cities  of  Kapila  and  Koli,   the 
latter  being  the  birth-place  of  May^  Devi,  the  mother 
of   Buddha.      It   was    also    called    Vydghra-jjura,    or 
"  Tiger-town.  "§     When  Maya  was  near  her  confine- 
ment she  went  to  pay  a  visit  to  her  parents  at  Koli. 
"  Between  the  two  cities  there  was  a  garden  of  Sal 
trees  called  Lumbini.  to  which  the  inhabitants  of  both 
cities  were  accustomed  to  resort  for  recreation."  There 
she  rested  and  gave  birth  to  the  infant  Buddha.     In 
another  place  it  is  said  that  during  a  season  of  drought 
the  inhabitants  of  Kapila  and  Koli  quarrelled  about 
the  distribution  of  the  waters  of  the  Eohini  for  the 
irrigation  of  their  rice-fields. ||     From  all  these  details 
I  infer  that  the  BoJtini  was  most  probably  the  Kohdna 
river  of  the  present  day,  which  flows  in  a  south-easterly 

*  Seal's  '  Fah-Hian;  xxii.  87.  t  'Hiouea  Thsang,'  ii.  32-2. 

t  Hardy's  ■  .Manual  of  Buddhism,'  p.  307. 

§  Ihicl.,  p.  136.  II  lUd.,  p.  307. 


course  about  6  miles  to  the  eastward  of  Nagar.  It  is 
the  Kooana  and  Quana  of  the  maps,  and  the  Koyane  of 
Buchanan,*  who  describes  it  as  "  a  fine  little  river, 
which,  with  its  numerous  branches,  fertilizes  all  the 
south-eastern  parts  of  the  district."  It  therefore  cor- 
responds in  all  essential  particulars  with  the  Eohini  of 
the  Buddhist  chronicles. 

The  position  of  Koli  is  doubtful ;  but  it  may  per- 
haps be  referred  to  the  village  of  Am  Kohil,  which  is 
exactly  11  miles  to  the  east  of  Naym\  and  rather  less 
than  3  miles  from  the  nearest  point  of  the  Kohana 
river.  The  road  from  Nagar  to  Kolnl  crosses  the 
Kohana  opposite  the  small  town  of  Mokson^  which  may 
probably  be  the  site  of  the  once  famous  Lumbini 
garden,  as  it  was  also  called  parddi-moJcsha,-\  or 
"supreme  beatitude."  In  later  times  this  appella- 
tion would  have  been  shortened  to  Moksha  or  Mokshan^ 
to  which  I  would  refer  the  possible  origin  of  Hwen 
Thsang's  name  of  the  "  Eiver  of  Oil,"  as  mrakshan  is 
the  Sanskrit  term  for  oil.  Abul  Fazl  calls  the  place  of 
Buddha's  birth  Mokia,X  which  is  perhaps  only  a  mis- 
reading of  Moksa. 

Another  strong  point  in  favour  of  the  identification 
of  Nagar  with  the  ancient  Kapila  is  the  fact  that  the 
present  chief  of  Nagar  is  a  Gautama  Rajput,  and  the 
districts  of  Nagar  and  Amorha  are  the  head-quarters 
of  the  clan,  as  well  as  of  the  Gautamiya  Rajputs,  who 
are  an  inferior  branch  of  the  Gautamas.  Now  the 
Sdhyas  of  Kapilavastu  were  also  Gautama  Eajputs,  and 
Sakya  Muni  himself  is  still  known  amongst  the  people 

*  '  Eastern  India,'  ii.  301. 

t  '  Fo-hwe-Jci,'  c.  xxii.,  note  17,  by  Klaproth. 

X  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  503. 

2    E 


of  Banna  as  Gautama  Buddha,  or  simply  Gaulama.  In 
the  Vansalata*  the  Gautamas  are  said  to  be  descendants 
of  ^Irkabandhu,  which  is  one  of  the  names  of  Buddha 
given  in  the  Amara  Kosha  of  the  famous  Amara  Sinha, 
who  was  himself  a  Buddhist. 

I  have  not  visited  Nagar  myself,  but  I  am  iaformed 
that  it  possesses  a  khera,  or  mound  of  brick  ruins,  and 
that  there  are  numerous  remains  of  brick  buildings  in 
the  neighbourhood.       As  Fa-Hian   describes  Kapila 
in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  as  "  literally  a 
vast  solitude,   in  which  there  was  neither  king  nor 
people,"  but  only  a  few  monks  and  some  ten  or  twenty 
houses,  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  there  would  be  any 
conspicuous  traces  of  the  city  which  has  lain  desolate 
for  upwards  of  twelve  centuries.   In  the  middle  of  the 
seventh  century  Hwen  Thsang    found  the  place  so 
utterly  ruined  that  it  was  impossible  to  ascertain  its 
original  size,  I  am  therefore  quite  satisfied  that  the 
absence  of  any  cxteiisive  ruins  at  the  present  day 
cannot  overthrow  the  very  strong  claims  which  Na^ar 
certainly  possesses  to  be  identified  with  the  ancient 
city  of  Kapila.     But  this  identification  is  still  further 
strengthened  by  the  names  of  several  places  in  the 
vicinity,  which  would  appear  to  represent  some  of  the 
more  holy  spots  that  were  famous  in  the  early  history 
of  Buddhism.     I  allude  more  especially  to  the  birth- 
places of  the  two  previous  Buddhas,  Krahichanda  and 
Kanaka-muni,  and  the  Sara-kupa,  or  "arrow-fountain," 
which  sprang  into  existence  at  the  stroke  of  Buddha's 


Fa-Hian  names  Na-pi-kla  as  the  birthplace  of  Era- 

*  Buchanan,  '  Eastern  India,'  ii.  458. 


kuchanda ;  but  in  the  Buddhist  chronicles  *  the  city 
is  called  Kshemacatt  aud  Khemavati.'\  In  the  books  of 
Ceylon,  however,  J  Krakuchanda  is  said  to  have  been  the 
Puro/nt,  or  family  priest,  of  Eaja  Kshema,  of  Mekhala. 
According  to  Fa-Hian,  the  city  was  about  1  yojana^ 
or  7  miles,  to  the  west-north-west  of  Kapila ;  but  ac- 
cording to  Hwen  Thsang  it  was  50  /?',  or  8-g-  miles,  to 
the  south  of  Kapila.  Tn  the  absence  of  other  data, 
it  is  difficult  to  say  which  of  these  statements  may  be 
correct ;  but  as  I  find  a  town  named  Kakiia,  exactly  8 
miles  to  the  west  of  Nagar,  I  am  strongly  inclined  to 
adopt  the  account  of  Fa-Hian,  as  Kakti  is  the  Pali 
form  of  Krakti.  According  to  Hwen  Thsang's  bearing, 
the  city  should  be  looked  for  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Kalwi,ri  Khas,  which  is  7  miles  to  the  south  of  Kagar. 

A  similar  discrepancy  is  found  in  the  position  of 
the  birthplace  of  Kanaka-muni,  which,  according  to  Fa- 
Hian,  was  to  the  south  of  Krakuchanda's  birthplace, 
but  to  the  north-east  of  it  according  to  Hwen  Thsang. 
They  agree  exactly  as  to  the  distance,  which  the  latter 
makes  30  li,  or  just  5  miles,  while  the  former  calls 
it  somewhat  less  than  1  yojana,  that  is  about  6  or  6 
miles.  In  the  Ceylonese  chronicles  the  town  is  named 
Sobhavati-nuffara,  §  which  may  possibly  be  repre- 
sented by  the  village  of  Subhay-Pursa,  at  6^  miles  to 
the  south-east  of  Kakiia,  and  the  same  distance  to  the 
south-west  of  Nagar. 

The  same  unaccountable  difference  of  bearing  is 
found  also  in  the  position  of  the  8ara-Kupa,  or  the 

*  ■  Sapta  Buddha  Stotra,'  quoted  by  Eemusat  in  '  Fo-kwe-ki,'  c.  xxi. 
note  3. 
t  Tumour's  '  Mahawanso,"  Introduction,  p.  33. 
{  Hardy's  '  Manual  of  Buddhism,'  96. 
§  'Mahawanso,'  Introduction,  p.  34. 

2  E  2 


"  Arrow  Eountaiu,"  which  Fa-Hian  places  at  30  li,  or  5 
miles,  to  the  south-west  of  Kapila,  while  Hwen  Thsang 
places  it  at  the  same  distance  to  the  south-east.  In  this 
instance  also  I  believe  that  Fa-Hian  is  right,  as  Hwen 
Thsang  makes  the  distance  from  the  Sara-Kupa  to  the 
Luvibini  garden  from  80  to  90  li,  or  13  to  15  miles, 
Avhich,  as  I  have  already  shown,  was  on  the  bank  of 
the  Eohini  or  Kohana  river,  to  the  east  of  Kapila. 
Now,  if  the  Arrow  Fountain  was  to  the  south-east  of  the 
capital,  its  distance  from  the  Lumhini  garden  could  not 
have  been  more  than  6  or  7  miles,  whereas  if  it  was 
to  the  south-west,  as  stated  by  Fa-Hian,  the  distance 
would  be  about  12  or  13  miles.  The  probable  position 
of  the  Sara-Kiipa^  or  Arrow  Fountain,  may  therefore 
be  fixed  near  the  village  of  Sanoanpur,  which  is  ex- 
actly b\  miles  to  the  south-west  of  Nagar. 

In  proposing  all  these  identifications,  I  have  assumed 
that  Nagar  is  the  site  of  the  ancient  Kapila^  but  as  I 
have  not  examined  this  part  of  the  country  myself, 
and  as  the  information  which  I  have  been  able  to 
obtain  is  necessarily  vague,  I  feel  that  the  final  settle- 
ment of  this  important  inquiry  can  only  be  satisfac- 
torily determined  by  an  actual  examination  of  Nagar 
itself  and  the  surrounding  localities.  In  the  meantime 
I  offer  the  results  of  the  present  disquisition  as  useful 
approximations  until  the  true  sites  shall  be  determined 
by  actual  observation. 


From  Kapila  both  pilgrims  proceeded  to  Lan-mo^ 
which  has  been  identified  with  the  Bdmagrdma  of  the 
Buddhist  chronicles  of  India.  Fa-Hian  makes  the 
distance  5  gojanas,  or  35  miles,  to  the  east,*  and  Hwen 

*  Beal's  '  Fah-Hian,'  c.  xxii.  p.  89. 


Thsang  gives  200  li,  or  33-|-  miles,  in  the  same  direc- 
tion.* But  in  spite  of  their  agreement  I  believe  that 
the  distance  is  in  excess  of  the  truth.  Their  subse- 
quent march  to  the  bank  of  the  Jno?na  river  is  said  to 
be  3  yojanas  or  21  miles  by  Fa-Hian,  and  100  li  or 
16§  miles  by  Hwen  Thsang,  thus  making  the  total 
distance  from  Eapila  to  the  Anoma  river  8  yojanas, 
or  56  miles,  according  to  the  former,  and  300  li,  or 
50  miles,  according  to  the  latter.  But  in  the  Indian 
Buddhist  scriptures,  this  distance  is  said  to  be  only  6 
yojanas,  or  42  miles,  which  I  believe  to  be  correct, 
as  the  Auyni  river  of  the  present  day,  which  is  most 
probably  the  Anoma  river  of  the  Buddhist  books,  is  just 
40  miles  distant  from  IS^agar  in  an  easterly  direction. 
The  identification  of  the  Anoma  will  be  discussed 

According  to  the  pilgrims'  statements,  the  position 
of  Bdmagrdma  must  be  looked  for  at  about  two-thirds 
of  the  distance  between  Nagar  and  the  Anoma  river, 
that  is  at  4  yojanas,  or  28  miles.  In  this  position  I  find 
the  village  of  Deokali,f  with  a  mound  of  ruins,  which 
was  used  as  a  station  for  the  trigonometrical  survey. 
In  the  '  Mahawanso '  it  is  stated  that  the  stupa  of  Eama- 
gamo,  which  stood  on  the  bank  of  the  Ganges,  was  de- 
stroyed by  the  action  of  the  current.J  Mr.  Laidlay 
has  already  pointed  out  that  this  river  could  not  be 
the  Ganges;  but  might  be  either  the  Ghdgra,  or 
some  other  large  river  in  the  north.  But  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  that  the  Ganges  is  a  simple  fabrication  of 
the  Ceylonese  chronicler.  All  the  Buddhist  scriptures 
agree  in  stating  that  the  relics  of  Buddha  were  divided 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  325.  t  See  Map  No.  XI. 

X  '  Mahawanso,'  c.  xxxi.  p.  185. 



into  eight  portions,  of  which  one  fell  to  the  lot  of  the 
Xosalas  of  Bmnagrdvia^  over  which  they  erected  a 
stupa.  Some  years  later  seven  portions  of  the  relics 
were  collected  together  by  Ajatasatru,  king  of  Maga- 
dha,  and  enshrined  in  a  single  stupa  at  Eajagriha ; 
but  the  eighth  portion  still  remained  at  Eamagrama. 
According  to  the  Ceylonese  clii-onicler,  the  stupa  of 
Eamagrama  was  washed  away  by  the  Ganges,  and  the 
relic  casket,  having  been  carried  down  the  river  to  the 
ocean,  was  discovered  by  the  Ndffas,  or  water  gods, 
and  presented  to  their  king,  'who  built  a  stupa  for  its 
reception.  During  the  reign  of  Dutthagamini  of  Cey- 
lon, B.C.  161  to  137,  the  casket  was  miraculously 
obtained  from  the  Kaga  king  by  the  holy  monk  So- 
nuttaro,  and  enshrined  in  the  Mahathupo,  or  "  great 
stupa,"  in  the  land  of  Lanka.* 

iSI^ow  this  story  is  completely  at  variance  with  the 
statements  of  the  Chinese  pilgrims,  both  of  whom 
visited  Eamagrama  many  centuries  after  Duttha- 
gamini, when  they  found  the  relic  stupa  intact,  but  no 
rivur.  Fa-IIian,f  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century, 
saw  a  tank  beside  the  stupa,  in  which  a  dragon  {Ndffo) 
lived,  who  continually  watched  the  tower.  In  the 
middle  of  the  seventh  century,  Hwen  ThsangJ  saw  the 
same  stupa  and  the  same  tank  of  clear  water  inhabited 
by  dragons  {Ndgas),  who  daily  transformed  themselves 
into  men,  and  paid  their  devotions  to  the  stupa. §  Both 
pilgrims  mention  the  attempt  of  Asoka  to  remove  these 
relics  to  his  own  capital,  which  was  abandoned  on  the 
expostulation  of  the  Naga  king.  "  If  by  thy  oblations," 
said  the  Naga,  "  thou  canst  excel  this,  thou  mayest 

*  '  Mahavvanso,'  c.  xxxi.  f  Deal's  '  Fah-HiaD,'  c.  xxiii.  p.  90. 

J  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Tlisang,'  ii.  326.  §  Ibid. 



destroy  the  tower,  and  I  shall  not  prevent  thee."  Now 
according  to  the  Ceylonese  chronicler,  this  is  the  very 
same  argument  that  was    used  by  the  N%a   king 
to  dissuade  the  priest  Sonuttaro    from  removing  the 
relics  to  Ceylon.*    I  infer,  therefore,  that  the  original 
"tank"  of  Eamagrama  was  adroitly  changed  into  a 
river  by  the  Ceylonese  author,  so  that  the  relics  which 
were  in  charge  of  the  Nagas  of  the  tank,  might  be 
conveyed  to  the  ocean-palace  of  the  Naga  king,  from 
whence  they  could  as  readily  be  transferred  to  Ceylon 
as  to  any  other  place.    The  river  was  thus  a  necessity 
in  the  Ceylonese  legend,  to  convey  the  relics  away 
from  Eamagrama  to  the  ocean.     But  the  authority  of 
a  legend  can  have  no  weight  against  the  united  testi- 
mony of  the  two  independent  pilgrims,  who  many  cen- 
turies later  found  the  stupa  still  standing,  but  saw  no 
river.    I  therefore  dismiss  the  Ganges  as  a  fabrication 
of  the  Ceylonese  chroniclers,  and  accept  in  its  stead 
the  Naga  tank  of  the   Chinese  pilgrims.       Having 
thus  got  rid  of  the  river,  I  can  see  no  objection  to 
the  identification  of  Deokali  with  the  Eamagrama  of 
Buddhist  history.     The  town  was  quite  deserted  at 
the  time  of  Fa-Hian's  visit,  in  the  fifth  century,  who 
found  only  a  small  religious  establishment ;  this  was 
still  kept  up  in  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century, 
but  it  must  have  been  very  near  its  dissolution,  as  there 
was  only  a   single   srdmanera^    or  monk,   to   conduct 
ihe  affairs  of  the  monastery. 

Eiver  Jnoma. 
The  river  Anoma  was  famous  in  the  history  of  Bud- 
dhism as  the  scene  of  Prince  Siddharta's  assumption 

*  '  Mahawanso,'  c.  xxxi.  p.  188. 


of  the  dress  of  an  ascetic,  where  he  cut  off  his  hair, 
and  dismissed  his  attendant  and  his  horse.  According 
to  the  Burmese*  and  Ceylonesef  chronicles,  the  dis- 
tance from  Kapila  was  30  yojanas,  or  about  210  miles, — 
a  mistake  which  must  have  originated  in  an  erroneous 
opinion  that  the  river  was  exactly  halfway  between 
Kapila  and  Eajagriha,  as  the  total  distance  is  said  to 
be  60  yojanas.  In  the  Tibetan  translation  of  the  Lalita 
J'isfara,  J  the  distance  is  stated  at  6  yojanas^  or  42 
miles.  This  is  somewhat  less  than  the  estimates  of 
Fa-Hian  and  Hwcn  Thsang,  but  as  the  former  is  made 
up  of  two  distances,  given  in  whole  yojanas^  and  the 
latter  of  two  distances,  given  in  round  hundreds  of  li^ 
they  can  only  be  accepted  as  approximations.  Thus 
Fa-Hian's  5  yojanas,  plus  3  yojanas,  may  have  been 
only  4-^  and  2^.  yojanas,  and  Hwen  Thsang's  200  U, 
plus  100  li,  may  have  been  actually  only  180  li,  plus 
80  li.  The  former  may  thus  be  reduced  to  7  yojanas, 
or  49  miles,  and  the  latter  to  260  li,  or  43  miles.  I 
therefore  accept  the  6  yojanas,  or  42  miles,  of  the 
Lalita  Vislcira  as  the  nearest  approach  to  the  real  dis- 
tance that  could  be  stated  in  whole  yojanas. 

When  Prince  Siddharta  left  Kapila  to  enter  upon 
the  life  of  an  ascetic,  he  took  the  road  by  Vaisali  to 
Eajagriha.  The  general  direction  of  his  route  was 
therefore  nearly  east-south-east  past  Deokali  to  the 
bank  of  the  Aumi  river  below  Sangrilmpur,  and  above 
the  point  where  it  enters  the  Aumiyar  Lake.§     As  the 

*  Bigandet,  '  Legend  of  the  Burmese  Buddha,'  p.  41. 

t  Tumour,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  vii.  809.  Hardy,  '  Manual  of 
Buddhism,'  p.  160,  says  480  miles,  from  which  it  is  evident  that  he  has 
adopted  Turnour's  erroneous  valuation  of  the  yojana  at  16  miles. 

X  Foucaux,  French  translation,  p.  214. 

§  '  Eastern  India,'  ii.  314.     Buchanan  calls  it  the  Naiear  Lake,  but 


course  of  the  Aumi  is  from  nortli-west  to  south-east, 
the  distance  from  Nagar  varies  from  40  to  45  miles. 
The  route  could  not  have  crossed  the  river  above  San- 
gr^mpur,  as  the  distance  would  be  under  40  miles, 
nor  below  the  Aumiyar  Lake,  which  discharges  itself 
by  a  very  short  channel  into  the  Eapti.  If  the  data 
are  correct,  the  point  of  crossing  must  have  been  just 
above  the  head  of  the  Aumiyar  Lake. 

Now  Aumi^  or  in  Sanskrit  Avami,  means  "  inferior," 
and  as  the  name  of  a  river  it  would  be  descriptive  of 
its  small  size  as  compared  with  other  rivers  in  its 
neighbourhood.  A  glance  at  the  map  is  sufficient  to 
show  that  the  Aumi  is  an  old  bed  of  the  Eapti,  which 
left  the  present  channel  near  Dumariyaganj.  A  main 
branch  of  the  Aumi,  named  the  Budh  Nali,  or  "  old 
river,"  which  rises  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bansi,  is 
still  supplied  from  the  Eapti  during  the  rainy  season 
by  a  channel  called  Daldal  Nala^  or  "  Quicksand 
Stream."  This  fact  alone  affords  a  most  decisive 
proof  that  the  lower  course  of  the  Aumi,  below  the 
junction  of  the  Budh  Nala  near  Balehar,  is  an  old  bed 
of  the  Eapti.  The  name  of  Aumi  or  Avami  Nadi,  the 
"inferior"  or  "lesser  river,"  was  therefore  an  appro- 
priate appellation  of  the  old  chamiel  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  larger  or  main  stream  of  the  Rapti. 

According  to  the  Lalita  Vistdra  the  point  where 
Buddha  crossed  the  river  was  at  the  town  of  Money  a, 
in  the  district  of  Anuvaineya*  The  name  of  the  town 
is  unknown,  but  that  of  the  district  would  appear  to 
be  the  same  as  Anaola,  which  is  the  name  of  the  divi- 

iu  the  Atlas  of  India  and  other  Government  Maps  it  is  named  the 
Amij/ar  Tal,  and  the  river  is  called  the  Ami  Nadi. 
*  Foucaux,  translation  from  Tibetan,  p.  214. 



sion  on  the  western  bank  of  tlie  lower  course  of  the 
Aumi  river,  which  includes  both  Sangrampur  and  the 
Auniiyar  lake.  Aimvalneya  means  the  country  along 
the  Vaineya  river,  or  on  the  lower  course  of  the  Vai- 
neya.  The  name  is  probably  derived  from  Venu,  a 
"bambu,"  and  if  so  it  would  mean  "Bambu  river," 
and  would  thus  be  equivalent  to  Bdnsi^  which  might 
be  appropriately  applied  to  it,  either  on  account  of  the 
hamhus  on  its  banks,  or  because  it  flows  past  the  town 
of  Bclnsi. 

The  Buddhist  legends  of  Barma  and  Ceylon  are 
unanimous  in  stating  that  Prince  Siddharta,  on  reach- 
ing the  bank  of  the  stream  where  he  dismissed  his 
attendants  and  horse,  inquired  its  name,  and  on  being 
informed  that  it  was  called  Anoma^  made  a  remark  in 
allusion  to  the  name  of  the  river,  which  is  differently 
rendered  by  the  translators.  According  to  the  Bur- 
mese legend*  the  name  of  the  river  was  Anauma^  on 
hearing  which  the  prince  remarked,  "  I  will  not  show 
myself  umoorllnj  of  the  high  dignity  I  aspire  to." 
Then  "  spurring  his  horse,  the  fierce  animal  leaped  at 
once  to  the  opposite  bank."  Mr.  Hardy  states  the 
occurrence  even  more  briefly  :t  "On  arriving  at  the 
river  he  inquired  its  name  from  the  noble,  and  when 
he  Avas  told  that  it  was  Anowa^  '  illustrious  or  honour- 
able,' he  received  it  as  another  omen  in  his  favour." 
Tumour  gives  the  story  at  length  from  the  Ceylonese 
AUakalha  of  the  Buddhawanso.  %  Prince  Siddharta 
inquired  of  Chhando,  '"What  is  the  name  of  this 
river  ?' — '  Lord,  its  name  is  AnonuV     Eeplying,  '  Nor 

*  '  Legend  of  the  Burmese  Buddlia,"  by  Bisliop  Bigaudet,  p.  41. 
t  '  Manual  of  Buddhism,'  p.  160. 


will  there  be  any  Anoma  (inferiority)  in  my  ordina- 
tion,' lie  pressed  his  heel  to  the  horse  and  gave  him 
the  signal  to  leap."     Turnour  notes  that  "this  remark 
involves  a  pun;"  but  that  a  pun  "is  by  no  means  a 
matter  of  levity  in  Buddhistical  literature."    By  some 
oversight,  Turnour  has  rendered  anoma  by  "  inferi- 
ority," whereas  its  meaning  is  exactly  the  reverse, 
and  is  correctly  given  by  Hardy  and  Bishop  Bigandet. 
According  to  the  text  of  the  Burmese  and  Ceylonese 
chronicles,  it  would  appear  that  the  name  of  the  river 
was  Jnoma,  the  "not  inferior,"  that  is  the  "supe- 
rior," and  the  prince's  remark  must  have  been  that 
so  also  would  his  ordination  be  anoma,  or  "superior.'' 
But  as  the  name  of  the  river  at  the  present  day  is 
Aumi,  or  "  inferior,"  and  as  Tumour's  translation  of 
the  word  as  "inferiority"  would  seem  to  show  that 
in  his  copy  at  least  the  name  was   Oma  or  Auma,  I 
cannot  help  suspecting  that  this  is  the  true  reading ; 
and  that  when  the  prince  was  informed  that  the  name 
of  the  river  was  Auma,  or  "inferior,"   he  remarked 
"My  ordination  shall  be  anauma,  or  "superior."     If 
the  original  name  of  the  stream  had  been  Anoitia,  it  is 
difficult  to  understand  how  it  could  have  been  changed 
to  Aumi,  which  has  the  very  opposite  meaning.     But 
if  it  was  properly  Aumi,  that  is  the  "inferior"  or  lesser 
branch  of  the  Rapti,  and  it  was  arbitrarily  changed 
by  the  Buddhists  to  Anauma,  a  return  to  the  use  of 
the  original  name  would  have  been  only  a  natural 
consequence  of  the  downfall  of  Buddhism. 

But  the  identification  of  the  Buddhistical  Anoma 
with  the  modern  Aumi  is  still  further  confirmed  by 
the  existence  of  three  significant  names  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  river,  within  a  short  distance  of  the  point 


which  I  have  assigned  for  the  prince's  passage  of  the 
stream.  On  reaching  the  opposite  bank,  the  prince 
alighted  from  his  horse  and  directed  his  attendant 
Chandaka  to  return  to  Kapila.*  At  this  spot  there 
stood  a  stupa  called  Chandaka-nivarttana,  or  "Chan- 
daka's  return,"  which  in  the  spoken  dialects  would 
probably  have  been  shortened  to  Chanda-bartta.  This 
place  may,  I  think,  be  identified  with  the  village  of 
Chandaoli  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Aumi  river, 
near  the  head  of  the  Aumiyar  Lake,  and  10  miles  to 
the  south  of  Gorakhpur.  With  his  sword  the  prince 
then  cut  off  his  long  locks  of  hair,  chvda,  which  being 
thrown  aloft  were  caught  by  the  gods,  who  built  a 
stupa  on  the  spot  called  Chuda-pati-ffraha^  or  the  "heap 
of  hair -locks."  In  the  spoken  dialects  this  name 
would  have  been  shortened  to  Chuda-galia^  which,  I 
think,  may  be  identified  with  the  village  of  Churei/a, 
3  miles  to  the  north  of  Chandaoli.  The  prince  next 
changed  his  royal  garments,  called  kdsdya,  because 
made  of  the  fine  fabrics  of  Kdsi^  or  Banaras,  for  the 
plain  dress  of  an  ascetic ;  and  on  the  spot  where  this 
took  place  the  people  erected  a  stupa,  named  Kdmya- 
grahan,  or  "  doffed  garments."  This  place  I  would 
identify  A\'ith  the  village  of  Kaseijar,  3|  miles  to  the 
south-east  of  Chandaoli.  In  favour  of  these  identifi- 
cations I  may  mention  that  Hwen  Thsang  places  the 
stupa  of  the  "doffed  garments"  to  the  east  of  that  of 
"  Chandaka's  return ;"  but  his  position  of  the  stupa 
of  the  "  cut  hair"  at  a  short  distance  from  that  of  the 
"  doffed  garments"  is  directly  opposed  to  the  site  that 
I  have  suggested  at  Chureya,  which  is  6  miles  to  the 
north  of  Kaseyar.     It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that 

■■  'Lalita  Vist,:ira.'     Fouc.iux,  translation  from  Tibetan,  p.  214. 



one  of  my  suggested  identifications  must  be  wrong ; 
but  as  the  otber  two  would  appear  to  agree  with  the 
relative  positions  assigned  by  Hwen  Thsang,  I  think 
that  they  are  probably  correct. 


From  the  Anoma  river  both  of  the  Chinese  pilgrims 
proceeded  to  visit  the  stupa  that  was  erected  at  Pip- 
palawano  over  the  charcoal  ashes  of  the  funeral  pile  of 
Buddha.    The  Moriyas  of  this  city,  having  applied  too 
late  for  a  share  of  the  relics  of  the  body,  were  obliged 
to  be  content  with  the  ashes.     Fa-Hian  places  the 
stupa  at  4  yojanas,  or  28  miles,  to  the  east  of  the 
Anoma;  but  Hwen  Thsang  makes  the  distance  180 
to  190  li,  or  from  30  to  32  miles,   and  the  bearing 
south-east.     Fa-Hian  does  not  mention  the  name  of 
the  town,  but  in  the  Burmese*  and  Ceylonese  chro- 
niclesf  it  is  called  Pippali-wano,  or  the  "Pippal-forest;" 
and  in  the  Tibetan  Dulva%  it  is  called  the  town  of  the 
Nyagrodha^  or  Banian-trees.    Hwen  Thsang  also  speaks 
of  the  "  forest  of  Nyagrodha-irees,  "  as  the  site  of  the 
"  charcoal    stupa,"    and   as   he   actually   visited   the 
place,  we  must  accept  his  testimony  in  preference  to 
that  of  the  distant  chroniclers  of  Ceylon.     No  place 
of  this  name  is  now  known ;  but  in  the  south-east 
direction  indicated  by  Hwen  Thsang,  there  is  a  large 
forest  which  completely  surrounds  the*  ruins  of  an 
ancient  city  called  SahanJcat.     This  place  is  described 
at  length  by  Buchanan,  §  who  found  several  statues  of 
Buddha  am<ongst  the  ruins.    It  was  therefore  certainly 

*  Bigandet,  '  Legend  of  the  Burmese  Buddha,'  p.  212. 

t  Tumour,  Journ.  Asiat.  Soc.  Bengal,  vii.  1013. 

X  '  Asiatic  Eesearches,'  Bengal,  xx. 

§  '  Eastern  India,'  ii.  370.    See  Map  No.  XI.  for  its  position. 


in  existence  during  the  flourisliing  period  of  Bud- 
dhism. It  is  20  miles  distant  from  the  Chandaoli 
Ghat,  on  the  Aumi,  measured  in  a  direct  line  on  the 
map ;  but  by  the  road  it  is  not  less  than  25  miles, 
owing  to  the  numerous  streams  that  intersect  the 
route.  The  position  therefore  corresponds  as  nearly 
as  possible  with  that  assigned  to  the  C'harcoal  Tower 
by  Hwen  Thsang,  but  I  have  no  confirmatory  evidence 
to  offer,  unless  the  name  of  the  village  of  Srinagar 
Koliia  may  be  connected  with  Koilj  or  charcoal,  which 
is  not  very  probable.  I  may  add,  however,  that  the 
bearing  of  Kasia  from  Sahankat  corresponds  with  the 
north-east  direction  of  Kusinagara  from  the  Charcoal 
Stupa  which  is  recorded  by  Hwen  Thsang. 


Fa-Hian  places  Kusinagara  at  12  yojanas^  or  84 
miles,  to  the  eastward  of  the  Charcoal  Stupa,  a  dis- 
tance which  is  quite  impossible  when  compared  with 
its  other  recorded  distances  from  Yaisali  and  Banaras.* 
Unfortunately,  Hwen  Thsang,  contrary  to  his  usual 
custom,  has  omitted  to  note  the  distance,  and  simply 
states  that  he  travelled  in  a  north-east  direction  for  a 
long  time  through  a  vast  forest,  full  of  wild  bulls  and 
wild  elephants,  and  infested  with  brigands.  A  portion 
of  this  forest  still  exists  to  the  north  and  east  of  Sa- 
liankat^  and  wild  elephants  still  abound  in  the  Tarai 
forests  to  the  north  of  Gorakhpur.  Wilson  first  pro- 
posed Kasia  as  the  site  of  Kusinagara,  and  the  sug- 
gestion has  since  been  generally  adopted.  *  The  village 
is  situated  exactly  35  miles  to  the  east  of  Gorakh- 
pur, at  the  crossing  of  two  great  thoroughfares.!     It 

*  Seal's  '  Fah-Hian,'  xxiy.  93.       t  See  Map  No.  XI.  for  its  position. 



is  28  miles  to  tlie  north-east  of  Suhanhd  in  a  direct 
line  measured  on  the  map,  or  about  35  miles  by  road. 
The  distance  is  therefore  only  5  yojanas,  instead  of  12, 
as  noted  by  Pa-Hian.     It  cannot  be  placed  further 
to  the  north-east  without  increasing  its  distance  from 
Banaras,  and  lessening  its  distance  from  Yaisali.    Now 
the  former  is  limited  by  Hwen  Thsang  to  700  li,  or 
117  miles,  and  the  latter  is  fixed  by  Fa-Hian  himself 
at  25  yojanas,  or  175  miles  ;  and  as  both  estimates 
agree  very  closely  with  the  actual  position  of  Kasia,  I 
am  satisfied  that  Fa-Hian's  12  yojanas  must  be  a  mis- 
take.    Anrudhwa,  near  Kasia,  is  exactly  111  miles  to 
the  north-north-east  of  Banaras,  measured  in  a  direct 
line  on  the  map,  and  cannot,  therefore,  be  less  than 
120  miles  by  road.     The  distance  between  Kasia  and 
Vaisali,  by  the  route  which  I  marched,  is  just  140 
miles ;    but   this  was  along  the   new  straight  lines 
which  have  been  laid  out  by  the  British  authorities. 
By  the  old  winding  native  tracks  the  distance  would 
have  been  much  greater,  or  certainly  not  less  than 
160  miles. 

At  the  time  of  Hwen  Thsang's  visit  the  walls  of 
Kusinagara  were  in  ruins,  and  the  place  was  almost 
deserted ;  but  the  brick  foundations  of  the  old  capital 
occupied  a  circuit  of  about  12  //,  or  2  miles.  The 
existing  ruins  between  Anrudhwa  and  Kasia  are  scat- 
tered over  a  much  larger  space ;  but  some  of  these 
were  certainly  outside  the  city,  and  it  is  now  quite 
impossible  to  ascertain  its  exact  limits.  It  most  pro- 
bably occupied  the  site  of  the  mound  of  ruins  to  the 
north-east  of  the  village  of  Anrudhwa.  The  spot 
where  Buddha  obtained  Nirvana  would  then  corre- 
spond with  the  site  of  the  stupa  and  ruins  now  called 


Mdlha-Iatui-ka-kot^  or  the  "fort  of  the  Dead  Prince," 
and  the  spot  -where  his  body  was  burned  would  corre- 
spond with  the  site  of  the  great  stupa  now  called  De- 
vistlmi.  The  former  lies  to  the  north-west  of  Anrudhwa, 
and  to  the  west  of  the  old  channel  of  the  Chota  Gandak, 
or  Hiramjavati  river,  which  is  still  occasionally  filled 
after  heavy  rain.  The  latter  lies  to  the  north-east  of 
Anrudhwa,  and  to  the  east  of  the  old  channel  of  the 
Ilirana,  or  Chota  Gandak. 

The  only  name  now  associated  with  the  ruins  near 
Kasia  is  that  of  Mdthd  Kudr^  or  the  "  Dead  Prince." 
Mr.  Listen  gives  the  name  as  Mdta,  but  a  Brahman  of 
the  neighbouring  village  of  Bishanpur,  who  wrote  the 
name  for  me,  spelt  it  as  I  have  given  it,  Mdthd.     As 
this  spelling  points  to  the  derivation  of  the  word  from 
MaUut^i  or  Matha,  "  to  kill,"  I  have  translated  Mdthd 
Knar  as  the  "  Dead  Prince,"  which  I  refer  to  Buddha 
himself  after  his  death,  or,  in  the  language  of  the 
Buddhists,  after  his  obtainment  of  Nirvdna.     Hwen 
Thsang,  when  speaking  of  Sdkyci's  assumption  of  the 
mendicant's    dress,    calls  him   Kumdra    'Rd,ja,   or  the 
"  Eoyal  Prince ;  "  but  although  this  title  was  never, 
I  believe,  applied  to  him  by  the  learned  after  his  as- 
sumption of  Buddhahood,  it  does  not  seem  at  all  im- 
probable that  it  may  have  remained  in  common  use 
amongst  the  people.     We  know  from  Hwen  Thsang 
that  on  the  spot  Avhorc  Buddha  died  there  was  a  brick 
vihdr,  or  temple  monastery,  in  which  Avas  enshrined  a 
recumbent  statue  of  Buddha  on  his  death-bed,  with 
his  head  towards  the  north.     Now  this  statue  would 
naturally  have  been  the  principal  object  of  veneration 
at  Ivusinagara,  and  although  amongst  the  learned  it 
might  have  been  called  the  "  statue  of  the  Nirvdna^'' 



yet  I  can  readily  believe  that  its  more  popular  name 
amongst  all  classes  would  have  been  the  "  statue  of 
the  Dead  Prince."  I  am  therefore  of  opinion  that  the 
name  of  Mdthd  Ktidr,  which  still  clings  to  the  ruins 
of  Kasia,  has  a  direct  reference  to  the  death  of  Buddha, 
which,  according  to  his  followers,  took  place  at  Ku- 
sinagara,  on  the  full  moon  of  the  Vaisakh,  543  B.C. 
The  continuance  of  this  name  down  to  the  present 
day  is  a  strong  argument  in  favour  of  the  identifica- 
tion of  Kasia  as  the  "  death-place  "  of  Buddha. 

K/t  ukUundo — KaJiaon . 

On  leaving  Kusinagara,  Hwen  Thsang  directed  his 
steps  towards  Banaras,  and  after  having  travelled 
about  200  /«,  or  33  miles,  to  the  south-west,  he 
reached  a  large  town  where  lived  a  Brahman  who 
was  devoted  to  Buddhism.*  If  we  adhere  rigidly  to 
the  south-west  bearing,  we  must  identify  this  large 
town  with  Sahankat,  near  Eudrapur.  But  this  place 
has  already  been  identified  with  Pippalavana,  and  is 
not  upon  the  high-road  to  Banaras.  As  Hwen  Thsang 
specially  mentions  the  Brahman's  hospitality  to  travel- 
lers going  and  coming,  it  is  certain  that  the  large 
town  must  have  been  on  the  high-road  between  Ku- 
sinagara and  Banaras.  Now  the  high-road  could  never 
have  passed  through  Eudrapur,  as  it  would  have  en- 
tailed the  passage  of  the  Eapti  in  addition  to  that  of 
the  Gh^gra,  while  Eudrapur  itseK  is  not  on  the  direct 
line  to  Banaras.  It  is  quite  clear  that  the  high-road 
must  have  crossed  the  Ghagra  somewhere  below  the 
junction  of  the  Eapti.  According  to  the  people,  the 
old  passage  of-  the  GhS,gra  was  at  Mahili,  4  miles  to 

*  Julien's  '  Hiouen  Thsang,'  ii.  349. 

2    F 


the  south  of  Kahaon,  and  7  miles  below  the  confluence 
of  the  two  rivers.  From  Kasia  to  the  Mahili  Ghat 
the  route  would  have  passed  through  the  ancient 
towns  of  Khuhkundo  and  KaJiaon^  both  of  which  still 
possess  many  remains  of  antiquity.  But  the  former 
is  only  28  miles  from  Kasia,  while  the  latter  is  35 
miles.  Both  are  undoubtedly  Brahmanical ;  but  while 
the  ruins  at  Khukhundo  are  nearly  all  of  middle  age, 
those  at  Kahaon  are  at  least  as  old  as  the  time  of 
Skanda  Gupta,  who  lived  several  centuries  before  the 
time  of  Hwen  Thsang.  I  am  inclined,  therefore,  to 
prefer  the  claim  of  Kahaon  as  the  representative  of 
Hwen  Thsang' s  ancient  city,  partly  on  account  of  its 
undoubted  antiquity,  and  partly  because  its  distance 
from  Kasia  agrees  better  with  the  pilgrim's  estimate 
than  that  of  the  larger  town  of  Khukhundo.* 

Pdwd,  or  Padraona. 
In  the  Ceylonese  chronicles  the  town  of  Pdwd  is 
mentioned  as  the  last  halting-place  of  Buddha  before 
reaching  Kusinagara,  where  he  died.  After  his  death 
it  is  again  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Kasyapa's 
journey  to  Kusinagara  to  attend  at  the  cremation  of 
Buddha's  corpse.  /"««'«  was  also  famous  as  one  of 
the  eight  cities  which  obtained  a  share  of  the  relics  of 
Buddha.  In  the  Ceylonese  chronicles  it  is  noted  as 
being  only  12  miles  from  Kusinagara,  f  towards  the 
Gandak  river.  Now  12  miles  to  the  north-north-east 
of  Kasia  there  is  a  considerable  village  named  Pada- 
raona,  or  Padara-vana,  with  a  large  mound  covered 
with   broken    bricks,    in   which    several    statues    of 

*  See  Map  No.  XI.  for  the  positions  of  both  places, 
t  Tumour,  Journ.  Asiat.  See.  Bengal,  viii.  1005  ;  note  from  Bud- 


Buddha  have  been  found.  The  name  of  Padara-vana, 
or  Padarban,  might  easily  be  shortened  to  Parian, 
Paban]  and  Pdwd.  In  the  Tibetan  '  Kah(/i/ur  '*  this 
town  is  called  Diffpachan,  but  as  the  meaning  of  the 
name  is  not  given,  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  it 
is  an  original  Indian  name  or  a  Tibetan  translation. 
Between  Paw^  and  Kusinagara  there  was  a  stream 
called  Kuhutlhd,  or  KahuUd,\  at  which  Buddha 
stopped  to  bathe  and  drink.  This  must  be  the  pre- 
sent Bddhi,  or  Barhi,  or  Bandid  Nala,  which,  after  a 
course  of  36  miles,  joins  the  Chota  Gandak,  or  Hirana 
river  on  its  left  bank,  8  miles  below  Kasia. 


In  the  seventh  century  the  kingdom  of^se, 
or  Fardnasi,  was  4000  li,  or  667  miles,  in  circuit,  and 
the  capital,  which  was  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Ganges,  was  from  18  to  19  li,  or  3  miles,  in  length, 
and  from  5  to  6  li,  or  1  mile,  in  breadth.  Its  probable 
boundaries,  with  reference  to  the  surrounding  king- 
doms, were  the  Gomati  river  on  the  north,  a  line 
drawn  from  the  Gomati  to  Allahabad  and  up  the  Tons 
to  Bilhari  on  the  west,  a  line  drawn  from  Bilhari  to 
Sonhat  on  the  south,  and  the  Eehand  Karmmnasa  and 
Ganges  rivers  on  the  east.  "With  these  limits  the 
circuit  is  595  miles  taken  direct  on  the  map,  or  about 
650  miles  in  actual  road  measurement. 

The  city  of  BanS,ras  is  situated  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Ganges,  between  the  Barnd  Nadi  on  the  north- 
east, and  the  Asi  Ndla  on  the  south-west.    The  Barnd, 

*  Csoraa  de  Koroa,  Bengal  '  Asiatic  Besearches,'  xx. 
t  The  first  name  is  found  in  the  Ceylonese  chronicles,  the  second  in 
the  Burmese  version. 

2  F  2 


or  Faranu,  is  a  considerable  rivulet,  whicli  rises  to  tlie 
north  of  Allahabad,  and  has  a  course  of  about  100 
miles.     The  Asi  is  a  mere  brook,  of  no  length,  and, 
owing  to  its  insignificant  size,  it  does  not  appear  in 
any  of  our  most  detailed  maps.     It  is  not  entered  in 
the  Indian  Atlas  Sheet,  No.  88,  which  is  on  the  scale 
of  4  miles  to  the  inch,  nor  even  in  the  larger  litho- 
graphed map  of  the  district  of  Banaras,  on  the  double 
scale  of  2  miles  to  the  inch.     This  omission  has  led 
the  learned  French  academician  M.  Vivien  de  Saint- 
Martin  to  doubt  the  existence  of  the  Jsi  as  a  tributary 
of  the  Ganges,  and  he  conjectures  that  it  may  be  only 
a  branch  of  the  Barnd,  and  that  the  joint  stream  called 
the  Vardnasi*  may  have  communicated  its   name  to 
the  city.     The  Asi  Ndla  will,  however,  be  found  as 
I  have  described  it,  in  James  Prinsep's  map  of  the 
city  of  Benares,  published  by  Hullmandel,  as  well  as 
in  the  small  map  which  I  have  prepared  to  illustrate 
this  account  of  the  remains  at  Banaras.     The  position 
of  the  Jsi  is   also   accurately  described  by  H.  H. 
Wilson  in  his  Sanskrit  Dictionary,  under  the  word 
Vardnasi.     I  may  add  that  the  road  from  Banaras  to 
Udmnagar  crosses  the  Asi  just  outside  the  city,  and 
only  a   short   distance  from   its   confluence  with  the 
river.     The  points  of  junction  of  both  streams  with 
the  Ganges  are  considered  particularly  holy,  and  ac- 
cordingly temples  have  been  erected  both  at  Barnd 
8a7igam  below  the  city,  and  at  Asi  8angam  above  the 

*  In  M.  Julien's  '  Life  and  Pilgrimage  of  Hioueu  Thsang,'  i.  132, 
and  ii.  351,  it  is  stated  that  "  this  river  is  also  called  Po-lo-ni-se,  or 
Vardnasi."  But  this  is  a  mistake  of  the  translator,  as  pointed  out  by 
Dr.  Fitzedward  Hall.  The  true  name  of  the  river  is  Po-lo-nie,  or 



city.  From  the  joint  names  of  these  two  streams, 
T7hich  bound  the  city  to  the  north  and  south,  the 
Brahmans  derive  Fardmsi,  or  Fdranasi,  which  is  said 
to  be  the  Sanskrit  form  of  the  name  of  Banaras.  But 
the  more  usual  derivation  amongst  the  common  people 
is  from  ESja  Bandr,  who  is  said  to  have  rebuilt  the 
city  about  800  years  ago. 

Both  of  these  streams  are  mentioned  by  Abul  Fazl,* 
who  says  "  Bardnasi,  commonly  called  Bandras,  is  a 
large  city  situated  between  two  rivers,  the  Barnd  and 
the  JsV     Bishop  Heberf  also  mentions  that  he  was 
informed  by  the  Eaja  of  Banaras  that  the  name  "  had 
anciently  been  Baranas,  from  two  rivers,  Bara  and 
Nasa,  which  here  fall  into  the  Ganges."     The  worthy 
Bishop   supposes   that   they   must  join   the   Ganges 
underground,  as  no  such  rivers  are  set  down  on  the 
map ;  but  two  pages  afterwards  he  records  that  his 
boats  arrived  "  off  the  mouth  of  the  small  river  which 
leads  to  Secrole,"  that  is  to  the  cantonment  of  Banaras. 
It  may  perhaps  be  objected  that  this  was  only  a  report 
from  his  servants,  and  that  he  had  not  actually  seen 
the  river ;  but  as  the  Bishop  lived  with  Mr.  Brooke 
to  the  north  of  the  Barna,  he  must  have  crossed  that 
river  by  the  large  stone  bridge  at  least  twice  every 
day  during  his  stay  at  the  holy  city  of  the  Hindus. 

Banaras  is  celebrated  amongst  the  Buddhists  as  the 
scene  where  the  great  teacher  first  expounded  his  doc- 
trine, or  as  they  metaphorically  express  it,  where  he 
first  began  "  to  turn  the  wheel  of  the  law."  This 
is  one  of  the  four  great  events  in  the  life  of  Buddha, 
and  the  stupa  which  was  built  upon  the  spot  was 
esteemed   as   one   of  the   four   great   monuments  of 

*  '  Ayin  Akbari,'  ii.  28.  t  '  Journal,'  i.  397-399. 


Buddhism.  This  stupa,  now  called  D/iamek,  is  situ- 
ated about  3^  miles  to  the  north  of  the  city,  amidst 
an  extensive  mass  of  ruins,  which  are  surrounded  on 
three  sides  by  large  artificial  lakes.  The  name  of 
BJiamek  is  most  probably  only  an  abbreviation  of  the 
Sanskrit  Dharmmopadesaka,  the  "Teacher  of  Dharm- 
ma."  This  is  the  common  term  still  in  use  to  desig- 
nate any  religious  teacher ;  but  bearing  in  mind  that 
on  this  spot  Buddha  first  began  to  "  turn  the  wheel 
of  the  law  "  {dharmma-chalcra),  the  name  is  peculiarly 
appropriate  for  the  stupa.  The  term  is  also  used  in 
the  simpler  form  of  Dharvnnadesaka,  which  in  familiar 
conversation  would  naturally  be  shortened  to  Dham- 
madek  and  Dhavtek. 

The  earliest  name  of  this  city  was  luhi,  which  is 
still  in  common  use,  either  alone  or  joined  with  the 
later  name,  as  Kasi-Bauaras.  It  is,  perhaps,  the 
Kassiduj  or  Kassidia,  of  Ptolemy.  The  name  is  re- 
ferred to  Kdsi-rdja^  who  was  one  of  the  early  progeni- 
tors of  the  Lunar  race.  He  was  succeeded  by  twenty 
descendants,  all  Eajas  of  Kasi,  amongst  whom  was  the 
celebrated  Divoddsa. 


From  Banaras,  Hwen  Thsang  travelled  eastward  for 
about  300  //,  or  50  miles,  to  the  kingdom  of  Cken-chu, 
which  is  a  Chinese  translation  of  the  original  name, 
meaning  "  lord-of-battles."  M.  Julien  proposes  Yod- 
hujiati  or  Yodhardja-pura  ;  but  as  the  translation  alone 
is  given,  we  have  a  choice  of  several  terms,  as  Vi(/ra- 
Jictpati,  Yudhandfha,  Ranaswdmi,  etc.  The  capital 
situated  on  the  Ganges  was  10  /e,  or  1|-  miles,  in 
circuit.     The  place  thus  described  is  certainly  GJidzi- 


pur^  which  is  on  the  Ganges  just  50  miles  to  the  east 
of  Banaras.  The  present  name  was  given  by  the 
Muhammadans,  and  is  said  to  be  only  a  slight  altera- 
tion of  the  original  Hindu  name  of  Garjpur.  This  is 
most  probably  the  name  referred  to  by  Hwen  Thsang, 
as  Garjan^  which  means  primarily  any  roaring  noise, 
signifies  also  "battle,"  and  Garjana-pati  is  a  title  of 
the  "  god  of  war."  Ghazipur  is  now  a  large  city 
about  2  miles  in  length,  and  5  or  6  miles  in  circum- 
ference. Hwen  Thsang  estimates  the  circuit  of  the 
district  at  2000  li,  or  333  miles,  which  is  almost 
exactly  the  size  of  the  tract  lying  between  the  Ghdgra 
on  the  north  and  the  Gomati  on  the  south,  from  Tanda 
on  the  west  to  the  confluence  of  the  Ganges  and 

At  200  li,  or  33  miles,  to  the  east  of  the  capital, 
Hwen  Thsang  visited  the  Aviddhakarna  monastery, 
which  was  adorned  with  very  fine  sculptures.  Follow- 
ing the  bearing  and  distance,  this  place  should  be 
looked  for  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Baliya  on  the  bank 
of  the  Ganges.  Aviddhakarna  means  the  "pierced 
ears,"  and  I  think  it  possible  that  the  name  may  still 
be  preserved  in  Bikapur,  a  village  1  mile  to  the  east 
of  Baliya-,  as  Aviddkakarna-pura  might  easily  be 
shortened  to  Bidkarnpur  and  Bikanpur.  It  seems  pro- 
bable also  that  this  is  the  same  place  that  is  men- 
tioned by  Fa-Hian  under  the  name  of  the  "  Vast  soli- 
tude,"* which  he  places  between  Patna  and  Banaras, 
at  10  yojanas,  or  70  miles,  from  the  former,  and  12 
yojanas,  or  84  miles,  from  the  latter.  The  Indian  name 
is  not  given,  but  as  the  literal  translation  of  the  "  vast 

*  'Fo-Jcwe-hi,'  chap,  xxxiv.  The  Eev.  Mr.  Beal  in  his  translation  calls 
this  Vihar  simply  1he  "  Desert." 


solitude  "  would  be  Vrihadaranya  or  Bidaran,  this  name 
might  easily  be  altered,  either  by  ignorance  or  design, 
to  Biddhkarn.  The  two  distances  from  Patna  and 
Banaras  agree  exactly  with  the  position  of  Baliya^ 
which  is  72  miles  from  the  former,  and  86  miles  from 
the  latter. 

From  the  monastery  Hwen  Thsang  travelled  to  the 
south-east  for  100  //,  or  16  miles,  to  the  Ganges,  which 
he  crossed,  and  then  turning  to  the  south  for  some  un- 
recorded distance  he  reached  the  town  of, 
or  MaJidsdra.  This  place  Avas  inhabited  by  Brahmans 
who  had  no  respect  for  the  faith  of  Buddha.  It  has 
been  identified  by  M.  Vivien  de  Saint-Martin  with 
the  village  of  Masdr^  6  miles  to  the  west  of  Ara 
(Arrah  of  the  maps),  near  which  Buchanan  discovered 
some  ruined  buildings,  and  a  considerable  number  of 
Brahmanical  figures.*  The  pilgrim  then  suddenly 
mentions  his  arrival  at  the  temple  of  Na-lo-yen,  or 
Ndrdyana^  to  the  north  of  the  Ganges,  without  stating 
cither  its  distance  or  bearing  from  the  last  place.  But 
with  reference  to  his  subsequent  route  to  Vaisali,  I 
feel  satisfied  that  he  must  have  crossed  the  Ganges 
above  Mevelyavj^  which  is  nearly  due  north  from  Masdr 
exactly  16  miles,  or  100  li.  This  point,  near  the 
confluence  of  the  Ganges  and  Ghagra,  is  deemed  es- 
pecially holy,  and  numerous  temples  have  been  erected 
on  the  bank  of  the  united  streams  just  above  Eevel- 
ganj.  Here  then  I  would  place  the  site  of  Hwen 
Thsang's  temple  of  Narayana  or  Vishnu,  which  he  de- 
scribes as  being  two  storeys  in  height,  and  adorned 
with  the  most  marvellous  sculptures  in  stone. 

At  30  li,  or  5  miles,  to  the  east  of  the  temple  there 

*  '  Eastern  India,'  i.  143.